V . ,
0emitoecklg Sentinel.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Concluded from ftrttpage.
al, family, and it is not well adapted for two
or more. Its vast extent, and Its vaiicty
of climate and productions, aro of advan
tage in this ago to the existenco of one
onu people, whatever they might have
been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs
and intelligence have brought theso to
lie an advantage, and combination of a
united people. In the Inaugural Address.
1 brielly pointed out the total inad
equacy of disunion as a remedy for the
diUcrcnccs between the people of the two
sections. I did so in language which I can
not improve, and which, therefore, I beg to
repeat :
"Ono section of our country believes
slavery right, and ought to bo extended,
while the other believes It is wrong and
ought not to be extended. Tills is the only
mibstnntial dispute. The Fugitive slave
clause of the Constitution and the law for
the suppression of the African slave trade
are each as well enforced perhaps as any
law can ever be in a community where the
moral sense of the people imperfectly sup
ports the law Itself. The great body of the
people abldo by the legal obligations In
both cases, and n few break over each,
'('his. 1 think, cannot be perfectly cured,
nnd, it would be worse in both instances af
ter separation of the tactions than before,
und the foreign slave trade, now Imperfect
ly suppressed, would bo ultimately revived
without restriction to one section, while fu
gitives, now only partially surrendered,
would not bo surrendered ut all by the
other. Physically speaking, wo cannot
i Mcparatc, we cannot remove our respective
sections from each other, nor build an Im
passable wall between them. A husband
nd wile may be divorced, and go out of
the presence and beyond the reach of each
other, but the different parts of our country
cannot do this. They cannot but remain
j'nee to fucc, and intercourse, either arnica
lilo or hostile, must continue between them.
Js is possible, then, to make that intercourse
more advantageous or more satisfactory
Jiftcr separation than before? Can aliens
'jiiuke treaties easier than friends ran make
laws? Can treaties bo more faithfully en
forced between aliens than laws among
friends ? Suppose you go to war, you can
not light always, and when after much loss
on both sides, and no gain on cither, you
cease fighting, the identical old questions ns
to terms of Intercourse aro ugnin upon
you."
Tlicro is no lino, straight or crooked, suit
able for a uutional boundiiry upon which to
divide. Trace throuuh, from east to west.
upon tho line between the free and slave
country, mid we tlinll And a little more
limn one-third of Its length are rivers
easy to 1k crossed, nnd populated or soon
to be populated thickly upon both sides :
whllo in nearly nil its remaining length nro
merely surveyors' lines, over which people
may walk back and forth, without any
consciousness of their presence. No part
of this line can bo made any more dlfllcult
to pass by writing it down on paper or
luwalimcnt as a national boundary. The
act of separation, if it does come,
Kives iin on tlio part or the seceding section
ihu fJugitivo slave clause, together with nil
th')r constitutional obligations upon tho
motion seceded from ; while I should ex
pect no treaty stipulation would ever be
Mimic to lake its place. Hut Ihero is an
other didlcully : the great interior section
bountled cast by tho Alleghanies. north by
the UriUsh dominions, west by the Ilocky
.Mountains, and south by the lino along
vhlclWho cultivation of corn and cotton
meet, and which includes part of Virginia,
part ofTcnnessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio,
Michigan, Wisconsin. Illinois, Missouri,
Kansas, fiowa, Minnesota, and the territo
ries of Docotnh, Nebraska, and n part
of Colorado, havo above ten millions of
people, and will have fifty millions within
fifty years, If not prevented by any political
tolly or iintsttike, It contains moro than
one-lliird of .dm country owned by the re
volted Statcg,.ccrtaiulv more than ono mill
ion of,iiiUc8-r.mfucc. when one-half as pop
pulotis as Massachusetts already is, it
would have snore than seventy-live mill
ions unpeople. A glance at tho map shows
that. territorially speaking, it is the great
body of thelltepublie ; the other parts aro
but marginal borders to it ; the magnificent
region sloping west from the Hocky Moun
tains to tliu Pacific being the deposit of
great mineral wealth, and also tho richest
undeveloped region in the production of
provisions, grains, grasses, and all which
proceeds from them.
This great interior rogton is naturally one
of the most important in tho world. Con
sider the statistics, ttio small population
of tho region which bas as yet been hrouglil
iuto cullivat'ou, and also Iho large and
rapidly increasing amount of its products,
and wo shall be overwhelmed with the mag
nitude of tho prospect presented, and yet
this region lias no sea coast, touching no
ocean anywhere. As part of one nation,
its people now may find and may forever
And their way to Kurope by New York, to
South Amerka and Africa by Now Orleans,
und to Asia Vy San Franoiseo. But scpa
into our common country into nations de
signed by tho present rebellion, and cvey
man In this great Interior region is thereby
ut nflr from none ono or more of these out
let not. perhaps, by a physical barrier,
but by embarrassments and onerous trado
reculattons. And Ms Is true wherever a
dividing or boundary line may bo fixed.
Pined it lictwcen the now slave and free
country, or placo it south of Kentucky or
north of Ohio, and Mill the truth remains
that nono north of it mn trado to any part
or pbico south of it, except npon terms dic
tated by a government foreign to theirs.
Outlets east, west and south, arc indis
pensable to the well-being of tho people in
habiting nnd to inhabit this vast interior
region. Which of tho three may be the
liaei lu nn nrnnnr nnestlon. All ArO better
.Ui&n nay one of them, aud all of right be-1
long to that people, and to their successors
forever. Truo to themselves, they, will not
ask where a line of separation shall be, but
will vow rather that there shall be no such
lino of separation. Nor are the mar
ginal regions less interested in these
communications to and through them to
the great outside world. They do, nnd
each one of them must havo access to their
Egypt of the West, without paying toll at
any national boundnry.
Our national strifes rings not from our
permanent part, not from the lands we in
habit, but from our national homestead.
Tlicro is no possiulo severing or this
but will multiply and not mitigate evils
among us. In nil its adaptations nnd apti
tudes, It demands union and abhors separa
tion : in fact, it would, cro lone, force re
union, however much of blood aud trensure
tho separation might have cost, Our strife
pertains to ourselves ; to the passing gener
ations of men, and It cannot, without con
vulsion, be hushed forever with the passing
of one generation.
AMKNDMKNT8 TO THK CONSTITUTION ItKCOM
MKNDF.D Ht.AVKKY MAY II K AliOUHKKl)
nY THK PtttST OF JANUARY, 1900, WITH
COMPENSATION TO LOYAt. OWNKKH.
With this view, I recommend the follow
ing resolution and articles, amendatory to
the Constitution of tho United States :
" Kttolvtd, by tho Senate and House of
Represciitativs of tho United States of
America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds
of both Houses concurring, That the fol
lowing articles be proposed to the Legisla
tures or Conventions of the several States,
as amendments to the Constitution of the
United titntes, nil or nny of which Articles.
when ratified by three-fourths of the snid
Legislatures or Conventions, to be valid ns
part or parts of tho said Constitution,
namely :
"Article. Every State wherein slavery now
exists, which shall abolish the same, therein,
any timo before the. first day of January,
In the year of our Lord l'JOO, shall receive
compensation In bonds from the United
States, bearing interest nt the rato of blank
for each slave, shown to have been therein,
by the eighth census of tho United States.
bald amount in bonds to bo delivered to
such States by Instalments, or in one parcel,
at me completion oi inn auoiisiimcnt. ac
cording as the saino shall have been gradual
or nt one time within such State; and inter
est shall begin to run upon any such bond
or bonds only from the proper time of its
delivery ns aforesaid and afterwards. Any
Slate having received u bond or bonds us
aforesaid, and afterwards introducing slav
ery or mukiiig slavery therein, shall refund
to tho United States the bonds so received,
or the value thereof, and till interest paid
thereon.
"Article. All slaves who shall hnvo en
joyed actual freedom, by the chances of
war, at nny unio neioro mo end oi toe re
bellion, shall be forever free; but all own
ers of such slaves who shall not have been
disloyal, shall bo compensated for them at
the rates ns is provided for States adopting
the abolishment of slavery, but in such a
way that no slave shall bo twico accounted
for.
"Article. Concrcss mav annronriato moncr
or otherwise provide for colonizing free col
ored persons, with their own consent, nt any
place or places within the United States."
AltaUMI'.NT FOK PltOPOSKI) AMKNHMKNT.S.
I beg indulgence to discuss these pro
posed articles at some length. Without
slavery the rebellion would never have ex
isted; without shivery it could not continue.
Among the friends of the Union there Is a
great diversity of sentiment nnd of policy in
regard to slavery and the Afiican rnce
amongst us. Somo would abolish it sudd. -lily
nnd without compensation; somo would
abolish it gradually and with compensa
tion ; somo would remove the free people
from us, and some would retain them with
us; and there are yet other minor diversi
ties, liccnuso of these diversities, wo wasto
much strength in struggles amongst our
selves. Hy mutual concession, we harmon
ize and act together; this would be a com
promise among tho friends nnd not with tho
enemies of tho Union. These articles aro
intended to embody a plan of such mutual
concessions. If tho plan iliall be adopted,
it is nsMimed that emancipation will follow,
at least in several of the States. In the
first Article the main points are : First, the
emancipation power; second, the length of
nme tor consummating in years; and, third,
tho compensation. Tho emancipation will
bo unsatisfactory to tho advocates of per
petual slavery, but the length of time should
greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. Tho
time saves both races from the evils of sud
den derangement, whllo most of thoso whose
habitual courso of thought will be disturbed
by the measuro will havo passed away be
fore its consummation; they will never sec
it. Another class will hail tho prospect of
emancipation, but will deprecate tho length
of time; they will feel that it (riven too lit
tle to the now living slaves, but it really
gives them much, It saves them from the
vagrant destitution which must largely at
tend immediate emancipation in localities
wnere tne temptations aro very great, and
it gives the assurance that their posterity
shall be free torevcr. Tho plan leaves to
each State choosing to act under it to abol
ish slavery now or at tho end of tho centu
ry, at any intermediate time, or by degrees,
extending over the wholo or any part of
that period, and it obliges no two States to
proceed alike. It also provides for compen
sation, anu, generally, mo modo or taking
It; this would seem to further mitigate the
dissatisfaction ot tlioso who favor perpetual
slavery, especially those who are to receive
compensation. Doubtless somo of those who
are to pay, and not to recelvo, will object;
yet, that the measure is just and economi
cal, is certain. Tho liberation of tho slaves
Is the destruction of property acquired by
descent nnd purchase, the saino as nny oth
er. It is no less true for having been often
said, that the pcoplo of the South are no
moro responsible, for the introduction of
this class of property than are the people of
the North; aud when it is remembered how
unhesitatingly wo all use cottoii and sugar,
and share the profits of dealers in them, it
may not be quite safe tn say that tho South
has been more responsible than the North
for its continuance. If, therefore, the com
mon object is this, nnd properly Is to be
sncriiiced, fit It not just that it be done at a
common charge? and If with less money, or
money now easily paid, we con preserve tho
benefits of tho Union by this means, better
than we can by the war alone, Is It not eco
nomical to do it, then? Let us ascertain the
sum we have expended in the wnr since
Compensated Emancipation was proposed,
last March; aud consider whether, if the
measure had been promptly accepted by
somo of the sluvo Slates, tho same sum
would not have done moro to close the war
than lins been otherwise effected. If so. the
measure would save money, nnd in that
view would bo n prudent and economical
measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay
something ns it is to pay nothing, but it is
easier, to pay a large sum than to pny n
larger one, and it is easier, to pny it while
we aro ablo. Tho aggregate sum necessary
for compensated emancipation, of course,
would bo large, but it would require no
ready cash, nor the Issue of bond" any faster
than emancipation progressed. This might
not nnd probably would not close before tho
end of the thirty-seven years, and nt that
time we shall probably have about 100,000,
000 of people to share the burden, Instead of
31,000,000, as now. And not only so, but
tho Increase of our population may bo ex
pected to continue for a long time after
that period as rapidly as before, because our
territories will not have become full. I do
not stato this inconsiderately. At the same
ratio of Increase which we havo maintained
on nn average from our first national cen
sus, in 1700, until 1800. we should, in 1000,
hnvo a population of 1 0:1.208.416; nnd why
mny wo not continue in that rutlo fur be
yond that period, with our abundant room,
our broad national Homestead, nod ample
resources? Were our territory as limited as
the liritish Isles, certainly our population
could not expand as stated. Instead of re
ceiving the foreign-born ns now, we should
be compelled to send part of our native
born uwuy. lint such is not our condition,
We have 2.903.000 of square miles; Europe
has but .160.000 square miles, with n popu
lation averaging 7JU to the soiinro mile.
Why mny not our country at somo lime
average as many ? Is it less fertile? Ilns
it moro waste surface by mountains, rivers,
lnkei, deserts, and other causes ? Is it Infe
rior to Europu in nny natural advan
tage? If not, then we tire nt some time to
be as populous ns Kurope. and how soon this
may happen we may judge of by the past
nnd present. As to when it may be, depends
much on whether we maintain the Union.
Several of our Stales are above the average
of Ihu European population of 7!U to the
square mile. Massachusetts has 1 57 ; Ilhodo
Maud, 133A; New York nnd Now Jersey.
each, 80. Also, two other grent States-
Pennsylvania and Ohio nre not fur below,
tho former being (13 and the latter (ill. The
Slates already above the European nvcrngo,
except New York, have increased lu ns rap
id a ratio since passing that point as ever
before, while no one of I hem is equal to some
other parts of our country in national capa
city for sustaining a dense population. Tak
ing the nation in the aggregate, we find its
population and ratio of increase for several
decennial periods as follows :
In 1790, 3,029.827.
l'tar.
1800
1810
1820
lH.'tU
18.40
!
Population. Ratio of Tnrrtase.
.r),:i05.u:i7 ir r2 loo
7.2:19.814 30 45-100
9.i!88.i3i :u i:moo
10.866,020 :ct 40-100
17.089.i.r3 ' 07-100
ISSO 23.19!l,fi7fi 35 87-100
I860 31.433,700 JJ5 58-100
This shows an average decennial Incrcaso
of 31 f.0-100 per cent, lu population through
70 years.
From our first to our Inst census takcn.lt
is seen that tho ratio of increase at no ono
of these seven periods is either two percent,
below or two per cent, above tho average,
thus showing how inflexible, nnd consequent
ly h w reliable, the law of increase in our
case is. Assuming that it will continue, it
gives the following results ;
Vfir. Population.
1870 42.323.372
1880 .' 5fi.llfili.216
1890 80.077.872
1900 103.208.415
1910 139.918.526
1920 180.984,335
1930 251,680,914
These figures show our country may bo
as populous as Europe at some point be
tween 1920 nnd 1930 sav about 1925 our
territory, nt 73 to 0 rqunro mile, being of
capacitA to contain 217,186,000. Wo will
reach this, too, if wo do not ourselves re
linquish the chances, by tho folly nnd evils
of disunion, or by a long, exhausting war,
springing from the only great element of
discord among us, Whllo it cannot bo fore
seen exactly how much ono hugo example of
secession, bringing lesser ones Indefinitely,
would retard tho population, civilization and
proscrity, no ono can doubt that the extent
of it would bo very great and Injurious.
j no proposed emancipation would shorten
this war aud perpetuato peaco, insure
increase in population, and proportion
ably tho increase in wealth of the coun
try. With this we should pay all emancl
Cation would cost, without our other debts,
etter than wo ourselves should nav our
other debts without it. If we bad allowed
our old national debt to run at six per cent,
per annum, simplo iuterest, from the end of
our revolutionary strugglo till to day. with
out paying anything for cither principal or
mieresi, eacn man or us would owe less on
that debt now than each man owed on it
then; and this because our Increnso of men
through tho wholo period has been greater
than six per cent., and has run faster than
interest upon the debt. Thus, timo nlone
relieves n debtor nation, so long as its
population increases faster than unpaid in
terest accumulated on its debt. Tula fact
would bo no excuse for delaying payment
of what is justly due, but shows the great
tlnnnKfnnna nF tl.w I.. Il.tu AAi..Ai1..H .....1
iiufviiuuyevi vuuv tu luia vvunvvilVUj UUU I
the great advantage, of a policy bj which
we shall not have to pay until we number
100,000.000, what, by a different policy, we
would have to pay now, when our number is
31,000,000. In a word, It shows a dollar will
be much harder to pay for the war than a
dollar for emancipation on tho proposed
plan, and then the latter will cost no blood,
no precious life, It will bo a saving of
both.
As to the second article, I think it would
bo impracticable to return to bondage the
class of persons therein contemplated. Somo
of them, doubtless, in n property sense, be
long to loyni owner, and nence provision
is made in this article for compensation.
Tho third article relates to the future of
freed people: it docs not not oblige, merely
authorizes Congress to nid in colonizing
such ns may consent. This ought not to be
regnrded as objectionable on our hnnd or
another, inasmuch ns It conies to nought, un
less by mutual consent of tho people to be
deported and the American voters, Ihrouglt
their representatives In Congress. I cannot
make it better known than it already is,
that I strongly favor colonlzntlon. ami vi.i
wish to soy that there is an oblectlnn KimliiRt
colored persons remaining lu tho country
which is largely imaginary, If not some
times malloioiiH. It Is insisted that their
firescnce would injure nid dlsplaco white
aboraud white laborers. If there ever could
bo a proper lime for mere argument, that
time surely Is not now. In times like the
present, men should utter nothing for which
they would not willingly bo responsible,
through timo and eternity. Is it true, then,
that colored people can displace any more
white labor by being froo than bv remain-
lug slaves ? If they stay in their own pla
ces, they jostle no whlto laborers. If they
leave their old places, they leave them open
to white laborers. Logically, thcro Is neith
er more nor less of it. Em..nclnnt!ori. even
without deportation, would probably en
hance the wages of white labor, aud very
surely would not reduco them. Thus the
customary amount of labor would still have
to be performed. Tho freed people would
surely not do more than their old nronor-
tlon or it, and, very probably, for a time
would do less, leaving an increased part to
while laborers, and bring their labor Into
greater demand, and consequently enhance
the wages of it. Willi deportation, even to
a limited extent, enhancing wnges to white
labor is mathematically certain. Labor is
ike any other commodity lu tho market :
Increase the demand for it, and you increaso
flllt tlt'llin ItT lit M.ulikn.i II... .....(-. 4 t
..... F.iwv. ii. iviiiiuu iiiu rniliy OI UiaCK
labor by colonizing the block laborer out of
tliu country, and by precisely so much you
will Increase the demand lor wages 'for
white labor. Hut it Is dreaded that tho
freed people will swarm North und cover
tlie wiiole land. Will liberation niako them
any moro numerous? Equally distributed
among the whiles or the whole country, and
there would be but 0:10 colored to seven
whiles. Could the one in any way greatly
disturb tho seven ? There are many commu
nities now having moro than one free col
ored person to seven whites, and this with
out uuy nppurent consciousness of evil from
it. 'J no District or Columbia, mid States of
.Maryland and Delaware, nre all lu this con
dition. This District has moro thou one
free colored to six white persons, and yet,
in its frequent petitions to Congress, I be
llevo it has never presented the presence of
free colored persons as one or its grievances,
lint why should emancipation in the South
send Iho freed people North? People or
any color seldom run, unless there Is some-
tiling to run Irom. Heretofore, colored
ORAVITY OF THE QUESTIONS OF THK DAT.
I do not forget tho gravity of n paper ad
dressed to the Congress of the nation bv tho
Chief Magistrate of the nation; nor do 1 for
got that some few are my seniors, or that
many of you havo moro experience than I
have in the conduct of public affairs, yet, I
trust, In view of the great responsibility
resting unon mo. von will nnrcnlvn nn
of respect to yourselves in nny undue ear
nestness I mny seem to display. Is it doubt
"J;, then, that the plan 1 propose, if adopted,
will shorten tho war. nnd thus lessen its ex
penditure of money nnd blood ? Is It doubt
ed Mint it would restore the national pros-
i tl-V ." PcrPci'"io doiii indefinitely?
Is it doubted that If Congress nnd tho Ex
ecutive can secure Us adoption the good
pcoplo will not respond to a united and
earnest appeal from us? Can we, can thev,
by any other menus so certainly or so speed
ily assure t cso vital objects? We can suc
ceed only by concert. It is not. can any of
U Imagine better? but, can any of us do
belter ? Object what and howsoever possi
ble, still tho question recurs, " Can wo do
better?" The dogmas of the quiet past aro
inadequate to the stormy nresent. The nc.
ension Is piled high with difficulty, and wo
musi rise wun me occasion. As our coso
Is new. so we must think and act anew. Wo
must, disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall
save our country.
Fellow-citizens : Wo enn'not escape histo
ry. We of tills Congress will bo remem
bered In splto ol ourselves. No personal
significance or Insignificance can spare orto
or another of u. The fiery trial through
which wo pass will light us down in honor
or dishonor to the latest generations. Wo
Hay we aro for the Union. Tho world will
not lorget, while wo sny this, that we know
how to HAvr. Tits: Union. The world known
we do know how to save. We hold tint
power nnd benr the responsibility. In erlv-
Ing freedom to the slave, we lusure freedom
to tho free, honornble alike lu what wo
irlve nnd whnt we preserve, e shall no
bly save or meanly lose tho last best bono
or the earth. Oilier means mny succeed ;
this could not Tail ; the way is plain, peace
ful and generous just such "a way which,
if followed, the world will applaud, aud
God must forever bless.
AniiAHAM Lincoln.
Washington. December 1st. 1862.
people have lied North, to some extent, from
bondage, and now, perhnps, from both bond-
ago ami destitution; but ir gradual cmuncl
pfctlon nnd deportation be adopted, they
will have neither to flee from, Their own
musters will give them waeew. nt lenst nil
new laborers can be procured, und freed men
in tlmu will gladly give labor for wages till
new homes can be found lor them in conge
nial climes and ith people or their own
blood and rnce. This proposition can bo
trusted, on the mutual interest involved;
and, in that event, cannot the North decide
for herself whether to recelvo them again?
As prncticc proves more than theory, in any
cuso has there been any irruption north
ward because or the abolishment or slavery
in the District of Columbia Inst spring?
Whnt I have said of l'o proportion or free
colored persons to the whiten iu tho District
or Columbia is from tliu census of 1860,
having no reference to persons called 4'con
trabands," nor to thoso mado free by the
Act of Congress abolishing slnvery here.
THK riiOCUMATJON TO UK OAIIIUKD OUT.
'J lie plan consisting of these articles is
rccommeiidi d, not but a restoration or na
tional authority would bo accepted without
iih Buopunn; nor will tne war or proceed
ings under the proclamation or September
22d, 1862, bo stayed because of the recom
mendation of this plan.
Its timely adoption, I doubt not, would
bring restoration, and thereby slay both.
Notwithstanding this nlnn. tho rocnmmiwi.
dation that Congress provido by law for
or compensating any Htato which may
adopt emancipation buforo this plan shall
havo been acted upon, la hereby earnestly
renewed. Such would only be an advanced
part of the plan, nnd the satno arguments
apply to both. This plan is recommended
a a means not In conclusion of, but addi
tional to all others, lor restoring and pre
serving the national authority throughput
the Union. Tbo subiect is n resented nvoln.
sively in its economical aspect. Tho plan
will, I am confident, insure pence moro
speedily that can bo done by forco alone,
wiuiu it wnum cost less, considering tho
amounts, manner and times of payment,
and the amounts would bo easier paid than
will be the additional eost of the war. If wo
rely solely on force, It is most likely, very
likely, it would cost no blood at all, The
plan Is proposed ns a permanent constitu
tional law, and it cannot becomo so without
tho concurrence, first, of two-thirds of Con
gress, mid nfterwards three-fourths of the
Slates. Tho requisite three-fourths of tho
States, If obtained on constitutional terms,
would bo nn assurance which would end the
struggle now, aud save the Uniou forever.
innnnitnvi
IMS niuviK
For Everybody
Toys, Yankee
Notions, Candies,
Nuts, and Raisins
At the very Lowest Prices to
lie found
AT
HI A BRENTANO'S
STORE
CIGAR
Dec. 3, 1862.
td
County Treasurer's Office
-At ollieo of
E. P. RUS8KLL, Deputy,
With D. F. Dowcl'l, Esq.
Stnlo of Oreeon County of Jackson.
TAX-PAYKUS nre hereby notified that
the books are now ready. All per
sons having Inxes assessed against them iu
snid county nre lequested to pay such tnxes
to Iho Treasurer of said county (or his Dep
uty), nt liis office lu Jacksonville, before tho
First Day of January next.
K.S.MOKU AN, Treasurer.
K. F. KU.SSKLL, Deputy.
Jacksonville Dec It. 1862. fit
I. D. HS & MO.
Are now closing ont
their entire stock of Dry
Goods, Groceries and
Provisions, at the Vexy
Lowest Rates,
FOR CASH !
au Givo us a call, at tho Post Ofllca
Building, corner or California and Oregon
streets. April 19, 1862. Hq
Harness and Saddlery.
TUB undersigned would respect-aC
fully inform tho citizens offlk
Jackson and adjoining counties
that he hns on hand and will manufacture to
order All Kinds of Saddlery and
Harness, such us
Heavy Draught Harness (long sod short
tug), Concord Harness, Duggy Harness
(double and single), Spanish Saddles, trees
and rigging complete : Ladies' Saddles.
Jockey Saddles, Saddle-bags, Bridles, Sur
cingles, Hnltcrs, Spurs, Currycombs,
Whips, Whip-lashes, and all other arti
cles usually found in n first-clast stock of
ALL. WORK WARRANTED.
Store in " Sentinel " Building, Culi
fornin street. HENRY JUDGK.
Jacksonville, Oct. 22, '62. 4l
F" M)UH ANI)PRODUOE tuken in ex
cliaiige for Merchandise, nt
July 19.-27 MAX MULLER'B.
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