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About The Eugene City guard. (Eugene City, Or.) 1870-1899 | View Entire Issue (Dec. 27, 1884)
irith intent .mount to t!X)4.10,v mnlldAtea note WHICH WHS hivuii iu if'n- ii " ' uimiui ommrm 7 : nu mid which you repeatedly assured me woum do met m utter of Mn,, y?"',an')Z7t j Zrfnm. hv .dinner dividends. WA, hiiesplnm una uquiauiou iu f- r " . - nr wmnjune!,, m Vnn will Unm (ion that wo diner, iniUormii' o to mo ngun.-H. ui "Mr Flahcr mi murae each of uh in aiming ut prooiHoly the fw'tH of tho raw, ami II Mr (,lcney, both 1 mn wrong 1Ichho correct mo. J am Hiir.o that you io not ueniru mo uji";r. oiiere ta i P" " iZL that in not dm;, ami I an. equally m.ro that I am moro than ready to pity ever cent that I ow you. t,Kik it - ami .ni Tho Little Kork matter in a periietuiil ami novor-ciu ling ein- f..r it. and , owned mo win" " " ' t j, , -o I ami hiul Die illv banuwiiirat to me. i am P"W""JZ ; end. on it I settlement with those who still hold the secarities-a Hot- r,,Ilsry toek- ... ..I. I.. (. muWi until I riTfive tlie IiOIIiIh (lllo Oil VOIir holder, lust an a .rtielc of agreement with me. That i to mo by far tho mmt urgent - j'- and tiroKMinir of all the lioninndH connected with our mutters, and ,,? , t,M , . 1 .. i ! i. i i.:..i, :.. ll ,,iiilv mIh.iiI.I tin flrxt Mettle.1. or rertilllllv iuu utm li I lei Ulfl OIIO WHICH 1 noon " I'"V " -' ' , , ,11.1-.,. rttled an noon an any. , i.h atl'cHlly "- If tho jiKKK) mihIi in ho important to you, I would be glad to anHit )tlninr; ,,W in ruixinir the name for you mi your notea, lining Little Kix'k bonds wmoJunr:, tc,(. . .1 ...I si..... n iiuh.I lit Itnutotl tilt f(r ZlllU bee iillllllC lft- S rolluterill IU l"C namo run; i.i.-j n.... ... - . I think 1 could get tho money hereon four orwx montliHon theno ..,,. m,u.o( mm U'tmn If I hud tho money iiivhcK I would ho fflu. I to advance it to given you In w you, hut 1 am it dry aHacontrihi'ition liox.borrowiiig, indeed, todofruy fr n ' : Vi.rv ullii-ore V VfillrH. .1. If. I.I.AINK. i iy campuo;" l" ' into i h In ret Hole; with Auk II, lur.' "thB con- ... ,, f i , .ii iu-o mlliliiti'il notii... I'rmilt It lilt I'MMHII.) .111.1 ..HI.M'., illlHIini ..I, in,., whl(.h y, r,.K!Ht- My I'P.wt Mil 1-iHiiKli, I have horn ulmoiit ho much of late that cdiy Hiircl mi1 I did not'recrive'vour hint letter until it wiih Heveral dayH old. When ';t h.i.I I IhhI uriiin vim I wiih exiicctini to ho iu Pton on a political con- K ,, .. . forence nhout thin time, hut I found it impuHhihle to he there, mid it (icnls" Iioiiii in m.w'impoHHible for me t tve here until after our election, which SKrrSlto ocenrn Mondav week, the !Mh. I will try to meet you at tho I'arker !. ..,..,. fr M.r. ii .... ii..; loih nr llth. nvaililiL' mvHell of tho lirnt ihwhiIiIr vIii-m. liti note fr moment for that purpose. , . ' . ... K'dM.lM.r' i ...... liminviT. allow a remark in vour letter to diihh without i ,. fomment. You nay that you have been trying to j?et a Hettlement to ij fiid. with mo for lifteen montliNj vou have been trying to induce me to comply with certain iloinandn which you made imon me, without tiikintt into account any claium I have of a counter kind. Thm doen Bot till my idea of uiilllnifnt, for a ttltltmrnt miiHt include both nidcH. No perHon could ho more iiiixioiih for a Hettlement than I am, and if upon our next interview wo can not reach one, why then wo try ether meaiiH. .... Hut my judgment in that 1 Hliall make yott o iiDeral an oiler ol l i !... ...,ti .in., iw.f .ukuuilili' ri.fiiu.. it f'lliriiirni. nun. ji'.i . .. i"'"."v .v. Ah one of the element w hich I w inh to take into account m the note o $10,000 given you in 1863 tor Spencer stock. I tieniro that vou will itirn inl i me with the itemn oi interent on that note. My imprcHHioii in that w hen that noto was consolidated into the large note, which you Mill hold, that you did not charge it; full intercNt, powiihly omitting ono or two yearn. I will lie obliged if you will jiive mo information on thin point, for I inlcii.l to Hiibmit to you a full and expiicit ImsiH of Hettlement, and in making it up it In tieccHHary that I hIiouM lutvothiH information, i'lraxo Hcnd it an promptly iih you may ho ahlo to (live it to mo. In lutHte, very truly yourn, J. U. Bi.ai.vk. Conlldcntial. Wahii'tn, 1). (., liith April, 1STU. Wv Dkaii Mr. Fihiikii, You can do me a very ureal favor, and I know it will ive you jileiiHiire to do ho junt an I would do for you under Hiniilar circimiHtanceH. Certain pernoiiH and papers are tryint? lo throw mud at mo to injure my candidacy before tho Cincinnati Convention, and you may obnervo they are trying it in connection with the l.ittlo Itock and Fort Smith mutter. 1 want you to hciuI me a letter mich iih the iucloHed draft. You will receive thin to-morrow (Monday) ovcuiii);, and it will be a favor 1 nhall never forget if you will al once write me tho letter and mail tho hiiiiio evening. The letter is strictly true, in honorable to you and to me, and will Htop the moutliH of HlandercrH at once. Itegard thin letter iih strictly confidential. Do not show it to any one. The draft in in the IuiimIh of my clerk, who in an trust worthy iih any man can he. If you can't get the letter written in veMHoii for tho" nine-o'clock mail to New York, jiIciiho bo Hiiro to mail it during the night, ho that it will Htnrt lirnt mail Tuchduy morning; ill, if iMMthlr, I mi yuu lo tji i it in III? nine-o'clock tutiil Monday feniiiq. King regarilH to Mrn. Finher. Sincerely, Burn this letter. J. (i. 15. iiiiimnf on tilt buck. Not knowing your exact iidtlrcHH, 1 nend thin to the I'arker Hoiiho, in order that it may not be Mihjcctcd to any danger iu the IuiihIh of a carrier. Seo unto aliove The Wkhtkks Tki koiiai'II Cohi-anv. Ihited WAKlilNiiTON, 1. C, 1H7U. Keceived at M M, April IU. To Wahiikn Fihiikii, Commonwkai.tii IIotki., I'Iciiho go I'arker Hoiiho to-morrow, Monday, evening; on arrival morning mail from jkt'W York, ti in 1 letter. AiiHwcr bv return mail. .1. (i. Hi.aink. It) D. 11. .rm. The follow iug in the iiulnsuie referred to in the preceding letter: Huston, April , 187U. Hon. Jamkn (i. IIi.aink, Wiihhingtnn, 1. C. : I'kaii Sin, I oliKcrve that certain newspapers are milking, or rather insinuating, the absurd charge that you own or bad owned IKiO.lHHl ol Little Hoi k mid Fort Smith liinlioad Itoiuls, and that yon had iu some wiv obtained them iih a gratuity, f The enterprise of liuilding the Little linck anil Fort Smith Kail road mih iiiiilerlnkeii iu ISiiU by a company of Huston gentlemen, of wluiin 1 wlis myself one. The bonds n the road were put upon the market in this city on what was deemed very advantageous teruiH to the uirchaM'r they were sold largely tliruiiuli myself. Yoll le cniiietlie ptin busi r ol nliinit t!lMIl ol tlu Itoixlsnu Ir is4l,v I lie siiiik' (cutis Unit e rv iitlicr Ini.Mf rc rl tl, iuiiiK lor them in installments, running over a consider able period, just us others litl. The transaction was perfect ly iMii, and 1 1 lire wiih no more secrecy in remind to it llinii it you lutil been biivlng Hour or sugar. mn sur you nvi' ovm (I ii HoikI ol In roiul that you liil not puy'lor at tin' niillUct rate, Imleed, I am sure that no one received IhuhIs on any other teruis. When the road got into timiucial dilliculties, and loss fell upon you, you still retained your bonds, and you held them clear through to lh reorganization of the eoinpiiny in IN7 1, exelninging tbeni lor clock bonds of the new Company. You aciiiired also some ilcmiiiuls against the new Company by reason i '( your having joined with others in raising some inoiiey wbell llie company was iu pressing need. For the recocry of that money proceedings are now pending in the C S. Ciicuit Court in Arkansas, to hich you are openly a party of record. Concealment M the investment and everything connected with it would have been ery easy had concealment been desirable ; but your action in tin-whole mutter wiih us open ami as lair nstbe lu. When the original enterprise failed, I knew with what severity t lie IN'cuuiary losslcll upon you.and with what integrity ami iirn' j mi met it. Years have since elapsed; it seems rather hard at this late day to he compelled to meet a slander in a matter where vnur conduct was in the highest degree honorable and straight forward. You may use this letter iu any way that will he of service to you. Very sincerely yours, 1 V, F., Jit. The words " Indeed, 1 inn sure that no one received bonds on anv other teiiiis," were interlined iu foregoing letter in Mr. Ulaine's owii kMiulw riling. Sep roiitrii'llc- tlotis sliown iH'lllW. "My whnlo i'"ii ni'ctliiu will! the roiul tia tweti open an tho liny h there hail lu'eii aiivihlim tn '" (Till hIhiiiI It, I sli.mli) nevor have ti hi'illt When!- ever eiiiicoiilinent Is ll.lvll.llllll'.UVdi.l- uliee Ih iti'siritlile, kim) I il.i imt know any better test to apply t.i tho honor ami fniriic-M of a tinsinvss traiiHiii'' tl.m "-Bltiiiic.Aiir. U, IS7II See rontruits ot Sept j, IS71I "I hiivi! your pos itive written inn traet t.i.lellver lae l.,'..lliiiinil IiuiiiIm and .;j,(l lirxl in.irluiiKii Imhi.Ih " .'iiiiii .O t. 4, li71. Out n( the Miilnei wihserlp ti.iUH yen iililiiiue.l it I a f t: lOiiiiunl liiilh nl Ihih.Is hii.I tiiuney tree ut eiwt t ii veil "r'ifhtr, ,1irf HI, l7J "So line will ov er knim (ruin me Hint 1 huvu ili pMMll u( ii Hlntile .1.. Mar In Miiinv " Wtiiur, (Miidir I, NUI. "I mile whnt yen miy iilimit the hn imrtiiliei) n I III) kirpihk' nil .piii't here anil u en.leiiv.irl.i.l.ijil IIS Villi lli'MIt! in t h e preiniM !. " fif.ioic, th-t. A, lNW "Wniil.l y on r Irli'liiU I n Miiiue lie niilMI. il i( Ihev knew the (nets'.' ' t'tther, April 111, S7'J "Hum till letter (In lint shew It In n n y n n e " tit''int. iihh'.' "TiikiiiK Inl. lie .'.mill the Iii.hhi l.oii.K you Kohl to 'loin Si iiit, Mini the u in. i 1 1 1 1 n( in. nicy yni r.'i'eive.l on the Kiilem e.m triiets, .mr r.'lnllvo p.. 'III. in llnnn.'i nlly in the I. Ii ,V K s It hear a wl'le .imlnil " '(.,. r. .V.ir. I0.IS7I. "Of nil the pur tlflf.Ulllf.'l.'.lH III) the l.lllle li.H'k .V Kurt Smith Itnil reml, no one hiix lieeii mi (nrtiinnte a vimreeU In oh ttii ii ii i; moiii'v nnt e( tt " t islii r, April Hi, 17'.' "OwliiK I" vour IHilitienl pnsitiiiii yen were lili lo work ntt' nil xuur linn.U ut a Very hliih priee ,' hith er, Aiiril 111, 17.' "ThlM letter U strictly true." -- fli.ioir, .lii.r I .:. ti IKK. Tk WkoU arpMbllraa lirlr U lh af ( III WarkMl l a. . F. Riort,Oct I. Th Kipublnan party that Urge and rtm nntly rfuproUtila (Mirtien ot it located id thia itjt ia iuituUing to-ilty in a gouoril ami x ceT'linnW lively "kick." Th kiekinK n laid to ( livdlier and nn r gf nrral than hat rwen known for many yrara. On ol the ol.l.it inl abitanla Mid li had ntver awn men kick" ing and at one proornlrd to do aeine himself. In avrry part ol the city to-day cna ran hear RrpuVilicaiii axrrtuiit that tlnty art men, not duuimira; that no man cau put a collar round their mckaj that tiny are g. ntlempu nil Amvrioan ouinn, aud don't you forget It; that thry ar nnt ilierpt that they am not fool; that thry ar ai good aa anytvi.ly tin; that they cannot b taken into tht market with n.pta ronnd their neck a, etc., men! ot which aaaer tioui are obvioutly true. The tUst in lat ight'a Conveutmn waa a premnnition of ihe Uxm that ragoa to-day throughout the party, aud in which the overwhelmed nia hioa lahora without niakiau an tuch of brad way. All tht talk ll about the coming tai- payer'a party; althoogh the third ticket U ol itoked lorwara to with toy amount e entliuaiamn. The universal dianoaition to wait and what aort of a ticket eveu that 1a tO llH. iMlfnm nlr.lL.Mf. nr nrni.ilnMa mrm ma.l. . J" " - - p - w. I'lvi,,,.,. m.v ,1 ,M , V atiout it, indicatoe very clearly the temper of mo j.-upir euu inrir iieierminailon to caal thilr Kallt.ta. an fr th iii.i..irt.nl t-i..kk i (XDoerned ouuide of party lines. The Demo orau are elated over the revolt in the Kepub- ii-jan camp. Blaine In Anatber Ue. 8tsll to the Standird. Nitw York, Oct. 13.-Kliiah Smith. Prea. i.leut ot the Orri(ou an t TrtiHoontinental, to day auhitantiatealWecher'aatatriiientof what Jmnei F, Joy eaid to him conceruing Hlaine'a premiaing Joy to tnaka t'cnijrejeienat Com ndaiioua in Joy' interval ahould he take ImiuIb tff Hlaine'a handa. Smith aayt Joy lol.l him the same thing. He ia now prepar ing letter giving a full statement. tiaNta Ike rru malar. 8pf.lltolhSi.oard. Niw Yokk, (Vt. 13,-CUtbn, the dry giKvIa prince, itrsrrtt Itlaine. He always was a K. publican, but could eot stand the proof of Hlaine's lying about the Hocking valley matter. Cl din's defection causes great con ateroationmong the Blameitea, and will have great effect in Brooklyn. Ian icihhmi.n to irisdmev. ipehb iip rat: vov. pitiicr a. (OLIIM. HP BOTO!, Member of I ongrr,l Kxrmldent f IW ttatlenal tanil I eater, at Albany. Si fit Jsily IS, IHH4. My Fkixow Citizknh : I nateem it high honor to be invited here, and to participate with yon in this great demonstration. When last it was my privilege to stand here, eight years ago, wo met to indorse the candidacy of great statesman, wnow cnHr- te had so riDrned. whose rfcord was so rittn and whose fifiure had so grown in yonder capitol that the country called for service Dy Dim in tne nigncr f.(iui u. ... Hresidncy, That call was n honor to 8am uel J. Tilden, but greater honor to ew York, and a lofty tribute to your school of statesmanship. Cheers It is not out ot season, and it never will be while honest men have momorios, to denounce the foul crime by which the eUct of the people wero cheated out of their nllices and the Ke public defrauded of their services. It is crime which has nevr been con- dnn.H nd m-ver will be forciven by the Amortnan npnnla. In.ld. so intense is the feeling and so uni versal the desire to right the wrong, so far as the people can right it, that, in my judgment, no combination of men or circumstances could have prevented the great Lh cagotonventioD, with one acclaim, from nominating Tilden and Hendricks again loud applause, if Mr. Tilden had not solemnly aud emphatically reiuaeu With the candor, dignity and ability fitting his character, in a letter traught with wise counsel and sage tt flection, our great leader took his leave and bade us look eleewhore amnnff our leadius men for A candidate for that great ellice. It was a great body to whom the tank of sclectien was committed. It represented the inndlnrnnce. enterprise and wraith ot more than balf the people of the United States ; but, more than all, it represented the mnsses the laboring people, as the Democracy ever has with all their aotivitirs, purposes and amhitirns. . Ifrnm the calm ludament ot that tonvn tion, unswayed by the clamor of the galleries, unmoved by open threats or whispering con (tiences, came Orover Cleveland and Thomas . Hendricks. Applause. J Once more this great tnbtter of political action had produced the man for the time; and once more Indiana's chivalrous sou loy ally took the place to which his party as signed him. These Ate the only Democratic candidates that are, or that oan be, in the field this year. They are our candidates if we are Domoorats. I am, and always have been, a Democrat, and unless the Republican leopard con ohango its soots Demoorat 1 remain, i, vnereiore, i t . I .. tn some to this initial meeting oi um w pledgo my hearty support to the party and its osndidates, and to join with you iu congratu lations on our coming victory at the polls. A calm statement, but I am conscious that no mau docs his duty to himself or to his cause who overlooks or slights obstacles in the path to mocess, however small. You will suffer me, therefore, to take a little time, which might be expended otherwise with profit, in the consideration of some minor matters to which we shall not, of necessity, recur again. I need not tell yon that the Republican candidate is an able, wary, adroit, brillinnt man. Some describe him as "msguetio," whatever that may mean. Perhaps he at tracts things to him, or has a "taking way." Many thousands of his old associates w ho know him best feel sure that he is not over sctnpulous in his methods, will have nothing to do with him, and are casting their let with ns this year, in every State in the Union. But at all events, Mr. Hlaino is fertile in re sources, and is fltnked by Lieutenauts more or less like himself. Ironical Laughter You can imagine, then, what his cauvass haa been and will be in his third desperate attempt to reach the Presidency, He has, at last accomplished the first step by securing his own party nomination. His next is to break down or iujure, if possible, his only competitor. For, mark you, nit three but thirty or HOO cai didntes might run under one set of colors or another, but it will still be a I see between Cleveland and Blaine. Bear this iu mind, and choose between them. If yru wish to throw away a vote, do it with your eyes wide open. ICries, "We will not. ') The first form ot attscn came before the Con vention. It was manifestly intended to prt vent Orover Clcvclitiid's nomination by fright ening the Convention into tho belief that the (iovernor had becomo thesiave of monopolies, tho enemy of labor and the sworn foe of the Irish and tho Catholics. I must confess that these wholesale charges, oomiug so suddenly, almost took my breath uy at first, aud left an imiirensinn which forced a full and euro ml iiMUiiry. If that inquiry had uot resulted in demonstrating the entire falsity of the char iei, from beginning to end, I would rot be here tonight to ssk yon to vote for Orover Cleveland. (Ireat npplviso at Cleveland's name. I Hut 1 not only ask you to vote for him becsuse the charges are false, but to work for him with might and main especi ally those of you who hsvo boen misled be cause he has been slandered and w ronged in a vilo and mat gnint way, not in the iuterest of po liticsl justice or political moral ity, but solely to prrmote the political for tunes of A daring political gamester. Let the record speak for itself. Anti-monopoly and labor go together. The most grievous oiTense alltged against Orover Cleve'and is the veto of the "5 cent fare bill," so called, prescribing a uniform 5-eeut (are on the elevated railway system in the city of New York. This is alleged to be against the interest of the wo; k ing classes. Vet not a murmur has oome from them to this day, though the message was written on the 2d of March, I SSI) ! Why ? Iteoause the workingsnen And workitigwomvn of that city, i-s well as all others, can ride Anv distance ou those lines for 5 cents from 5:30 to 8:30 a. m. and from 4:30 to 7:30 p. m. by virtue of commission rule. Duriugsix hours of the day they can ride from the Battery to One Hundred and Fifty-sixth street, eleven miles, over the most expensive railway on the planet, for about one-half the actual oost for transportation, ami during the rest of the day all can ride the distance for 10 cents cheaper than anv tirstolass transportation in the world . The veto, therefore, did not strike At the working classes. It only s fleeted the well-to -do, who came late And went early. The hill was passed in great haste aa a threat or measure ot reprisal, the cause of which had passe. I at the time the bill reached the Gov ernor. It was proved beyond a doubt that all passengers could not be carried at the re duved fare; that the road could not pay their interest, taxes, land damsges and wages; that ruin to the system won d result. So the subject was remitted to the railroad commis sioners, where it belongs, for such Action in the future as will give the public the largest accom modation at the minimum of oost and protect the nghts of all . There was no justice in the bill ones, "I hat ia so ! , no public demand (or it; it was denounced cy Mayor KJsou and others; and Ma Simon Sterne, one of the most eminent of the Anti- Monopolists in the country, not only justifies the veto, but gives most cogent reasons wby be should, in the in terest of the people it was supposed to serve, veto it if be himself were Governor, Is there man in all the land who will vote against Cleveland on this ocoouul! If there be be is not a fAir man. He WAnts somebody else's property or wsnts somebody else to pay his fare. The labor organizations scattered through the State of Nw York Are centered in the Trades Assembly, It is the body which speaks for them and their cause in all matters relating to legislation. Instead of wearying you with an Analysis in detail of Gov. Cleveland's Action touohing all the labor bills which oame before him, I prefer to use s a witness the Able And honored President of that great organization, TKK LABOR LEADKR, 'VIIAT THE PRESIDENT OF STATE TRADES ASSEMBLY MAV8. Tbov. July 21. 1884. To the ARiifTH: The Workingnen's As sembly ot this State has, since 1 have been at the bead of that organization, succeeded in passing through the Legislature the following bills: Annnsning tne mantiiaciure ui unu in the State Prisons, creating a Bureau ot Labor Statistics, the tenement-house cigar bill (twice), the Abolition of convict contract la bor, the hen law, and the conductors 1 .!.:.... (.Ml ....... in .11 OF fhuCA nil morn uinoc.iu i' v measures Governor Cleveland signed five and vetoed two. viz : The lien law and tho conductors' and drivers' bill. Aitothelienlaw.it is generally so knowledgi il now that he did us a kindness in vetnins that bill, because, through errors of our own in drafting the measure, the bill as passed woald have been a positive injury to us The conductors' and drivers' bill I think he should have signed. So the record shows that we hsve sunt to Governor Cleveland six perfect bills and he has signed five and vetoed one. On this record I am not prepared to condemn him. If the Governor does us five favors and commits hut one error I feel that he ia entitled to my support. In addition to the labor mosmiea prepared by our orgauiza tion. Governor Cleveland has signed A bill introduced by Senator KosBctt which makes workingmcn prelern u creditors in case ol as signment or failure of the firm or corporation by which they ire employed. Recognizing the justice of the measure and its great benefit to the working dunes, 1 called on (iovernor Cleveland and asked him to sign it, and he did so without hesitation. So, to ship the matter up, he has approved of six bills favor able to our interests ind disapproved of one. By his record on logitirn.tto labor measures 1 judge him, and ou the strength of that record I shall support him. VourB truly, WaltkrN. Thayer, Prtvml't New York State Trsdes Assembly. Appluu ie In tlie faoo of this authorative declaration by the leader of the bona tide organtzed workingmen of the State, the charges and misrepresentations so industriously circulated bv togus workingmen and pretended "friends of labor," will fall flat wh.-re they were inn ten.lod to excite revolt, theers J The "Conductors and Drivers Bill,' which Mr. Thayer thinks the Governor should have approved, was in many respects as bad as the lien law. It was not asked for bv a single conduotor or driver, could only operate to reduce tbeir wsges at least one quarter, if it could operate at all, and was clearly, as tho Governor declared, "not in the interest ot the workingmen, as tnose tor whose benefit it was supposed to he intended now admit. I ci)l attention to the twenty two reasons why workingmen will vote and work tor the election of (jovenv r Cleveland, a!l based upon his messages and his signa tures to the multitude of bills in the interest of the immigrant, the laborer, depositors in banks, the traveling publio sud kindred reforms. These are the true voices of labor, and they will drown iu this canvass the lying utter ances of the slanderer and the deintgogue. 1 ask nn man to take my word (or it. We frill."! There stands the reevrd, and it proves not only that Governor Cleveland is neither hostile nor cold to the labor interest, but that hi is, and always has been, a consist ent, wise and couragtous frieud. The advo cates of Mr. Blaine have not hesitated to drag the question of religion hisies iuto the con test; and Cm holies, as such, are invited to lesert the Iicmocratio party and vote the Republican ticket this year on account of alliged religions bias on the part of Governor Cleveland. Their bill of particulars is: 1st, tiovernor Cleveland's veto of the "Freedom of Worship Bill;" 21. his veto of the appro priation for the Catholic l'intectory. It is a eullicient answer to the first charge to say that the tiovernor did not veto the freedom of worship bill. It never reached him. It did pass at the session of 1 SSI , when his Republican predecessor, Governor Cornell, vetoed it, which is probably the foundation ol the lie told against Goveruor Cleveland. Had such a hill rvsched Governor Cleveland, lam sure it would have prompdy received his signature. THE CATHOLIC PROTKCTOKY. This is a most excellent institution, located near Now YorU City, for the shelter and care of destitute children in New York City and vicinity; children from other counties of the State are rot admitted. It is not, therefore, ts nmy be supposed, a publio institution, though by long usage all such institutions re ceive more or less financial aid from the County Treasury, and in some rare instances from the State. The Catholic Protectory, in 18SII, was granted ? JO, 000 by the Legislature, aud the tiovernor withheld his approval ou the ground, among others, that the cost of maintaining that institution was only prop erly chargeable upon the city and county ol New Yom, rather than upon the State at large. Iu this view every lawyer will couctir, iucluding the eminent counsel for the Pro tectory, Hon. John K. Develin. Loud ap plause But just before the Convention this veto wns tortured into general anti-Catholic prejudice by those whose interest it was to break down the Governor, and many who were ignorant of the grounds upon which the veto was based, were led to believe that it was a blow directed At the Catholics as a class. I read what the President and coun sel, jest referred to, for the Protectory say about it n A letter written within a few weeks: 'Mr. Daniel Manning, Chairman New York Delegation: We never doubted the sincerity of the motives which induced Gov ernor Cleveland to withhold his signature to the appropriation to the protectory. We thought then, and think now, that he was no; actuated by any feeling of bigotry, or of hostility to Catholics or to Catholic institu tions. On the contrary. Governor Cleveland is liberal in the extreme, and we are of the firm belief that he was led to withholding his approval of the appropriation solely by a seuse ot public duty as he viewed it. Henry L Houtet, President ot the Protectory. Joits K. Develin, Counsel and Advisor to the Protectory. Both these gentlemen are too well known to require an introduction to any Catho.io in the lund, and both not only defend the Gov ernor (rem this base and unfounded attack, but warmly advocate his election to the Press idency. Those wha attack the Governor for this veto are careful to ooucral the fact that All denominations wero treated alike by him, and that he approved no bill or my item in a bill giving A dollar out of the treasury to any such institution, whether managed by Cath )lic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile. The safe and decided ground always taken by bix is that publio moneys shall be raised And ex pended only for publio purposes, Ia the supply bill of 1883 he vetoed twenty-seven items, amounting to $250,704.30. As Cath olios, all we ask is fair play and equal terms with All others in the community. We Ask no special favors. And we serve notioe on those who have so sullenly shown zeal for ns or our votes that we are guided in our publio conduct by principle, not prejudice, and if they appeal to the lower motives they appeal to us in vain. I find among other evidences of Governor Cleveland's deep hostility to the Catholics that he has caused salaries to be given to three Calhoho chaplains in the prisons it the State No Catholic chaplains ever received a salary there before. I think an Executive who has a racejor religious prejudice will find some difficulty in concealing it in his appoint ments, The three leading positions in the gift of the Executive of the State of New York indeed the only three important ones Governor Cleveland filled as follows: Railroad Comin siioner, John D. Kernan. Superintendent o' Insurance, John A, Me Call, Jr. Superintendent of Publio Works, James Slianahsn. It happens that all these gentlemen are of Irish blood and Catholics in religion. I know the Governor did not appoint them to these hiph nositions because of their race or oreed, hut because they were eminently fit for the nlaoes. I rjresume he never thought of rase or creed. But if he were narrow, bigoted, or even timid, he would have done so, and hes itated. Why ! Because never before in the whole history of the State were those offices or any of them, filled by men of Irish blood and Cathnl'o faith ! When the act to estab lish an Emigration Commission went iuto ef fect he did not hesitate to nominate an emin ent Irish-Catholio, Wm. H. Murtha, as Commissioner, to carry ont its beneficient provisions. I will not weary you with mention of many similar appointments to mi nor offices in the Executive gift, though the list is full and representative. But I ask you in all candor what other Governor in all the long, illustrious line has such a record? Ap plause. I dislike exceedingly to descend to the level of these who have imported this race and re ligious issue into the canvass. But I would fail in mv dutv to mvseif if I failed to defend outgsandidate from misrepresentations so vile aud charges so mean aud mendacious. Thoe of ns who were born in Ireland or spring from the Irish raco are here to stay. Whatever our Irish alliliations, ties or affec tion may br and I hope there are many in Ameiioan politics we ire Americans, pure aud simple. We ask nothing on account of our race or creed, and we submit to no slight or injury on account of either. We and our children and our children's children are here merged in this great free, composite national ity, true and loyal citizens of the State and Federal systems, sharing in the burdens and the blessings of the freest people on earth. All we abk is equality for us and ours. The man who takes loss or demands more is no true American. Those who seek to make us a clamoring class in the community, seeking to use Amer ican political means to other than American ends, are merely inverting know-nothingism and playing upon the impulses of men for their own selfiah purposes. It is no compli ment to ih that schemers fancy we oan be thus played upon . We are taking part in an American election contest, in which the question to bo decided IB this: Which ot the parties will give us tne nest administration the purest, safest, and most economical Under whioh will the country be most likely to he prosperous at home and repeoted abroad ? It seems to me there is hut one answer. Tho Republican party must stand upon its record aud be judged. Under its policy and practice we have a reign ot joDDery, corrup tion and txtravasanoe. wild speculation, dis graceful swindles and failures, panics which shake the cotitinent, strikes, idle mills, myriads of idle hands, wheat 85 cents per bushel in Chictgo, manhood labor CO cents per day in favored Pennsylvania. Our com merce has left tho seas; the world's markets are closed to uh. Our foreign diplomacy long since degenerated into fluukeyism; our citi zens lie iu foreivn dungeons without trial, redress or tuccor. This after four And twenty years of Republican rule and prom ise 1 James G. Blaine is the fit candidate of that party a prominent actor in the worst of its days and a representative of all its broken promises. His ingenious friends have now inventfd a new promise for him with which to oaten the votes of men who hope for the dawn of a better day in utir foreign rela tious. They premise that he will give us a "vigorous foreign policy. tie does not promise that himself, but permits his friends to whisper it for htm. The man who, as Secretary of State, with all the nowcr of the Government over our foreign relations intrusted to him, permitted Americans to pine and die in isruisn prisons without as mucn as uttering ten vigorous words in as many months, will giva the British lion's tail a most vigorous twist and make the beast howl, if you will ouly give him your votes and make him Presi deut. His friends will even promise you that his first work as Presniont will be to free Ire landfor votes. Why did not the bold Itlaine even say a word when Grover Cleve land twice asked him, in manly speech, from the plntform in Buffalo in April and Decem ber. 1S82. He felt much more at home in editing a Know-Nothing newspsper and send ing out anti-Catholic circulars from his otbee in Augusta some years ago, for nothing ex ceeds the zeal and venom of a renegade. Thia new found love of Blaine and tho New Y'ork Tribune for the Irish is like a limited railway ticket, "good for this train and trip only." Laughter 1 We prefer to take this trip at least with the party that never trailed the American Msg in the dust at home or abroad ; that made the declaration, "I am an American citizen," the kev to open the prison door abroad to the court roo'ii or to liberty ; that acquired the mighty western domain j that fos'ered our plantations and our industries till the land blossomed in prosperity and gladness ; the party that stood by the tarmer and the work ingman against monopoly aud greed the party that stood in all its days by the for eigner against every form of prescription and tyranny. It is the pariy of the people, of local self-government, individual liberty, pure and economical administration. I have seen it stated that our candidate for President, among other Alleged defects, is lacking in public experience. I wish some brilliant statesman who entertains that notion would inform us whether A newspaper writer, manager of political canvarses, snd member of a legislative body, has any better training for the Presidency than a man of Grover Cleveland's education and practice. Not to mention his sound legal training, and other executive offices held by him, in all of which he won honor, commendation. and respect, your Governor to-day fills the most arduous executive position in the coun try. While Congress in the long session has pawed less than 200 bills, the Legislature cf your State posses from COO to 800. The ( resident merely signs or vetoes a bill entire, and in this, if he plea.e, he can have the ad vice of his Cabinet. Your Governor is charged by the constitution with the duty of scanning every item in every bill, and Approving or vetoing it as hit individual judgment may determine him. Thii and his other multifarj. ous duties keep him at his desk all day and lets into the night, while the cflioial work of ' the President oooupies but a small share of his time. The man who oan fill successfully this great office here will find the Presidency a bed of roses. That Grover Cleveland ha tilled the diffi cult post so admirably it the highest test to whioh his character and intellect could be subjected. He it broaJ, liberal, courageous, discrims inating, generous and just. In the full prime of vigorous manhood, with a sound training and ripe experience, with a lofty sense of the sanctity aud responsibility of publio trust, he wi 1 enter the hite House with a Jackson's will to purify the publio service And adminis tration, to restore the Republic to its oi l. time reign of prosperity, economy, and Dem. ocratio simplicity. Loud And long continued cheering. Honor Before Duty (?) to Tarty. I have a large number of friends in this at in Statr a further East, to whom I desire to addresa the following Announcement, an trust you will grant the necessary space in your columns, I am not seeking any empty notoriety, nor do I wish to thrust my convic tions upon others, but simply to oontribute a mite toward removing dangers which immi nently threaten the very life of our free insti tutions. ' I aided in organizing the Republican party in 1856, and present an unbroken record, eating my lost vote for Mr. Garfield for President of the United States. I represented the party, in my State on the National Com mittee for several years, and served as a dele gate in the Baltimore Couvention in 1S0I, when Mr. Lincoln was nominated for a sec ond Presidential term, Kvery Republican felt proud of the associations and confident that the Government was in the hands of able and honorable men. The party wis based npon broad principles of liberty to All And promised a policy calculated to elevate the toiling mils lions and stamp indelibly, "equality before the law," upon all the constitutions and laws of the States of the American Union, A host of great sod honorable statesmen grasped firmly the parly helm, the intelligent and in dependent voting masses came to the front with overwhelming majorities, and the party achievements during a term of years supply many of the mnBt important and brightest pages in the history of this great republic. But party machinery gradually developed a class of self appointed leaders, who are not famous as statesmen, but notorious for devisi ing mercenary ichemes to plunder the peo ple, whose interests they were sworn to pro tect, and the result is a great money power in the hands of the few, who either fill the seats in both Houses of Congress, or dictate the pliant tools who from such high places shall manipulate public affairs to the personal ad vantage ot tho few, and looking to the en slavement of the many. The present system of American tar ills is one stupendous fraud, a methodical system of robbery, extorting the last pennies of the poor to swell the ill-gotten trillions of inch men as Gould and V anderbilt. The vast in crease of taxable property during the past twonty years, which Mr. Blaine in his late letter of acceptance, attributes to our pro tective tariff system, was brought about, ss every observer of events well knows, by an influx of prosperous and energstic immi grants from the old world, And the settling up and making great States and cities on what was before valueless waste cf publio land, snd he should have said all this has bees done in spite of the destructive weight of taxation imposed by this party of protection, upon the industries of the country at large. The party of to-day, and its representative candi dates take positive gronuds in favor of t continuation of the protection policy, wnicn is precisely the opposite of what its founders intended. The system was then, as now,. justly regarded as a twin sister to slavery, operating to make the poor poorer ana tne rich richer, but on the advent of the party to power in 1SCI the publio necessities made a brief continuation ot the system A neeessity, which has long since passed away. At no former period in the history ot the party would the foul heresy of protection have been tolerated either on the piattorm or on the stump for a day, and the position now taken and being advocatod openly by Repub lican orators and newspapers will doubtless drive the thinking masses, in setr-detonse, to voting the opposition ticket, preferring to take chances on sny new policy rather than attempt to longer support the burthen which is grinding them to powder. lilaine and Cleveland are only citizens, standing on the same level with the meanest voter, but for the time they are representing opposite sides of a great question which the Republican Convention torced into a living issue. B'aine is the candidate for the rich and opulent, declaring that the day laborer hould pay the same amount of tax into tne General Government as the Vanderbiltii while on the other hand Cleveland is repre senting all that large clues who believe that the propel ty of the country should pay tor its own protection, Blaino belongs to that class who believe the toiling masses were cre ated for their use and convenience, while Cleveland represents the people as against unnatural encroachmentsot a moneyed aristoc racy and practically occupies the ground of the Republican party oi twenty years ago. The Republican party, in the bands oi knaves and slanderers, is seeking to mislead the people, and while they are being reduced to penury and rags, made to believe it is prosperity, but as ia tjtiies gone by in other countries, there is a point beyond which a long sutlenng people cannnot be lea, and experience alone can fix the date when our people will unite and demand reform. The matter of reforming our plans as a n tion, of oourse, rests with the people, and the only method left is to cist Aside party names which do not mean what they once did, anil move by the shortest route to a radical change of publio policy. The wealthy, aril tocralic class are expected to vote for Blaine and protection, hot the poor, who are alwsr1 in large msjority in all oonntries, ahould, re gardless of former political affiliations, in de fense of tf.emtelvea and those to come after us, stand in together and break the money power, by votiog in November next for Grover Cleveland for President of the United States. Republicans, look over the list of arrant, arrogant knaves and imbeciles who rule the party in Oregon and all over the country to day. The old ship of popular government laboring iu the midst oft most terrible storm; starvation and ruin threaten the crew; let M avert impending wreck by go!ng to the poll1 in November and voting for Grover Cleveland Read the present situation, stop ard thins aside from preconceived notions, and deal honestly with yourselves by voting in interest of the people and good government W. H. H. WaTR. Salem, Ogn Oct. 11. i'