VOL. XXXV. COBVALLilS, BENTON -COUNTY, OREGON, FRIDAY, APRIL 15, 1898. NO. 5.
V . )
EKIK
A Practical Declaration
of War With Spain.
ARMED INTERVENTION ASKED
Spain's Armtsttco Decree Reported
"Without Recommendation Recogni
tion of Cuban Independence Declared
to Be Unwarranted and Inexpedient
President McKinley Monday sent the1
following message to the congress of
the United States:
Obedient to that precept of the consti
tution which commands the president to
give from time to time the congress In
formation of the state of the Union and
to recommend to its consideration such
measures as he shall judge necessary and
expedient, it becomes my duty now to
address your body with regard to the
grave condition that has arisen in the
relations of the United States and Spain,
by reason of the warfare that for more
than three years has raged in the neigh
boring island of Cuba. I do so because of
the intimate connection of the Cuban
question with the state of our Union, and
because of the grave relations which the
course which Is incumbent upon the nation
to adopt must needs bear to the tra
ditional policy of our government, if it
is to accord with the precepts laid down
by the founders of the republic and re
ligiously observed by succeeding adminis
trations to the present day.
The Cuban Revolution.
The present revolution is but the suc
cessor of other similar Insurrections which
have occurred in Cuba against the do
minion of Spain, extending over a period
of nearly half a century, each of which,
during its progress, has subjected the
United States to great effort and expense
In enforcing its neutrality laws, caused
enormous loss to American trade and
commerce, caused irritation, annoyance
and disturbance among our citizens, and
by the exercise of cruel, barbarous and
uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked
the sensibilities and offended the humane
sympathies of our people.
Since the present revolution began, in
5 February, 1S95, this country has seen the
fertile domain at our threshold ravaged
by tire and sword In the course of a
struggle unequaled in the history of the
island, and rarely paralleled as to the
number of the combatants and the bitter
ness of the contest by any revolution of
modern times, where a dependent people
striving to be free have been opposed by
the power of the sovereign state. Our
people have beheld a once prosperous
community reduced to comparative want,
Its commerce virtually paralyzed, its ex
ceptional productiveness diminished. Its
fields laid waste, its mills in ruins and
Its peoplo perishing by tens of thousands
from hunger and destitution.
Dnmnfre to American Interests.
We have felt ourselves constrained, in
the observance of that strict neutrality
which our laws enjoin and which the laws
of nations command, to police our own
waters and watch our own seaports in
prevention of any unlawful act in aid of
Cuba. Our trade has suffered; the capi
tal Invested by our citizens in Cuba has
been largely lost, and the temper and for
bearance of our people have been so
sorely tried as to beget perilous unrest
among our own citizens, which has Inevi
tably followed its expression from time
to time in the national legislature so that
issues wholly external to our body poli
tic engross attention and stand In the way
of more close devotion to domestic ad
vancement that becomes a self-contented
commonwealth, whose primal maxim has
been the avoidance of all foreign en
tanglements. All this must needs awaken
and has indeed aroused the utmost con
cern on the part of this government as
well during my predecessor's as dur
ing my own administration.
A Previous Kffort to Restore Peace.
In April, 189G, the evils from which our
country suffered through the Cuban war
became so enormous that my predecessor
made an effort to bring about peace
through the mediation of the government
in any way that might tend to an honor
able adjustment of the contest between
Bpain and her revolting colony on the ba
sis of some effective scheme of self
government for Cuba, under the flag
and sovereignty of Spain. It failed,
through the refusal of the Spanish gov
ernment then in power to consider any
form of mediation or Indeed any plan
of settlement which did not 'begin with
the actual submission of the insurgents
to the mother country and then only on
such terms as Spain herself might see fit
to grant.
Weyler's Inhuman Policy.
The war continued unabated. The re
sistance of Insurgents was in no wise
diminished. The efforts of Spain were in
creased, both by the dispatch of fresh
levies to Cuba and by additions to the
horrors of the strife. The new and in
human phase, happily unprecedented in
the modern history of civilized Christian
people, the policy of devastation and con
centration. Inaugurated by the captain
general's ban of October 21, 1896, In the
province of Pinar del Rio, was thence
extended to embrace all of the Island to
which the power of the Spaniards was
able to reach by occupation or by mili
tary Operations. The peasantry, includ
ing all dwelling in the open agricultural
Interior, were driven into the garrisoned
towns or isolated places held by the Span
ish troops. The raising of provisions of
all kinds was. interdicted. Fields were
laid waste, dwellings unroofed and fired,
mills destroyed, and. In short, everything
that cou.n desolate the land and render It
unfit for human habitation or support
was commanded by one or the other con
tending parties and executed by all the
powers at their disposal.
By the time the present administration
took office a year ago, reconcentration
so called had been effective over the bet
ter part of four central and western prov
inces, Santa Clara, Matanzas, Havana
and Pinar del Rio. The agricultural pop
ulation, to the estimated number of 300,
000 or more, was herded within the towns
and their immediate vicinity, deprived of
all means of support, rendered destitute
of shelter, left poorly clad and exposed
to the most unsatisfactory conditions.
SufTe'rinics of Reconcentrados.
As the scarcity of food increased with
the devastation of the depeopled areas of
production, destitution and want became
misery and starvation. Month by month
the death rate Increased in alarming ra
tio, and by March, 189S, according to con
servative estimates from official Spanish
sources, the mortality among the recon
centrados from starvation and the dis
eases thereto incident exceeded 60 per
centum of the total number. No practical
relief was accorded to the destitute. The
overburdened towns, already suffering
from the general , dearth, could give no
aid. So-called zones of cultivation, estab
lished within the immediate area of effect
ive military control, about the cities and
fortified camps, proved Illusory as a. rem
edy for the suffering. The unfortunates,
being for the most part women and chil
dren, with aged and helpless men, en
feebled by disease and hunger, could not
have tilled- the soil without tools, seeds
or shelter, for their own support or for
the supply of the cities.
Reconcentration adopted avowedly as a
war measure, to cut off the resources of
the insurgents, worked its predestined re
sult. As I said in my message of last
December, it was not civilized warfare;
it was extermination, and the only peace
it could beget was that of the wilderness
and the grave.
Progress of the War.
Meanwhile the military situation in the
Island has undergone a noticeable change.
The extraordinary activity that charac
terized the second year of the war, when
tho Insurgents invaded even the hitherto
unharmed fields of Pinar del Rio and car
ried havoc and destitution up to the wails
of the city of Havana itself, had relapsed
into a dogged struggle In the central and
eastern provinces. The Spanish army re
gained a measure of control In Pinar del
Rio and parts of Havana, but under the
existing conditions of the rural country,
without immediate improvement of their
productive situation. Even thus partial
ly restricted, the revolutionists held their
own. and their submission, put forward
by Spain as the essential and sole basis
of peace, seemed as far distant as at the
i outset. In this state of affairs my ad-
ministration found itself confronted with
the grave problem of its duty. My mes
sage of last December reviewed the sit
i uation and detailed the steps taken with
a view of relieving the acuteness and
opening the way to some form of hon
orable settlement.
Sagattta'tt Vain Promises.
The assassination of the prime minis
ter, Canovas, led to a change of govern
ment In Spain. The former administra
tion, which pledged subjugation without
concession, gave place tc that of a more
liberal party, committed long In advance
to a policy of reform involving the wider
principle of home rule for Cuba and Porto
Rico.
The overtures of this government made
through its new envoy, General Wood
ford, and loking to an immediate effective
amelioration of the condition of the
island, although not accepted to the ex
tent of admitted mediation In any shape,
were met by assurances that home rule
in an advanced phase should be forthwith
offered to Cuba, without waiting for the
war to end, and that more humane meth
ods should thenceforth prevail in the con
duct of hostilities.
Incidentally with these declarations the
new government of Spain continued and
completed the policy already begun by
Its predecessor of testifying friendly re
gard for this nation by releasing Ameri
can citizens held under one charge or
another connected with the Insurrection,
so that, by the end of November, not a
single person entitled in any way to our
national protection remained In a Spanish
prison.
The Relief Movement.
While these negotiations were in progress
the increasing destitution of the unfor
tunate reconcentrados and the alarming
mortality among them claimed earnest at
tention. The success which had attended
the limited measure of relief extended to
the suffering American citizens anrjong
them -by the judicious expenditure, -through
the consular agencies, of the
money appropriated expressly for their
succor by the joint resolution approved
May 24, 1897, prompted the humane ex
tension of a similar scheme to that great
body of sufferers. A suggestion to this
end was acquiesced in by the Spanish au
thorities. On the 24th of December I
caused to be issued an appeal to the
American people, inviting contributions In
money or in kind for the succor of the
starving sufferers In Cuba.
Following this, on the 8th of January,
was a similar public announcement of the
formation of a central Cuban relief com
mittee, which had headquarters in New
York city, composed of members rep
resenting the national Red Cross and the
religious and business elements of the
community. The efforts of that com
mittee have been untiring and have accom
plished much. Arrangements for free
transportation to Cuba have greatly aided
the charitable work.
The president of the American Red Cross
and representatives of other contributory
organizations have generally visited Cuba
and co-operated with the consul-general
and the local authorities to make effective
distribution of the relief collected through
the efforts of the central committee. Near
ly $200,000 in money and supplies has
reached the sufferers, and more is forth
coming. The supplies are admitted duty
free, and transportation to the interior
has been arranged so that the relief at
first necessarily confined to Havana and
the larger cities is now extended through
most, if not all, of the towns where suf
fering exists. Thousands of lives have
already been saved.
The necessity for a change In the con
dition of the reconcentrados Is recognized
by the Spanish government. Within a
few days past the orders of General Wey
ler have been revoked, the reconcentra
dos are, It is said, to be permitted to re
turn to their homes, and aided to resume
the self-supporting pursuits of peace; pub
lic works have been started to give them
employment, and a sum of $600,000 has been
appropriated for their relief.
Spain's Cause Hopeless.
The war in Cuba is of such a nature
that, short of subjugation or extermina
tion, a final military victory for the other
side seems impracticable. The alternative
lies In the physical exhaustion of the one
or theother party, or perhaps both, a con
dition "which in effect ended the 10 years'
war by the truce of Zan Jon. The pros
pect of such a protraction and conclu
sion of the present strife is a contingency
hardly to be contemplated with equa
nimity by the civilized world, and least of
all by the United States, affected and
objected as we are deeply and intimately
by Its very existence.
An Offer of Mediation.
.Realizing this. It appeared to be my
duty, In a spirit of true friendliness, no
less to Spain than to the Cubans, who
have so much to lose by the prolongation
of the struggle, to seek to bring about
an Immediate termination of the war. To
this end I submitted, on the 27th ultimo,
as a result of much representation and
correspondence through the United States
minister at Madrid, propositions to the
Spanish government looking to an armis
tice until October 1, for the negotiation
of peace with the good offices of the
president.
In addition, I asked the immediate revo
cation of the order of reconcentration, so
as to permit the people to return to their
farms and the needy to be relieved with
provisions and supplies by the United
States, co-operating with the Spanish
authorities so as to afford full relief.
The reply of the Spanish cabinet was re
ceived on the night of the Slst ultimo. It
offers as the means to bring about peace
In Cuba to confide the preparation there
of to the insular department, inasmuch
as the concurrence of that body would
be necessary to establish a final result.
It being however understood that the
powers reserved by the constitution to the
central government are not lessened or di
minished. As the Cuban parliament does
not meet until the 4th of May next, the
Spanish government would not object, for
its part, to accept at once a suspension
of hostilities if asked for by the insur
gents through the general-In-chief, to
whom it would pertain in such cases to
determine the duration and conditions of
the armistice.
The propositions submitted by General
Woodford and the reply of the Spanish
government were both In the form of
brief memoranda, the texts of which are
before mentioned and substantially in the
language above given. The function of
the Cuban parliament in the matter of
"preparing" peace and the manner of do
ing so are not explained in the Spanish
memorandum, but from General Wood
ford's explanatory reports of preliminary
discussion preceding the final conference
it is understood that the Spanish govern
ment stands ready to give the Insular j
congress full power to settle the terms of
peace with the insurgents, whether by di
rect negotiation or indirectly by means of
legislation does not appear. With this
last overture in the direction of Immedi
ate peace and its disappointing reception
by Spain, the executive was brought to
the end of his efforts.
Recognition Xot Warranted.
In my annual message of December last
I said:
"Of the untried measures there remain
Recognition of the insurgents as bellig
erents, recognition of the Independence of
Cuba and intervention to end the war by
Imposing a rational compromise between
the contestants, or Intervention fn favor of
one or the other party. I speak not of
forcible annexation, for that cannot be
thought of. That, by our code of mor
ality, would be criminal aggression."
Thereupon I reviewed these alternatives
in the light of President Grant's message
In tho words uttered in 1875, when after
several years of sanguinary, destructive
and cruel barbarities in Cuba, he reached
the conclusion that the recognition of the
independence of Cuba was impracticable
and indefensible, and that the recognition
of belligerence was not warranted by the
facts according to the texts of public law.
I commented especially upon that phase
of the question, pointing out the incon
veniences and positive dangers of recogni
tion of belligerence, which, while adding
to the already onerous burdens of neu
trality without our own jurisdiction, could
not in any way extend our Influence or
effective offices in the territory of hostili
ties. Nothing has since occurred to chango
my view in this regard, and I recognize
as fully now as then that the Issuance of
a proclamation of neutrality, by which
process the so-called recognition of bellig
erency is published, could, of Itself and
unattended by other action, accomplish
nothing toward the -one end for which we
labor, the instant pacification of Cuba, and
the cessation of the misery that afflicts
the island.
A Precedent Cited.
Turning to the question of recognizing
at this time the Independence of the pres
ent insurgent government in Cuba, we
find safe precedents In our history from
an early day. They are well summed up
In President Jackson's message to con
gress December 21, 1836, on the subject of
the recognition of the independence of
Texas. He said:
"In all the contests that have arisen
out of the revolutions of France, out of
the disputes relating to Portugal and
Snaln. nut of the senHratlnn nf th Amer-
I lean possessions of both from the Eu
ropean governments, and out of the nu
merous and constantly recurring strug
gles for dominion in 'Spanish-American
countries, so wisely consistent with
just principles has been the action of our
government that we have under the most
critical circumstances avoided all censure
and encountered no other evil than that
produced by a transient estrangement
of good will in -those against whom we
have been, by force of evidence, com
pelled to decide.
"It has thus been made known to the
world that the uniform policy and practice
of the United States is to avoid all inter
ference in disputes which merely relate
to the internal government of other na
tions, and eventually to recognize the au
thority of the provailing party without ref
erence to our particular interests and
views or to the merits of the original
controversy. But in this, as in every
other occasion, safety is to be found in a
rigid adherence to these principles. In
tlii-cor.test -between Spain and the revolt
ing colonies we stood aloof and waited
not only until the ability of the new states
to protect themselves was fully estab
lished, but until the chance of their being
again subjugated had entirely passed
away. Then, and' not until then, were
they recognized. Such was our course In
regard to Mexico herself. It Is true that
with regard to Texas the civil authorities
of Mexico had been expelled, its Invading
army defeated, the chief of the republic
himself captured, and all present power
to control the newly organized govern
ment of Texas annihilated within its con
fines. But. on the other hand, there is, in
appearance at least, an immense dispar
ity of physical force on the side of Texas.
The Mexican republic again Is rallying Its
forces under a new leader and menacing
a fresh Invasion to recover its lost do
main. "Upon the issue of this threatened in
vasion, the " independence of Texas may
be considered as suspended, and were
there nothing peculiar in the relations be
tween the United States and Texas, our
acknowledgment of Its independence at
such a crisis could scarcely be regarded
as consistent with the prudent reserve
with which we have hitherto held our
selves bound to treat all similar ques
tions." Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded
to consider the risk that there might be
imputed to the United States motives of
selfish interests in view of the former
i claim on our part to the territory of
I Texas, and of the avowed purpose of the
I Texans in seeking recognition of inde
i pendence as an incident to the incorpora
tion of Texas In the Union, concluding
thus: .
"Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate
i that we should stand aloof and maintain
! our present attitude. If not until Mexico
Itself or one of the great powers shall
I recognize the Independence of the new
government, at least until the lapse of
time or the course of events shall have
proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability
of the people-of that country to maintain
.their separate spyereignty and to uphold
the government constituted by them.
Neither of the contending parties can
justly complain of this course. By pur
suing it we are but carrying out the long
established policy of our government, a
policy which has secured to us respect
and influence abroad and inspired confi
dence at home.'""
These are the. words of-Andrew Jackson.
They are evidence that the United States,
In addition to the test Imposed by pub
lic law as the condition of the recognition
: of the Independence of a neutral state, -I
to wit, that the revolted state shall "con
: stitute in fact a body politic, having a
government in substance as well as in
name, possessed of the elements of sta
bility," and forming de facto "if left to
Itself a state among the nations, rea
sonably capable of discharging the duties
of a state, has Imposed for its own gov
j ernance In dealing with cases like these.
the further condition that recognition of
an Independent state is not due to a re
j volted dependency until the danger of
I its being again subjugated by the parent
I state has entirely passed away." This ex
treme test was, In fact, applied in the
case of Texas.
I The congress to whom President Jack
son referred the question as one probably
j leading to war, and therefore an appropri
I ate subject for a "previous understanding
i with that body by whom war can alone
be declared, and by whom all the provls
j ions for sustaining Its perils must be fur
i nlshed, left the matter of recognition of
Texas to the discretion of the executive,
providing merely for the sending of diplo
matic agents when the president should
be satisfied that the republic of Texas had
become an "Independent state."
It was so recognized by President Van
Buren, who commisslaoned a charge d'af
faires March 7, 1837, after Mexico had
abandoned an attempt to conquer the
Texas territory, and then there was at the
time no bona fide contest going on be
tween the Insurgent province and Its for
mer sovereign.
Cuba Not Rlsrhtly a State.
I said in my message of December last:
"It is to be seriously considered whether
the Cuban government possesses beyond
dispute the attributes of statehood, which
alone can demand the recognition of bel
ligerency, in its favor."
The same requirement must certainly
be no less seriously considered when the
graver issue of recognizing independence
is in question, for no less positive test
can be applied to the greater act than to
the lesser, while on the other hand the
influences and consequences of the strug
gle depending upon the Internal policy of
the recognizing state, which form impor
tant factors when the recognition of bel
ligerency is concerned, are secondary if
not rightly eliminable factors when the
r-il question is whether the community
claiming recognition is or itnot independ
ent beyond peradventure.
Recognition Inexpedient.
Nor from the standpoint of expedience
do I think it would be wise or prudent
for this government to recognize at the
present time the independence of the so
called Cuban republic. Such recognition
is not necessary in order to enable the
United States to Intervene and pacify the
island. To commit this country now to
the recognition of any particular govern
ment in Cuba might subject us to em
barrassing conditions of interest obliga
tion toward the organization so recog
nized. In case of intervention, our con
duct will be subject to the approval or
disapproval of such government. We
would be required to submit to Its direc
tion and to assume to It the mere rela
tion of a friendly ally. When It shall
appear hereafter that there is within
the Island a government capable of per
forming the duties and discharging the
functions of a nation, and having, as a
matter of fact, the proper forms and at
tributes of nationality, such government
can be promptly and readily recognized
and the relations and interests of the
United States with such nation adjusted.
Possible Alternative.
There remain the alternative forms of
intervention to end the war, each as an
impartial neutrality, by Imposing a ra
tional compromise between the contest
ants or as the active ally of the one party
or the other. As to the first, it is not to
be forgotten that during the last
few months the attitude of the
United States has virtually been one
of friendly intervention in many ways,
each not of itself conclusive, but all tend
ing to the exertion of a potential influ
ence toward an ultimate pacific result,
just and honorable to all Interests con
cerned. The spirit of all our acts hither
to has been an earnest, unselfish desire
for peace and prosperity in Cuba, untar
nished by differences between the United
States and Spain and unstained by the
blood ofAmerican citizens. The forcible
intervention of the United States as a neu
tral to stop the war according to the
large dictates of humanity and following
the historical precedents wherein the
United States has interfered to check the
hopeless sacrifice of life by internecine
conflicts beyond their borders. Is justifi
able on national grounds. It involves,
however, hostile constraint upon both par
ties to the contest, as well as to enforce
a truce as to end the eventual settle
ment. The grounds for such Intervention
may be briefly summarized as follows:
First In the cause of humanity and to
put an end to the barbarities, bloodshed,
starvation and horrible miseries now ex
isting there and which the parties to the
conflict are either unable or unwilling to
stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say
this is all in another country, belonging
to another nation, and is therefore none
of our business. It is explicitly our duty,
for it is right at our door.
Second We owe it to our citizens In
Cuba to afford them that protection and
Indemnity for life and property which no
government there can or will afford, and
to that end terminate the conditions that
deprive them of legal protection.
Third The right to Intervene may be
Justified by the very serious injury to the
commerce, trade and business of our peo
ple and by the wanton destruction of prop
erty and devastation of the island.
Fourth And which is of foremost im
portance, the condition of affairs in Cuba
Is ''a constant menace to our peace, and
entails upon this government enormous ex
pense. With such a conflict waged for
years In an lsland so near us and with which
our people have such trade and business
relations when the lives and liberty of
our citizens are in constant danger, their
property destroyed and themselves ruined
when our trading vessels are liable to seiz
ure and are seized at our very door by war
ships of a foreign nation, the expeditions
of filibustering that we are power:ess to
prevent altogether, and the irritating ques
tions and entanglements -thus arising ail '
these and others are a constant menace to
our peace and tend to keep us on a war
footing with that nation with which we are
at peace.
The Maine Incident.
These elements of danger and d'sorder
already pointed out have been strikingly
illustrated by a tragic event which has
deeply and justly moved the American
people; I have already transmitted to con
gress the renort of the naval court of in
quiry on the destruction of the battle-ship
Maine in the harbor of Havana during the
night of the 15th of February. The de
struction of that noble vessel has filled
the national heart with Inexpressible hor
ror; 258 brave sailors nnd marines and
officers of our navy, reposing In the fan
cied security of a friendly harbor have
been hurled to death. Grief and want are
brought to their homes and sorrow to the
nation.
The naval court of inquiry, which, it is
needless to say, commands the unqualified
confidence of the government, was unan
imous in its conclusion that the destruc
tion of the Maine was caused by an ex
terior explosion, and also by a submarine
mine. It did not assume to place the re
sponsibility. That remains to be fixed. In
any event, the destruction of the Maine,
by whatever exterior cause, is a patent and
Impressive proof of a state of things in
Cuba that is intolerable. That condition
is thus shown to be such that the Spanish
government cannot assure safety and se
curity to a vessel of the American navy
in the harbor of Havana on a mission of
peace, and rightfully reference in this con
nection is made to recent diplomatic cor
respondence. A dispatch from our minister to Spain
of the 26th ultimo contained that the
Spanish minister for foreign affairs as
sured him positively that Spain will do all
that the highest honor and justice re
quire in the matter of the Maine.
The reply also referred to of the 31st
ultimo also contained an expression of
the readiness of Spain to submit to arbi
tration all the differences which can arise
In this matter, which is subsequently ex
plained by the note of the Spanish minis
ter at Washington of the 10th inst., as
follows:
"As to the question of fact which
springs from the diversified views between
representatives of the American and the
Spanish boards, Spain proposes that the
fact be ascertained by an impartial in
vestigation by experts, which decision
Spain accepts in advance. To this I have
made no reply."
Another Precedent.
President Grant, in 1875, in discussing the ,
purposes of the Cuban contest as it then
appeared, and the hopeless and apparent
indefinite prolongation of such event, said:
"I am of the opinion that other nations
will be compelled to assume the responsi
bility which devolves upon them, and to
seriously consider the only remaining
measures possible mediation and inter
vention. Owing, perhaps, to the large ex
panse of water separating the island from
the peninsula, the contending parties ap
pear to have within themselves no depos
itory of common confidence to suggest
wisdom when passion and excitement
have their sway, and thus assume the
part of peacemaker."
In this view in the early days of the con
test the good offices of the United States
as yie mediator were tendered in good
faith without any selfish purpose in the
interest of humanity and sincere friend
ship for both parties, but were at the time
declined by Spain with the declaration,
nevertheless, that at a future time they
would be Indispensable. No Intimation has
been received that in the opinion of Spain
that that time has been reached: yet the
strife continues with all Its dread horrors
and its injuries to the United States and
other nations. Each party seems quite
capable of working great injury and dam
age to the other as well as to all the rela
tions and interests dependent on the exist
ence of pence in the island; but they
seem incapable of reaching any agreement,
and both have thus far failed of achieving
and success whereby one party shall pos
sess and control the island to the exclu
sion of the other.
Under the circumstances the agency of
others, either by mediation or by inter
vention, seems to be the only alternative
which must sooner or later be involved
for the termination of the strife.
In the last annual message of my im
mediate predecessor during the pending
struggle, it was said:
"When the inability of Spain to deal
successfully with the Insurrection has be
come manifest, and if demonstrated that
her sovereignty is extinct in Cuba, for all
purposes of its rightful existence, and
when a hopeless struggle for its re-establishment
has degenerated into the strife
which means nothing more than the use
less sacrifice, of human life and the utter
destruction Of the very subject-matter o
the conflict, .a situation will be presented in
which our obligations to the sovereignty
of Spain will be superseded by higher ob
ligations which we can hardly hesitate to
recognize aai discharge."
In my annual message to congress De
cember lastspeaking to this question, I
said:
"The neat? ,- future will demonst,.te
whether thS indispensable condition of a
righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans
and Spain, as well as equitable to all our
Interests, to Intimately involved "in the
welfare of Cuba, Is likely to be attained.
If not, other action by the United States
will remains" to be taken; when that time
comes the action will be determined in the
line if indisputable right of duty; it will
be faced without misgiving or hesitancy
in the light of the obligation this govern
ment owes o itself, to the people who con
fided the protection of their interests and
honor and to hunianity.
"Sure of the right, keplng Tree from all
offense ourselves, actuated by upright
and patriotic considerations, moved neith
er by passion nor selfishness, the govern
ment will continue its watchful care over
the rights ind property of American citi
zens, and 'Will abate none of its efforts
to bring about by peaceful agencies a
peace whiefet shall be honorable and endur
ing. If it sh ii: hereafter appear to be a
duty impoagri by our obligations to our
selves, to eivilizatlon and to humanity
to intervene with force, it shall be without
fault on r.jjr part and' only because the
necessity foi such action Will be so clear
as to coirniuiid the support and approval
of the civilized world."
Intervention the Only Hope.
The long trial has proved that the ob
ject for which Spain has waged war
cannot be? attained. The fire of insur
rection may flame or may smolder with
varying seasons, but It has not been and
it is plain that it cannot be extinguished
by present methods. The only hope of re
lief and repose from a condition which
cannot longer be endured is the enforced
pacification of Cuba.
In the name of humanity, in the name
of civilization, in behalf of endangered
American -Interests, which give us the
right and the duty to speak and to act,
the war in Cuba must stop"; in view of
these facts, and these considerations, 1
ask congress to authorize and empower
the president to take measures to se
cure a full termination of hostilities be
tween the government of Spain and the
people of Cuba, and to secure in the
Island the establishment of a stable gov
ernment capable of maintaining order
and observing its International obliga
tions, insuring peace and tranquillity and
the security of its citizens as well as
our own, and to use the military and
naval force of the United States as may
be necessary for these purposes and In
the interest of humanity, and to aid in
preserving the lives of the starving peo
ple of the island I recommend that the
distribution of food and supplies be con
tinued and that an appropriation be made
out of the public treasury to supple
ment the charity of our citizens.
The issue is now with congress; It Is
a solemn responsibility ; I have exhausted
every effort to relieve the Intolerable con
dition of affairs which is at our doors.
Prepared Jo- execute every obligation im
posed upon me by the constitution and
law, I await your action.
Spain's iMut Subterfuge.
Yesterday and since the preparation of
ttie fb.'eginr.g' message, official information
was received by me that the latest decree
of the queen regent of Spain directs Gen
eral Blanco, In order to prepare and facil
itate peace, to proclaim a suspension of
hostilities, the duration and details of
which have not yet been communicated
to me. This fact with every other point
in consideration will, I am sure, have
your careful and just attention in the
solemn deliberations upon which you are
about to enter. If this measure attains a
successful result, then our aspirations as
a Christian, peace-loving people will be
realized; If it fails, it will be only another
justification for our contemplated action.
WILLIAM McKINLEY.
Executive Mansion, Washington, April
11, 1898.
How Congress Received It.
The president's message was received
in the senate and referred to the com
mittee on foreign relations.
The president's message did not,
after the first reading, receive the in
dorsement of a majority of the senators,
and many excuwad themselves from
speaking about it until they could have
time for careful perusal. In a general
way the objections were based on the
ground that it did not go far enough in
recognizing the rights of the Cuhans.
A large number of the Democratic sen
ators refused to ffxpress themselves at
all, as did several Republicans, on the
ground that as they could not speak in
complimentary terms, thej' would say
nothing at all.
The reading of the message in the
house was greeted with scattering ap
plause from the Republican side, and
groans from the Democratic side. The
galleries made no demonstration The
message was referred to the committee
on foreign affairs without debate.
Our Motives Assailed.
Senor Emilio Castelar, the distin
guished Spanish republican leader, has
contributed an article to the Vienna
Neuse Weiner Tageblatt, which, while
furnishing evidence of his ardent love
for his country, proves that little more
than a high pitch of excitement pre
vails among all classes in Spain.
Senor Castelar retorts to the jV'neri
can critic who attributed the Spanish
methods and style of today with the
uninterrupted intellectual decline of
that people For his part, Senor Cas
telar regards the action of the Ameri
cans, to whom he refers throughout as
Yankees, as evidence of the decay of
the once glorious American people.
He charges them with diplomatic tricks
and artifices, having for their object
the making of Spain responsible for
tlie result of the defective manning of
their fleet and negligence of officers of
the Maine.
No Temporary Peace Wanted.
New York, April 13. The following
is an extract from a letter written to
Consul Barker, United States repre
sentative at. Santiago de Cuba, by
Maximo Gomez, and will be presented
to President McKinley:
' 'One year ago we received a proposal
from Spain to agree to an armistice.
We refused then, as we refuse- now.
The rainy season will soon be at hand,
and Spain's troops would like an arm
istice until it is over. We shall throw
away no adavntage. On the other
hand, I am anxious that hostilities
shall cease, but it must be for all time.
If Spain agrees to leave Cuba, taking
her flag with her, I am willing to agree
to an armistice to last until October 1,
when the loyal Cubans shall come into
their own.
"Please tell President McKinley this
for me. Tell him, too, that I am
writing this at the direction of the Cu
ban provisional government, with
which they may treat directly should
they so desire."
More is used in Paris in three months
than the entire product of the United
States amounts to.
IB RESPONSE
The Freedom of Cuba
Is Demanded. '
REPORTS OF THE COMMITTEES
Both Go Beyond the President's Rec
ommendations The Only Thing Now
to Avert a Conflict Will Be Spain's
Surrender of the Island.
Washington, April 14. The burden
of responsibility for the next move in
the Spanish crisis having been shifted
by the president's message upon the
shoulders of congress, the capitol today
became the storm center, with the for
eign affairs committees of the two
houses as the foci.
The struggle in each committee was
long and bitter, with this marked differ
ence"between that at the senate wing
and that at the house end of the capi
tol. In the senate end, Democrats as well
as Republicans participated, while at
the house end the task was to secure
harmonious action among the Republi
cans, so as to present, if possible, a
solid front when the Democrats were
finally called in for action. Pressure
from every quarter was brought to bear.
Radicals and conservatives strained
every nerve. Tho vital point of the
contest hinged upon whether the reso
lutions should go further than the presi
dent had gone and declare for the in
dependence of Cuba from Spanish
domination. Tonight a compromise
proposition was certain to be reported
at both ends of the capitol.
The senate committee's resolution
will be the more radical of the two. It
will declare for immediate interven
tion, a general recognition of the
rights of the Cuban people to freedom
and independence, and will demand the
withdrawal of the Spanish forces from
the island.
The Republicans of the house com
mittee practically united upon a reso
lution which also directs immediate in
tervention (in that respect going be
yond the president's recommendation),
and for the establishment of a "firm
and stable government" in Cuba.
Smith of Michigan stood out stubbornly
for a recognition of independence, but
the committee did not yield. When
the resolutions were submitted to the
Republican steering committee, they
insisted that unless the words "and in
dependent" before "government" were
inserted, so as to read, "firm, stable
and independent government," they
would decline to accept it. Finally,
assurances that this would be conceded
were given, and in those words plain
-sailing and harmonious action seems
probable. The Democrats of the com
mittee have agreed to antagonize the
majority report with one declaring for
independence of the island and imme
diate armed intervention. The ulti
mate independence of the island, with
out the recognition of the independence
of the existing government, is the step
which both committees are to take be
yond the president's recommendation.
A signilicant feature of the day in
this connection was the delcaration of
General Grosvenor, of Ohio, the ad
ministration's spokesman, made during
the debate in the house, that the presi
dent's recommendations must be inter
preted as a declaration for the inde
pendence of the island from Spanish
dominion.
There is a strong impression tonight
that the debate in the house will be
made short to prevent undue criticism
of the administration. Many of tho
Republicans are in favor of no debate
at all, contending that the passage of a
resolution without debate would
strengthen our position before the
world.
In the senate, it is impossible to pre
dict how long the debate will run.
There is a general feeling in Wash
ington tonight among public men that
the action of congress, as foreshadowed
in the resolutions, renders the situation
extremely critical, and conseravtive
leaders of both parties consider war in
evitable as a result of their adoption,
unless Spain makes a final and com
plete surrender by giving up Cuba.
The situation is regarded as so critical
that Republicans on the ways and
means committee, as a result of private
conferences, have reached an agreement
as to the method of raising $100,000,
000 additional revenue annually for
the prosecution of the war by increasing
the tax on beer and tobacco, and plac
ing a tax on tea and coffee. They also
agreed to authorize the issue of a popu
lar loan of $500,000,000, and the issue
of certificates of indebtedness to meet
the emergencies.
Modesto, Cal., April 14. Rev. P.
Smith, a priest of St. Stanislaus cathe
dral, dropped dead of heart disease
while celebrating mass this morning.
He had just preached an eloquent ser
mon on the necessity of being prepared
for death.
The Knockout Proved Fatal.
Columbus, O., April 14. George
Stout, of Philadelphia, who was
knocked out by Oscar Gardner, the
Omaha Kid, in a fight last night, died
from the effects of the blow this morn
ing. It was in the 12th round that
the fatal jolt was delivered, Stout fall
ing heavily' and' never regaining con
sciousness. He was taken to a hospi
tal, but nothing could be done for him.
The kangaroo readily leaps from
sixty to seventy feet.
Wheat and Barley on the Rise.
San Francisco, April 14. Both bar
ley and wheat have made great and ex
traordinary advances on the produce
exchange call board. The advance in
May wheat from Saturday's figures is
10 cents a cental, or $2.06 a ton, and
in December options 16 cents a cental,
equivalent to $3.20 a ton.
In barley the advance is 12 and 10
cents a cental, while since Thursday
May has gone up fiom$1.15 to $1.44,
or 18 cents a cental, equal to $3.66 a
ton, and December from $1.25l2 to
$1.41, or 16 cents a cenUl, or
$3.16 a too.
A SPANISH PLOT.
General X.ee Says Officials Blew Up
the Maine.
Washington, April 14. Consul-Gen-
eral Lee was before the senate commit
tee on foreign relations for an hour, late
today. He talked freely with the com
mittee in regard to the' conditions in
Cuba, and especially with regard to the
destruction of the Maine. He said in
his opinion there was no room to doubt
that the destruction of the vessel was
due to Spanish agencies.
"Do you mean the Spanish authori
ties in Cuba?" he was asked by a mem
ber of the committee.
"I mean the Spanish officials," he
replied, but not General Blanoo.
think some of the officials were cog
nizant of the plans to destroy the ves
sol, but I do not believe that the cap
tain-general was."
REPORTS OF CONSULS.
Correspondence Sent to Congress With
the Message.
The consular correspondence, with
regard to the situation in Cuba, which
was transmitted to congress, was pre
pared in response to resolutions of in
quiry adopted by both the senate and
house. The correspondence includes
communications up to April 1. It
covers the communications of General
Lee at Havana, Consul McGatr atCien
fuegos, Consul Brice at Matanzas, Con
sul Hyatt at Santiago de Cuba, and
consul Uarker at Sagua la Grande.
ihe communications made about
60,000 words. They deal largely with
distress and sufferings which exist in
all the districts, but General Lee re
ports fully upon the decrees of the gov
ernment with regard to autonomy nnd
other political phases of the situation;
in preparing the correspondence for
transmission to congress considerable
portions of the important communica
tions, and especially those marked con
fidential, are omitted.
The consular correspondence in part
was devoted to the Maine disaster, and
in this part of the correspondence.
some important and interesting points
are developed. The correspondence
consists largely by cablegrams ex
changed by Assistant Secretary of State
Day and Consul-General Lee. The
first of these telegrams is dated Ha
vana, January 12, and relates to the
riots which were then occurring in the
city. This and the subsequent docu
rnents on the same subject have been
published either in whole or in part.
January 24, General Lee was notified
by the state department that the Maine
would call at Havana in a day or two,
anil was directed to make arrange
ments for an interchange of friendly
calls between the officers and the au
thorities. Under the same date, Gen
eral Lee advised postponement of the
Maine's visit for six or seven days, so
that the excitement might abate.
Later on the same day, Mr. Lee was
advised that the Maine would arrive
in Havana the next day, and was
asked to co-operate with the authorities
for her visit. Writing the state de
partment the next day. General Lee in
formed the department, that the Span
ish authorities professed to think the
United States had an ulterior purpose
in sending the ship.
Tiie next telegram of importance was
sent by General Lee early on the morn
ing of February 16, announcing to the
state department the destruction of the
Maine. That telegram has been pub
lished. During the 43 hours that fol
lowed, General Lee kept the depart
ment informed of the occurrences in
chronological order.
The request to which they are the
response, asked only for such corre
spondence as it was not deemed in
compatible with the public interest to
make public. General Lee's corre
spondence runs over tho period from
November 17. 1897, to April, 1898.
The first dispatch from General Lee
contains General Blanco's order of No
vember 13, repealing, or rather modify
ing General Weyler's order of concen
tration, which has heretofore been pub
lished by tho press. This order was
made shortly after General Lee re
turned to Havana from the United
States last fall. General Lee also re
ports the proclamation of General Rod
riguez, major-general in charge of the
western department of the Cuban mili
tary operations, addressed to the Cuban
people and informing them of the
"firm resolution" of the insurgent
army to continue fighting until the at
tainment of absolute Independence.
The Proclamation.
The state department has received
General Blanco's proclamation order
ing a cessation of hostilities in Cuba.
"His majesty's government, yielding
to the reiterated wish expressed by his
holiness, the pope, has been pleased to
decree a suspension of hostilities, with
the object of preparing and facilitating
the restoring of peace on this island, in
virtue whereof I believe it convenient
to order:
"Article 1 From the day following
the receipt in each locality of the pres
ent proclamation, hostilities are or
dered to be suspended in all territory
of the island of Cuba. The details for
the execution of the above decree will
be the object of special instruction
that will be communicated to the sev
eral commanders-in-chief of the army
corps, for the easy and prompt execu
tion according to the situation and cir
cumstances of the case.
"BLANCO."
Another Chinese Riot.
London, April 14. According to a
dispatch from Shanghai, advices have
been received from Shun King, province
of Foo Kien, that the region around the
city is in a state of open rebellion.
The local authorities are powerless to
arrest the men who recently murdered
the American missionary, and a mob
is sacking a French mission in the
neighborhood.
Baltimore cans 1.230,000 bushels of
oysters per annum.
Decline of the Alaska Rush.
Tacoma, April 14. The steamers
Al-Ki and City of Seattle left for
Alaska ports today, both passenger and
freight lists being light. The former
carried 75 people. The steamer Au
stralia has withdrawn from the Alaska
service and will carry wheat to San
Franeisco.
fc
In Oakesdale, Wash., A. C. Lebold
was accidentally shot by a boy, who
was hunting squirrels. A bullet from
a 22-caliber rifle struck him in the
breast, and physicians fear it has sepa
rated the cavity.
Thirty-One Killed and Many
Injured.
LIST OF THE KNOWN DEAD
Number of Injured Greater Than First
Reported Accident Occurred Be
tween The Scales and Stonehouse.
Port Townsend, April 11. A letter
Just received from Skagway, Alaska,
dated April 3, says: At about noon to
day on the Chilkoot trail, between The
Scales and Stonehouse, at least 31 men
met death and a large number of others
were injured more or less seriously in a
snow-slide. The dead were crushed
under an avalanche of snow and ice
which came down from the mountain
side upon the left side of the trail
about midway between The Scales and
Stonehouse.
A list of the killed and wounded, as
complete as possible at the hour of
writing, is as follows:
Gus E. Zebarth, Seattle.
Frank Sprague, Seattle.
Steve Stevenson, Seattle.
C. H. Harrison, Seattle.
W. L. Riley, Seattle.
E. D. Atwood, New York.
C. Beck, Sanford, Fla.
L. Weidelein, Kansas City.
Mrs. Ryan, Baltimore.
John Morgan, Emporia, Kan.
F. M. Grimes, Sacramento.
Mrs. Anna Moxon, Jefferson oountv,
Pa.
Ras Hepgard, Baker City, Or.
. Atkins Idaho.
Tom Geffert, Seattle.
E. F. Miller, Vancouver, Wash.
Tom Collins, Portland, Or.
T. Lamer.
The seriously injured so far recovered
are:
Walter Chappey, New York.
John C. Murphy, Dixon, N. D.
F. M. Holbrooke, Portland, Or.
. Dahlstrom, residence unknown.
Fully 60 people were overtaken by
the slide, and are either buried in the
snow or scattered along the borders of
the avalanche in a more or less injured
condition.
The point at which the accident oc
curred is some five miles above Sheep
Camp. The nearest telephone station
is four miles distant. The Scales is
some five miles above Sheep Camp.
The telephone wires at that point were
carried away by the slide. This fact
makes it difficult to obtain further par
ticulars at this time.
A blinding snow storm was raging
all day upon the summit, and as a con
sequence many of those in the vionity
were making no attempt to travel.
Zebarth, Sprague and StC"vT,sor:l. ol
Seattle, were traveling together as
partners, and were found side by side
In bed.
Thousands of people were encamped
in the vicinity at the time, and were
soon on the scene rendering such assist
ance as was possilbe. Upon receipt of
the news, points below Dyea telephoned
up to know if assistance was required,
and received answer to the effect that
5,000 people were at work on the
debris, and were only in each other's
way.
All day Saturday and Sunday a
southerly storm, with chinook wind,
rain and snow, prevailed in this vicin
ity, and it is believed the softening ol
the snow on the mountain side by
those agencies was the cause of the
avalanche.
The quantity of snow and ice that
came down in the slide is estimated. at
thousands of tons. It swept directly
across the trail, which, notwithstand
ing the fact that the weather was un
suitable for travel, was thronged with
wayfarers. Tho last vestige of the
trail in the vicnitv was wiped out of ex
istence, and where it led is now a
mountain of snow and ioe.
Later reports bring the information
that 31 bodies have been recovered.
There was a preliminary slide at 2
o'clock in the morning. People were
digging out their goods when the sec
ond slide occurred about noon.
List of Injured Increased.
A later dispatch via Victoria says:
The horror of the Dyea trail is growing
in magnitude hourly. As the work of
rescue proceeds, it becomes more ap
parent that many more lives were lost
than at first thought possible. It is
now believed that between. 50 and 100
men and women were killed by the
avalanche. Many bodies will not be
recovered until the summer sun melts
tons of snow and ice that now bury
them from sight.
Two or three thousand men are
working in relays of as many as can
stand side by side shoveling away the
snow in search of the dead and dying.
Twenty-two dead bodies have been re
covered and identified, and 25 persons
have been taken out alive.
Seventeen employes of the Chilkoot
Railway & Tam Company, who went
to the summit on the morning of the
slide to work, are missing, and it is
feared they are among the lost.
It is estimated that 10,000 tons of
outfits are buried under the snow and
ice. There were smaller slides before
the death-dealing avalanche was started.
About 2 A. M. a small slide occuried,
whioh buried several cabins. The
alarm was spread, and many people
were endeavoring to work back to Sheep
Camp when the big disaster occurred.
Dervishes Defeated.
Cairo. ADirl 11. The Anglo-Egyp
tian forces under General Sir Kitchener
attacked and rushed Mahmoud's Zari
ba, the center of his fortifications.
without a check. The attack was en-
rely successful, and the dervishes lost
very heavily.
Comtesse de sterling; Dead.
Santa Cruz, Cal., April 11. The
Comtesse de Sterling died today. She
was a native of England, aged 61, and
was the widow of J. A. Shortt, who
was British consul at Corsica for IS
years. Her first husband was Com
mander Henry Trefreey Fox, of the
British navy.
A naval battle between the Romans
and Carthagenians off the coast of Spain
in the first Punic War was lost by the
latter because the galley slaves could
not keep their seat when the ship
rolled.