1 3 wiaWiTT Ti 1 1 ,Twm,1'w"'ll'll,l'w'' 5- VOL. III. JACKSONVILLE, OREGON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1858. NO. 4. hi .. ,u.v mi i r -fcw' irl -w x- ... rtm- i h MmtitieL TM01t Indtptndtnt on all Hubjtctt; ami devoted nint Oett Intertill of Southern Oregon Fubllshod Kvory Brtturdny, W. G. T VAULT, EdlUUSt Proprietor. T r. n into t Oao Ymr, PO 00; Mix Month, 8a oo: inrco .uontnj, $z uu. AiAvcvtlHcmcntH, One Square of twelve IIiim or 1pm. Hni In. sortlon, 83 00 ; each subsequent Intcrtlou, 91 00. llwisitM C-innj, each squnro. for ono.ycnr, S30:Mxmonlhs. S18 t thrift month. ln A HbcrattlltcomU made to persons wishing mmmumi io uig oiicni Ot lour Squares sIITIIH" Job Printing Office T1IE Proprietor, having a good vari ety of JOIJ TYPE on hand, It pre pared to do nil kinds of PLAIN INI) ORNAMENTAL JOB PRINTING, On tho SHORTEST NOTICE, unl on tbo most UKASONAM.E TEUMS ; mch as Hook, Pamphlets, Circulars, Handbills, Showbills, Concert HUM, Programmes, Unit Ticket, 1)111 Heidi, Address Cards, Iluslucss Cards, R, tJ'C, cJ'C. Job work done lu mm AMI HJIL'sUiK IB mioivD, B&MJK to suit customers. Older lolicltcd. i ... ' , , i EL DORADO IULI.IAUD AND DIUNKIrVtt SALOON, - OBxni nr cuLiron.vui.NDOBKno.vcTBRKin, JACKSONVILLE, O. T. nr "ii."i.Miinis' BlLXIARD SAIOON, Opposite I'.sglo Hotel, KGlUlYVJLLE,iO. T. Janusry I, 1868. i U DBS. BROOKS & THOMPSON, Physicians and Surgeons. OFFICr, "Jacksonville Drug Htoro" oppo.lte Union HoUo. (jy-A eonitant supply bf Drifgran l'aleiit aieuicinos mnj. -. J. B. HARMS, W; - 'lu'r7 Lftta or SaerameBto. fan h raaewco. iiuoj t mm LAW OFFICE, Corner of Montgomery aud Comfner ctai Htrttti, (Over Ilanki & Dull, lUnVtrs, Sun I'rnuelico, Cnl. JJ, J, Lsbatt, Commissioner for Louisiana (Knusnicir it. ii. 8xklu.no. jx: d. tobxkr. SMELLING & TUSNEIl. ATTOUNKYS-AT-LAW, OHco on Toartli alreet. lMa$ .UJ -T.iii.. oAcc. onnoiltel'MtOKce. r """"""" - ior k, Cal. R. HAYDEN, Attorney and Councilor at Lay, WIWA. ATTEND TO BUBINUiWiin yV tho Third Judicial iDisirl.9fOe, 1"' OFFICE At Kerlryvllle, Oregon. JaBUry 1st, IBM. ltf W. G T'VAULT, Attorney and Counsellor at Law, And Natair Tubllo for JbcJjooh Ont, Will praetleo In tlm 8ipriBd (Dis. met Cowria of thn Territory. 0-5iMiln1ng th? Printing 0w, .T.eWwBYlllO.O.T. -ltf D. B. BBENAI, ATTOUNE Y-A TLA W. o FFICE At his. resldenM, Jackson. vllieyU.'i" ij T'b'e Finest AND .Aro Ukta by PETER -11ITT,' On 11 tW u' ?' 0,d !' Luttor of lion. Robt. J. Walk er, RcilRiilne ttio Offloo of Governor of KnmiiN. Washikiiton City, Dccembr 16, 18J7. Sin: I resign the oitlco ofGoTcrnorof the Territory of Kansan. I Iiato been most reluctantly forced to thin concloilon, after anxious and cartful con clderatlon of my duty to tho country, to the people of Knni, to tho President of tho United States, and to myself. The grounds assumed by tho President In Lhlajato message to Cougrcn, and In recent Imtructtoni In connection nltu tlio otcnts novr transpiring htro and In Kansas, ad nonlsh me tb.it, at Governor of that Terri tory, It 'rill no longer be In my power to prescrTO the peaco or promoto the publlo welfare. At the earnest solicitation of tho Presl- neni, oner rcpcaicu mu.n.s, v.ne iasi oeing In wrltliiff I fln fill v accenlixl Ihfji nfllm. "" "- o 1 -i upon his letter shotting tho daugcrs and difficulties of tho Kansas question, and tho necessity of my undertaking tho talk of ad justment Under these circumstances, noU withstanding the great wcrillces to nic, per sonal, political, and pecuniary, I felt that I could no more refuse such a call from my country, through her Chief Magistrate, than tho soldier In battlo vrho Is ordered to com mand n forlorn hopo I accepted, however, on tho oxprCM condi tion that I should advocate the submission of the constltutlou to the vote of the peo ple for ratification or rejection. These views were clearly understood by tho President aud all his Cabinet. They wero uistinctiy set lortn in my letter oi ac ceptance of this office of tho 20th ofllnrcli last, and reiterated In my Inaugural address of the 17 th of May last, as follows: 'Indeed, I cannot doubt that the convcn lion, after having framed i Stato coustltu tlon, will submit It for rntlOcntlon or rejec tion by a majority of tbu then actual toim futt resident sotlkrs of Kansas. "With theso views, well known to tho President and Cabinet, and approved by them, I accepted tbo appointment of Gover nor of Kansas. My Instructions from tho Presldsnt, through tbo Secretary of State, under iMte'or Wilt Nareh lost, avstaiu ihu regular Lrgielature of the Territory,' In ' asmllliig a convention to form a consti tution,' asd they express the opinion of tho PiWdeet, that ' when wch a coMtltutloa shall be submitted to the peoplo of tbo Ter ritory, they swat bo protected In the wr else of their right of voting for er BgfJast tbatlastnirasnti and tho fair capre I6n of the popular will must not bo Interrupted by fraud or violence.' I reseat, then, m y clear convlotlon, that, unless the convention submit tho con stitution to the vote of all the actual rest dent settlers of KaaM, a ad the election bo fairly and justly conducted, thueoMtttutlon will be, and ought to be, rWtd hyiCe unw"-; This IiMHgaral most distinctly asserted that It wb n6t the question of kvery mere ly, (which T be)leved to bo of little practical Importance then In Its afUtIoa to Kan sasj) but the entire' isnitlWltton, which thould Imi tubullted to the people for ratifi cation or rejectlea. Thsse were my words on that subject & my Inaugural i "It Is not merely shall slavery exist In er disappear ifromKaBM, but piall tbe great principles of telf-gaverament ami Bam rovereignty be BialuUI-ned or ubvertd." In that In augupal, I proceed further to say that the people "stay by a subsequent vote defeat tho latUkatioa of the eeettltutUm ," I da linato this as n "great constitutional rlht." and add, "that tho convention is tho servant and not the master of lho peopW In sny oftclAl dispatch to yon of tho "d June but, a copy o( that lan(ural address was traascaltted to you for tbo further In formation of the President and bis Cabluet. No e-xeptkm was ever taken to any portion of (bat ,4dri; on the eantwy, it Is dU tlaetly iltt4 by the l'rWflt In, bit nnsigt. with eewuteadable f(utkBSM,that y (s4truetUM Ja favor of tbesubsalstloa Of tbo oMttln,to the vote of the peeple wew "wm1 wd Rsquallfied." Uytbat IflMigural aad - subsequent oddreH, I was pledged to the people of Kansas to oppose by all "lawful means" the adoptlen of any BMtut(ea wbteh waa sot Ably and fully tabjallted to'tbeJr vote far xatlBoatroaw rsieettea, These pledge I eaaaot reeall W1 vlbkte without pereeasl dlebeaor' and the a.baBde&Biftit' Of fuB4atsetl prlnelples aad, therefore, It W iBtpesttblo fr bm te support what eaiieu toe Leeenpton con- stltullea, beeauee it 1 act Mbraltted to a vote of the people lor rautteatloB rre Jtetlon. I have ever mmtviij mtonwim me prlnelpla that saMetlgBty U vested ossein Ively In the people f eaeh State, a4 tbat It performs 1U 8Wt W highest fn&e4n In fermlug a State gfMeai d State ien stllutloa. ThtahlJsMMte soverelgily, In myjudgmsat, WPly be perOTBie4by tbo people thBrtv, bu oannoi pe aiie gated to coavwttoi oif elguly of conventions, distinct from that of the people of conventional or delegated sovereignty, ns contradistinguished from Slate or popular sovereignty, hwi ever been illsCAtdod by me, and was nover heard of, to my knowledge, during tho great ciikm of 1S50. Indeed, this Is the great prlnclplo of State right nnd State sovereignty, main lalncd In tho Virginia nnd Kentucky reso lutions of KuT-00, austalued by the people In the great political revolution of 1800, and embraced In that amendment to the Federal Constitution, adopted uiulir the auspices of Air. JelTcrson, declaring that "tho power not delegated to tho United States by tho Constitution, nor prohibited by It to the States, aro reserved to tho States respectively, or to tho people." Tho reservation to "tho States" Is asscp arato Statu), In exorcising tho powers grant- i oil by their Stato Constitutions, nnd the reservation to "the people" Is to tho peoplo jof lho ,, Slftl nJmme,i or Inchoate, ... ... t ... ..! - In exercising their sovereign right of from ing or amending their Htnto constitution. This view wns sat forth In my printed ad drcM delivered at Katchei, Mississippi, In January, 1833, agatnst nullification, which I speech received the compllrurutnry sanction I of the great and good Madison, the principal 'founder of our Constltutlou, ns shown by the letter of Hon. Charles J. IngcrsolU of , Philadelphia, as publliliod In the Globe, nt 1 Washington, lu 1830 What adds much to tho force of this opinion is the statement I then made by Mr. Madison, that these wcro inlto tho views of Mr. Jefferson. Ily this clause of the Federal Constitution tho sov ereignty of thopcoploof each Stato Is clear ly rcicrved, and especially their own cxclu slvo sovereign right to form, In nil Its en tirety, their own Stato constitution. I shall not enter fully Into lho nrgument of this question at this period, but will merely state that this Is tho position I havo ever occupied, and my reasons for enter-. talnlng this opinion nro clearly and distinct ly set forth In a printed pamphlet published over my elgnature, on tho 13th June, 1830, and then extensively circulated, from which I quote as follows : "Under our confederate system, sover eignty Is that highest political power which, nt Its pleasure, creates governments ami delegates authority to them. Sovereignty grants powers, hut not sovereign powers ; otherwlso It might extinguish Itself by ak Ing the creature of Its will the equal or su perior of Its creator. Sovereignty makes constitutions, and through them eititblltbe governments. It delegates certain powers to these governments; distributing tho exer cise cf the granted power oniong tho legis lative, executive, nnd Judicial department. The Constitution Is not sovereign, becauso It Is created by sovereignty, Tho Govern- , nient Is not sovereign, for tho tame reason, much less any department or that uovcrn went. Having defined sovereignty, we must not confound the power with Its source or exerotso that b, sovereignty is one thing ; wbern It resides, or fiow to bo zcrcued, Is another, Under tup system of European despotiems, sovereignty w as claimed to re side la kings and esiperors, under tbo sacri legious Idea of the divine right of kings; asd (he blasfktwoui doctrine was, that sovereign In legltlaiate succession although stained with .crimes and blacl.'cBCdlMlth,In fiwiy, were clothed by Deity with absolute power to rule their subjects, who held no thing but prlilleges granted by the erewa. Sueh urn the absurd and Impious) dogmas to wbW: the people cf Europe, with Jhyr exceptteee, have been compelled to subwlt by the bayoaet, uulm.-d by the more po tent authority of Ignorance and supersti tion. UBuer Wis theory the peoplo wero wero ciphers, nd crowned beads sub-delllcs, the ol representatives on earth of tho geverUlug power of the Almighty, "Our doeklse Is Just the reverse, making tho people ue only source or tovereigu power. Dut what people? With ue, sov ereignty rests exclutltely with the people of each Statev By tie Itevolutlon, each colony, actwg for Itself aluue, separated frost Great Britain, ind sBctioaed (ho Declaration of Independence, Bach colony having thus become a State, and eaeb adopt ing for jtMlfllsse.parite Stale government, acfed for Itself alono under the old Conti nents! Congress. Ete-h State sated for It self, alone la speeding to the. Alleles of CWatIou U U78 j and eaeh State aot-i ed for Itself aloe In fr!ng asd ravtfvlSK. osthfwIMf, tbe CoMUtutiwioftbeUsl- ted States. Sovereignty, theo, with, ue, resla neluelvely.wltb the people feeh ;gtte. Tbe-CBtltut!i of tho United States is bat sttrereigo, (or It was created by States, eaeh ejtreMng for Delf that highlit political jwrKi called teyrelgnty. Fee the same reoao, thaCovKtwent of the Uolwd SUlea le'wt sayerslga. nor does. It eVcle any sovereign powers. It .exercises ooly "iklo- gatee powers," as declared by the Coftentu Moo, and those powers only wh)eb re gTMted by that ilastrHweat. D1e9ted pom areinet sovereign pewere, but are poweeetTrwtbyMvefelKnty. SovwelM-1 tyibebtil the highest pollUoal pewer j eMaet Kraeutfte ifo iiabMalsMJ U M WstMliUitf iiU.LI.I IssmI llfckflUfl mataaae, auj UMMBtfBMsi i"(sl' f11 fa l "no I "a no ,a'11 w U4" 0HUi vldcd between the States end tho United i States. 1 "Tho Constitution of tho United States In the 'supreme law,' and not obligatory at such) put rrlkwds not sovereignty, but an act of sovereignty. All taws Imply law makers; nnd,' In this case, thenowhofrnmed and rnttllcd'this 'supremo law ' wero thnso sovereignties called tho Statm, rnch noting exclusively for itoolf, uncontrolled by any sister State, except by tho moral forco of Its Influence nnd example. The Government of the United States possessing, as wo have shown, no soverelgnty.'but only delegated powers, to ihnu alono it must look for the cxerclsa oi all 'constitutional authority, In Territories as well ns States, for there Isnot a single power granted by tho Constitution to this Government bi a Territory, which Is not granted In n State, except the power to admit now States Into tho Unton, which, ns shown by tho Madison papors, tho framers of tho Constitution (ns first demonstrated In my Texas letter) retuicd to limit to our then existing Territories. In thn Territories, then, as wall as tho States, Congress poss esses no sovereignty, and can uxtrclso only tho powers delegated by tho Constitution; nnd nil tho powers not thus granted aro dormunt or reserved powers, belonging, In common territory, to all tho States, as co equal, Joint tenant there, of that highest political power called sovoTclgnty."' It will bo perceived that this doctrine, that " sovereignty makes constitutions," that "sovereignty rests exclusively with tho peoplo of each Stato," that "sovereignty cannot bo delegated," that "It Li Inaliena ble, Indivisible." "a unit, Incnpablo or par tition," are doctrines ever regarded by me as fundamental principles of publlo liberty, and of the Federal Uonntltutlon. It will bo ecen that thesu views, which I have over entertained, wcro not framed to suit any emergency In Kansas, but were my life-long principles, and wero published nnd promul gated by me, In nn eluborato argument over my own signature, twelve montln before my departuro to that Territory, mid when I nover tbouaht of coins to Kamas. Theso rights I have ever regarded as fully secured to tbe nconle "of all tho Territories." In adopting tli'elr'fitnlo constitution',' liy the Kansas nnd Nebraska bill. Such Is tho eonstceettonlglven to that nct'by Congreei in pMlug the Minnesota bill, so justly ap plauded by the President. Such Is tho con struction of this KnnsiM act by lis distin guished author, not only In his late most nble argument, but in addresses made and published by him long antecedent to that date, showing that this sovereign power of people, in noting upon a Stato constitution, Is not confined to the question of slavery, but Include all other subjects embraced In such rui instrument. Indeed, I bellevo the Kansas and Kebrar- Ica bill would havo violated tho rights of sovereignty reeerved to the people of each SUto by tho Federal Constitution, If It had deprived them, or Congress should now tie' prlvu them, of tho light of voting for or against their State coustltutlon. Tho Pros ident. In bis message, thinks that the rights eecured by this bill to the people, tn acting upon their Stato constitution, aro confined to tho slavery question ; but I think, as shown In my address before quoted, tbat 'sovereignty Is the power that makes con stitutions and governments,1' and that not only tho slavery olause in n State constitu tion, but all others, mnst be submitted. The President thinks that sovereignty can be delegated, at least In part, I think that sovereignty cannot bo delegated at all. Tbo President believes that sovereignty la divis ible between conventions and the people, to be exercised by tho former on all subjects but slavery, aud by tbe latter only on that question. Whereas, I think tbat sovereign ty is "Inalienable," "Indivisible," "a unit, Iccapablo of partition," aud "that It can not bo delegated," In whole or lu part It will net bo donled that sovereignty Is tho only power that con make a State con stitution, aaditbat It rests exclusively with tho people aud If It Is Inalienable, and canaot be delegated, as I have shown, then It can only be exercised by tho people thefiv selves. Under our Government wo know no sovereigns but the people. Conventions are composed of "delegates." They ore were agents, or trustees, exercising, not a sovereign, but a dolegated power, oud thd people are the .principals. The power dele gated to such convention can properly only extend to the framing of tho constitution ; but Its ratification or rejection can only be perforated by the power where sovereignly alone rests namely, the peoplo themselves. We mnst not confound suverclgn with dele gated powors. Tho provisional authority, of a convention to frame a constitution and sabmlt It to tbe peoplo, Is a delegated power',; but sovereignty alone, wUIcli rests oxclu-j river with lho people, can ratify and pnU in torco inai constitution. And this , the true doctrjue of popular sovereignty and know of no, eueb (a Ing, nor does thFederol constitution, recognize It. as delegated or conventional sovereignty. The Frcsiuent, In a yery lucid passage of mlng a State constitution. Ho says very truly, that from the necessary division of lho Inchoate KJalo Into districts, n majority of tho delegates may think ono wny, and the peoplo nrtothcr, and tho dolcgstes (as was tho case tn Kansas) nmy violate their pled ges or fall to execute tho will of the people And why docs not Ibis reasoning apply with equal forco to nil other great questional embodied In n State constitution T Antl why should the question of slavery alono over rtdo and extinguish the dootrlno of popular sovereignty and the right of self-govern-merit 1 Most fortunately this Is ho sectional qucslloniifor It belong aliku to tho States admitted or Inchoate,, of the Boulb as ei tbej North. It Is not n question of slavery, but uf State rights and of State nnd popular sovereignty ; and my objections to tho I.c coinptau constitution nro 'cquully strong, whether Kansas, under Its provisions, sho'd be mado a free or a slnvo State. My objec tions nro based upon a violation of tho right of self-government nnd uf Stato and popu lar sovereignty, nnd of forcing any consti tution upon the people against their wilt, whether It Tccognlied freedom or slavery. Indeed, tho first question whloh the peoplo ought to decide. In forming a government for an Inchoate State, Is, whether they will change or not from u territorial to a Stato government. Now, as nb one who, with mo. denies Federal or territorial sovereignty, will contend that n Territorial Legislature Is sovereign, or represents sovereignty, or that imoh Legislature (a mot o creation of , Congress) cau transfer, sovereignty, which It does not passes?, to a territorial conven tion, this change from a territorial to a Stato government can only bo made by tho power where sovereignty rests namely, tbo people. Yet n State government Is forced upon tho people of'Kansas by the Lccomp ton comtltutlon, 'whether they will It or not; for they can only voto for the consti tution, and not against It. Jlut besides the change from a territorial toa'Slato government, which tho peoplo Mono hnvo a right to mako In framing a Stnte constltutlou, there aro many other momentous questions 'Included In that In strument. It Involves nil tho powers of ButeVgevernmrnt There are tbe bill of rhth'tstho morns rharta of the liberties er a-ifreiXjwple; 'the Hjrudnllvc, executive, e -, --- ,- und Judicial functions; tbo taxing power; tho elective franchise ; tho great question of education; tho sacred relations of husband and wfo, parent and child, guardian nud ward; anil all the rights affecting life, lib' erty, aud property, TheVoMs also the ques tion of State debts, of banks and papor mo ney, aud wholspr they shall bo permitted or prohibited. As all freo government, as stated by Mr. Jefferson In tho Peclnratlon of Jndepcndeneo, depends upon "J he con sent of tbe governed," how can It lie known whether the people would assent to tho con stitution unless It Is submitted to their vote for ratification or rejection t Hut If acqui escence can be presumed lu any cose, surety It cannot bo lu that ofJCantas, where so man of tho delegates violated their pledge to submit tho constitution Itself to a vote of the people : whero the delegates who signed the constitution represented scarcely one tenth of tho peoplo; aud whero nearly ono- halftho countN of tlie Territory were dis tranchlsed, nnd (by no fault of theirs) did not, aud could not, giro a tingle vote at tho election for delegates to tbe convention i I havo heretofore discussed tills subject mainly an the question that conventions are not sovereign, and cannot rightfully mako a stato constitution without submission to the vole of the people for ratification or re jection ; yet surely oven these who differ with me on this point must concede, espe cially under tho Kansas-Nebraska bill, it is only such conventions can be called sover elgo as have been truly elected by the peo ple and and represent their .will. On refer ence, however, to my address of tho lflth September last, on tho tax qualification question a copy or which nas immediately transmitted to you for the Information of the President and Cabinet it Is evident that the Lecompton convention was not sueh a body, That convention had vital, not tech nical, defects lu tbe very substanco of its organization under tho territorial law.whlch could only be eured, in my Judgment, (as set forth In my Inaugural and other addres ses.) by the submission of the constitution for ratification or rejection Igr tbe people On reference to the territorial law under which tbe convention was assembled, thirty. four regularly -organized counties were nam. ed as election districts for delegates to tho convention, In each and all of these coun ties It was required by law tbat a census should be taken and tbe voters registered ; and when tbts was completed, the delegates tp the convention should bo apportioned ac cordingly. In nineteen of theso counties there was no census, and, therefore, there could be qo such apportionment there of ueiegates based upon such census. Asd In fifteen of these counties there was no reghW tryofotefs. r These filtesa oountlee. ineluijfos Bsof (be odet orgsnIeJ cont!es.in, the t"jr I tory,were entirely dbfranshhtedi V1 AM Induced by tbe fiict Unit (he Territorial Leg islature appointed all the shcrlUs and pre?- bato Judges in nil thoso counties, to hqrrL , was assigned tho duty by law of making thliT . ccn As nnd registry. These officers we re p-' lltlcal partisans, dlucnttng from tbe flews and opinions of tho people of tbcro counties, ns proved by tho election In'Oclobcr last. These officers, from want Of funds, as they allege, neglected or refused to tnke any census or mnko nny registry In these coun- , (Its, and 'therefore they woto entirely dU- franchtsed, nnd could not, nnd did not, glrr n slnglo voto nt tbo election for delegates tn the constitutional convention. And here 1 wish to 'call attention to tho distinction which will, appear In my Inaugural address, lu reference to those counties )tero tbe vo ters wcro fairly registered and did not vote. In such counties where a full opportu nlty was given to register and vote, and they did not cbooso to exercise that privi lege, tho qncstlon Is very different 'from those counties wharo there was no censux or registry, and no vote was given or could bo given, however anxious the peoplo might bo to participator tho election of delegate to tho contention. Nor could It bo said these counties acquiesced; for wherever thoy endeavored by a subsequent census or registry of their own to supply tho defcrt occaslobed by tho previous neglect of tbe territorial officers, tho dolcgatcs thnschoien were rrjectcd'by the convcntlou. I repent that, In nineteen counties out of thirty-four, thcro was no censds, In fifteen 1 counties ont of thirty-four there wbs no rep I istry, nnd not a solitary vote was glron, er could la gtven, for delegates to the conren tlon in any one of these counties. Surely, then, It cannot bo said that such a conven tion, chosen by scarcely mere than one tenth of tbe present voters of Knnsas, represented the peoplo of that Territory, aud could rightfully Imposo a constitution upon them without their consent. These nluotecncoun tics constituted a majority of tho counties of the Territory; nu'd these fifteen countlo In which there was no registry gave a much lirger vote at tho October election, even with tho six months' qualification, than tin wbolo vote given to tbe delegates who sign ed tho Lecompton constitution, on tbo 7th November last. If, thon, sovereignty can be delegated, aud conventions, aa suchatt sovereign, (which I deny,) surely It must be only In sueh cases ns when such convention aro chosen by the people, which wo have seen was not tbo csso as regards the lato Lecompton convention. It was fur thli, among ttthcr reasons, that, In my Inaugural and other nQdresses, I Insisted tbat the con stltutlon should be submitted td the peoplo by tho convention, ne tbe -only means of , curing this vital defect In Its organization. It was, therefore, among other reasuqs, wherr as you know, tbe organization of the so called Topcka Stato government, and, as a coBsoquence, an inevitable civil war and conflict with the troops must havo ensued; these results were prevented bymyassur Ing, not the Abolltloulsts, ns has been erro neously stated for iny address was not to tbom but the peoplo of Kansas, that, In my Judgment, the constitution would iJosub mltted fairly and freely for ratification or rejoctlon by their voto; and tbat, If this was not dune, I would unite with them the people as I now do, In "lawful opposition" to such a procedure. Tho power and responsibility being de volved exclusively u pon me by the President, of using tho Federal army In Kansas to sup press Insurrection, tho alternative tbs dis tinctly presented to me by the questions propounded at Topeka of arresting revolu tion by the slaughter of the people, or by preventlng It, together with that civil war which must ha Ye Extended throughout the Union, by the solemn ossurauce then given; that the right of the people to tame their own government, so far as my power ex. tended, should bo maintained. Dut fur' thin ' assurance it Is a conceded fact,bnt the If peka State government, then nuembled In legislative session, would have been putiiito Immediate actual operation, asd that 4 san guinary collision with tbe Federft army " ana civil war must have cnued,xtnuing, It Is feared, throughout the Unfn. Indeed, the wbolo Idea of n inaugural address originated in the Jrmlng lutein; genco which had rcachf' Woehlngton city or the perilous and ! 'rebellion In Kansas. This tot'c0fl w" rcndcrei) still more formldf' on my reaching the , Territory by tber Pproacb of the asJ serabllng 0f ,rovolBtlenary Steto Legis lature, and WW numerous mass conveoi tlons bv wM " wa sustained. In truth I had toIo botwecu arresting that Insur- rectonj' whatever cost of Auferlcan blood, bv th"!8! rmy, or to prevent the tor- rjbl(eataatrophc, as I did, by my pledge to tJPWle- of the exertion of all my power 6 obtain a fair election, and thesubmleslon of the constitution to the vote of tho neoslR for ratification or rejection. ' My Inaugural and other addresses vcrc. therefore, really In the nature of preelaaa- How, (so often issued by Prints .ivi (GoTcruor,) with view tP prevent, as thy) FT '.W'T' K N H I :a t4" n. ?A 4 -m i ! -, it ' ."1 I I It J J f 1 1-'- j,iCK'sqxwm,o,F, Indeed, the w!iJyWTl .1 it iV Lfcw bbbbbbbbbbbbsbbbbbbbbbbHbhbbB'bbbbbbbbsb IllMlilllll ' I ii in ii I iiiillraftllwllT ii ii11MMM1Im1 MHaSBsstsMlHlK3i BBfrMWHBWHMtl