Women, Churches, Books,
Schools and Features
SECTION FIVE
NO. 47
VOL. XL
PORTLAND, OREGON, SUNDAY MORNING, - XOVEJHSElt 20, 1921
WILSON'S METTLE TESTED IN THREATENED RAILROAD STRIKE .OF 1916
Workers nd Railway Managers Apparently Unmoved by President's Picture of Calamity to Nation and World That Would Follow General Tie-Up of Roads in War Time When Allies Were Looking to America for Help
BY JOSKPH P. TUMULTY.
""PyrlKht, 1IIJ1. by IXiubltrilnv. Pane
. All RIKht Hewerved. Published by
Arrangement .
BETWEEN the democratic conven
tion and the time of his depar-
-ong Branch, X. J., the president was
n gaged in Washington completing
lie most important items of his legts-
ativ-t programme. Including the In-
o:ne tax, child labor law and the
kdamson eight-hour law.
A divastrcus strike, involving the
vholo fcyBtcm of railroad transporta-
ion. now seemed Imminent. At this
rltlcal juncture the president in-
ervencd. On August 13 he invited th
(lsputants, before reaching any final
eclslon, to confer with him person-
lly at Washington. His intervention
voked general expressions of relief
nd approval.
At these conferences the railway
Inen Blood firm for an eight-hour day.
he railway managers refused these
emands. How to meet this critical
ituation, which if it had not been
tiecked irlght have resulted In giv
ig Germany a victory, was one of the
r.;rslng problems that confronted the
resident that critical summer. Not
nly were American business interests
bivolied In this matter, but the allied
overnmcnts of western Europe, then
pi tho throes of the great war, were
o less anxious, for a railroad strike
I ould have meant a cutting off of the
upplies to the allied forces that were
r much needed at this critical Junc
ure. The president sent for the brother
ood representatives and for the man
ners, to confer with him at the White
louse, and suggested arbitration by
ay of settling the controversy. The
bor leaders, conscious of their
Mtngth, refused to arbitrate. The
illroad managers were equally ob-
urate. I well remember the great
itience of the president at these cor
rences day after day. He would
rst hold conferences with the broth-
i hood representatives and then with
!! railroad managers; but his efforts
ere unavailing. It is regrettable
i;i l the men on both sides were, in -ffi-rt-nt
to the president's appeal and
l;.rinUy unmindful of the conse-iviict-3
to the country that would ln
;tably follow a nation-wide strike.
Kailrnnd Men I n moved.
I remember what he said to me as
left the green room at the conclu
n of his final conference with the
ads of the brotherhoods. Shaking
s head in a despairing way, he said:
was not able to make the slightest
pression upon those men. They feel
strongly the Justice of their cause
lal they are blind to all the conse-
uences of their action in declaring
nd prosecuting a strike. I was
locked to find a peculiar stiffness
id hardness about these men. When
pictured to them the distress of our
ople in case this strike became a
allty, they sat unmoved and ap-
irently Indifferent to the serious-
ess of the whole bad business. I am
i the end of my tether, and I do not
now what further to do."
His conferences with the managers
ere equally unproductive of result.
athered about him in a semi-circle
i his office, they were grim and de-
rmined men, some of them even re
stful of the president's attempt lo
lggest a settlement of any kind to
revent the strike. I shall never for-
Ict his last appeal to them. I sat In
little room off the cabinet room
nd could hear what went on. Seat-
1 about him were the heads of all
to Important railroads in the coun-
y.
Looking straight at them, he said:
t have not summoned you to Wash-
lgton as president of the United
tates to confer with me on this mat-
r, for I have no power to do so.
have invited you merely as a fel
w citizen to discuss this great and
itical situation. Frankly, I say .o
u that if I had the power as presl
nt I would say to you that this
rike Is unthinkable and must not
permitted to happen. What I
ant you to see, if you- will, is the
hole picture that presents itself to
e and visualize the terrible consc
iences to the country and its people
' a nation-wide strike at this time,
th as affecting our own peopl9
id in its effect upon the allied forces
toss the sea.
Strike Menu Calamity.
"For a moment I wish you to fornet
mt I am president, and let us as fel
w citizens consider the consequences
f such action. A nation-wide strike
this time would mean absolute
imine and starvation for the people
f America. You gentlemen must
uderstand Just what this means. Will
mr Interests be served by the pas
ons and hatreds that will flow from
nil an unhappy condition in the
untry? If this strike should occur
ries will be released that may
ireaten the security of every one we
lid dear. Think of its eflect upon
,e people of this country, who must
e bread to eat and coal to keep
ieiii warm. They will not quietly
ibm-.t to a strike that will keep
use thins of life away from them.
;ie rich will not suffer in case these
t at arteries of trade and commerce
-e temporarily abandoned, for they
r. provide themselves against the
irror of famine and the distress of
lis critical situation. It is the poor
nfortunate men, and their wives and
lildren. who will suffer and die.
"I cannot xpeak to jou without a
iiow of emotion, for, my friends, be
eath the surface In America there is
baneful seething which may express
self in radical action, the conse
uences of which no man can foresee,
i asking your co-operation to settle
lis dispute. I am but striving, as we
and In the shadow of a great war,
keep these forces in check and
nder control."
Getting closer to the men, and
jwerlng his voice, he said:
The allies are fighting our battle,
fie battle of civilization, serosa the
ay. They cannot "carry on" without
applies and means of austenance
N suit i h! -
hit I 1 1 1? v ii' I ! ,. '4. .... ,. fw,,,o-,
' T
" .tpA Underload a l
4' 1 -.J-"
which the railroads of America bring
to them. I am probably asking you
to make a sacrifice at this time, but
is not the sacrifice worth while, be
cause of the things involved? Only
last night I was thinking about this
war and its far-reaching effects. No
man can forsee its extent or its evil
effects upon the world itself. It is a
world cataclysm and before it ends
it may unsettle everything fine and
wholesome in America.
V. S. Participation V intoned.
"We of America, although we are
cut off from Its terrible sweep, cannot
be unmindful of these consequences,
for we stand in the midst of it all.
We must keep our own house in or
der so that we ehall be prepared to
act when action becomes necessary.
Who knows, gentlemen, but by tomor
row a situation will arise where it
shall be found necessary for us to get
into the midst of this bloody thing?
You can see, therefore, that we must
go to the very limit to prevent a
strike that would bring about a par
alysis of these arteries of trade and
commerce. If you will agree with
me in this matter I will address con
gress and frankly ask for an increase
of rates and do everything I can to
make up for the loss you may sustain.
I know the things I ask you to do
may be disagreeable and inconvenient,
but I am not asking you to make a
bloody sacrilice. Our boys may bo
called upon any minute to make that
sacrifice for us."
On August 29, 1916, the president
appeared before a Joint session of
congress and recommended immediate
legislation to avert the impending
strike. Following this the chairman
of the house, Mr. Adamson of Georgia,
brought In a bill, now known as the
Adamson eight-hour law. which, af
ter several unsuccessful attempts by
members of the house and senate to
amend It, was signed by the presi
dent on September S.
CHAPTEU XXIV.
tirrntu Propaganda.
Early in January, 1916, German
sympathizers throughout the country
began a drive on both houses of con
gress for the passage of a resolution
warning or forbidding Americans to
travel on passenger ships belonging
to citizens or subjects of the bellig
erent nations. Petitions of various
kinds dem'anding vigu.ous actfon in
this matter began to pour in upon ui
at the White House from various
parts of the country. While these pe
titions were signed by many devoted,
patriotic Americans, It n clear to
those of us who were on the inside
of affairs that there lay back of this
movement a sinister purpose on the
part of German sympathizers in this
country to give Germany full sway
upon the high seas in order that slie
might be permitted to carry on her
unlawful and inhuman submarine
warfare.
This movement became so intense
that leading democratic and . repub
lican senators and representatives
soon became Its ardent advocates, un
til it looked as if the resolution might
pass with only a small minority found
in opposition to it. Those of us who
were In the executive offices and inti
mately associated with the president
kept in close touch with the situation
on Capitol Hill and were advised that
t , A- f!?-, f
. . , .Jlr !ii J4JL.
the movement for the resolution was
in full swing and that it could not be
checked. A resolution was finally in
troduced by Representative McLemore
of Texas and quickly received the
support of Senator Gore of Oklahoma
and Senator Stone of Missouri, chair
man of the committee on foreign re
lations. What the attitude of the
president should be toward it was the
subject .of discussions between the
president and two of his cabinet offi
cers and myself, after a session of the
cabinet early in February. 1916.
The president was advised . by the
cabinet officers with whom he con
ferred regarding the matter that It
would he. a hopeless task on his part
to attempt to stem the tide that was
now; running in favor of the passage
ot the McLemore resolution, and that
were he to attempt to prevent its
passage it might result in a disastrous
defeat of, his leadership, that would
seriously embarrass him on Capitol
Hill and throughout the nation.
Amerlenn Rizhtf Involved.
At the conclusion of this conference
the president asked me whether my
information about affairs on Capitol
Hill and the attitude of 'the members
of the house and senate toward the
McLemore resolution was in accord
with the information he had Just re
ceived from his cabinet officers. I
told him that it was. but that so far as
I was concerned I did not share the1
opinion of the cabinet officers and
dirt not agree with the advice which
they had volunteered to the effect that
it would be useless for him to throw
down the gage of battle to those who
sought to pass the McLemore resolu
tion. I informed him that regardless of
what the attitude of those on Capitol
Hirl was toward the resolution, he
could not afford to allow the matter
to pass without a protest from him,
and that, indeed, he could afford to be
defeated in making a fight to main
tain American rights upon fhe high
seas. The discussion between the
president, the cabinet officers and
, myself became heated. They were re
luctant to have the president go into
the fight, while I was most anxious
to have him do so. Evidently, what I
said made an impression upon the
president and he asked me, as our
conference was concluded, to let him
have as soon a possible a memoran
dum containing my views upon the
subject.
Shortly after the conference. Sen
ator Stone, chairman of the commit
tee on foreign relations of the senate,
asked for an appointment with the
president, to confer with him oh the
next morning, February 25, regarding
the McLemore resolution. I suggested
to the president that inasmuch as
Senator Stone was to sec him in the
morning it would be wise and pru
dent if In answer to his letter asking
for an appointment the president
should frankly state his views with
reference to the proposed resolution.
The president acted upon this sug
gestion and the letter was Immedi
ately dispatched to Senator Stone.
Tumulty Advle Chief.
My letter to the president advising
him of the situation, was as follows:
The White House, Washinicton,
Feb. -J4. 191H.
Pear Governor:
What i have heard since leavine you
t his morn in? confirms me in my belief
that now is the tltne (before the nisnt
passes) to set forth your partition to
the country on the McLemore resolu
tion In terms that no one can misun
derstand. In the last hour I have talked
with Speaker t'lark. Senator Pitt man and
Mr. Sims of Tennessee, and have received
impressions from them which lead me to
conclude: First, that the consideration of
this resolution cannot much lonirer be
postponed, as Speaker Clark o informed
me, although ConcreMman Doremus and
Senator Pitt man say th situation on the
hill Is quieting down. I am more than
convinced that underlying this resolution
in a purpose to discredit your leadership,
for the forces that are lined up for this
f!frht are the anti-preparedness crowd, the
Bryan-Kitchen-Clark group, and some of
the anti-British senators like Hoke Smith
and Gore. Therefore, I cannot urge you
too strongly at once to send an identic
letter to both Representative Flood, chair
man of the foreign relations committee of
the house, and Senator Stone, chairman
of the foreign relations committe of the
senate. The letter, in my opinion, should
embody the following Ideas:
First, explain in the frankest fashion
Just what Secretary Lansing attempted
to obtain when he suggested to the entente
nations an agreement on the arming
of merchantmen, how this government
was informed by Germany of her inten
tion to destroy armed merchantmen with
out giving the passengers a moment of
warning, and how, in order to stave off
such a contfngenry, we tried as the friend
and in the interest of humanity to gft an
agreement between both sides that would
bring submarine warfare within the bounds
of International law.
" Second, explain ' that a possible ad
justment of this matter is in progress of
negotiation right now. 'and that, of course,
while we cannot change international law
upon our own Initiative, we are still of
t he hope that some general agreement
qmong the belligerents may eventually
be obtained. Explain how embarrassing
such a resolution as the McIemore one
will be to negotiations now being threshed
out between the executive branches of the
government charged with t he conduct of
foreign relations and foreign governments.
Third, then say that In the absence of
any general agreement, the L'ntted States,
cannot yield one inch of her rights witrr
out destroying the whole fabric of inter
national law, for In the last analysis this
Is what Is involved. To yield one ritrht
today means another tomorrow. We can
not know where this process of yielding
on the ground of convenience or expe
diency may lead us. These laws are the
product of centuries. Our forefathers
fought to establish their validity, and we
cannot afford for t he sake of conven
ience, when our very life is threatened,
to .abandon them on any ground of con
venience or expediency.
Fourth, to pass such a resolution at this
time would seriously embarrass the de
partment of state and the executive in
the conduct of these most delicate matters
at a time when everything is being done
to bring about a peaceful solution to these
problems.
Fifth, might you not diplomatically sug
gest in your letter to Senator Stone that
to pass favorably upon a resolution of this
kind at this time would be showing lack
of confidence in the government, and par
ticularly In its chief executive?
The morning papers have outlined the
details of the opposition among the dem
ocrats. The afternoon papers are repeat
ing the same thing with emphasis on the
fact that Joe Cannon, Jim Mann and Lodge
are going to support you. I would sug
gest that you Insert the following in your
letter to Senator Stone:
"I think that not only would such a
, vote on this resolution be construed as a
lack of confidenc- in the executive branch
of the government in this most delicate
matter, but If the division continues, as 1
cm informed, within the ranks of the dem
ocratic party. It will be difficult for me ,tn
consider that the majority party speaks
the will of the nation In these circum
stances, and as between any faction in
my party and the interests of the nation
I must always choose the latter. Irrespec
tive of what the effect will be on me or
my personal fortunes. What we are con
tending for In this matter is of the very
essence of Ihe things that have made
America a aovereia-n nation. She cannot
yield them without admitting and con
1 "v - -1
r- r--V
ceding her own :m potency as a nation and
the surrender of her independent position
among the- nations of the world."
Sincerely. TUMULTY.
The letter of the president to Sena
tor Stone was published In tfce morn
ing papers of February 25, 191b, and
was as follows:
The White House, Washington, Feb. 2.V
lftHt ;fy dear Senator: I very warmly
appreciate your kind and frank letter of
today, and feel that It calls for an equally
(rank reply.
You are right In assuming that I shall
do everything in my power to keep the
United States out of war. 1 think the
country will feel no uncasineM .about my
course in that respect. Through many
anxious months I have striven for that
object, amid difficulties more manifold
than can have bten apparent upon the
surface, and so far I have succeeded. 1
do not doubt that I shrill continue to suc
ceed. The course which the central Euro
pean powers have announced their Inten
tion of following In the future with regard
to undersea warfare, seems for the mo
ment to threaten Insuperable obstacles, but
its apparent meaning Is so manifestly In
consistent with explicit assurances recently
given us by those power with regard to
their treatment of merchant vessels on the
high seas that I must believe that ex
planations will presently ensue which will
put a different aspect upon it. We have
had no reason to question their good faith
or their fidelity to th?ir promiws In the
paM, and I for one feel confident that we
sliaii have none in the future.
But in any event our duty Is clear. No
nation, no group of nations, has the right,
while war is in. progress, to alter or dis
regard the principles which all nations
have agreed upon in mitigation of the
horrors and sufferings of war: and if the
e'ear rig h If of A merican citizens should
ery unhappily be a bridged or denied by
any such action we should, it seems to me,
have in honor no choice as to what our
own course should be.
For my own part I cannot consent to
any abridgement of the rights of Amer
ican citizens in any respect. The honor
and self-respect of the nation Is involved.
We covet peace, and shall preserve it at
any cost but the loss of honor. To forbid
our pewple to exercise their rights for fear
we might ba called upon to vindicate them
wou'.d be a deep humiliation, indeed. It
would be an implicit, all but an explicit,
acquiescence in the violation of the right
of mankind everywhere and of whatever
nation or allegiance. It would be a de
liberate abdication of our hitherto proud
position as spokesmen, even amid the tur
moil of war. for the law and the right.
Jt would make everything this government
has attempted and everything that it has
accomplished during this terrible strug
gle of nations meaningless and futile.
It is important to reflect that If In this
Instance we allowed expediency to take
the place of principle the door would. In
evitably be opened to still further conces
sions. Once accept a single abatement of
rlsrht. and many other humiliations would
follow, and the whole fine fabric of inter
rational law might crumble under our
hands piece by piece. What we are con
tending for in this matter is for the very
essence of the things that have made
America a .sovereign nation. She cannot
yield them without conceding her own Im
potency as a nation and making virtual
surrender of her independent position
among the nations of the world.
I am spenklng, my dear senator. In deep
solemnity, without hea. with a clear con
sciousness of the high responsibilities of
my office and aj your sincere and devoted
friend. If we should unhappily differ,
we shall differ as friends, but where issues
so momentous as these are Involved we
must. Just hecau.e we are friends, speak
our minds without reservation. Faithfully
yours. WOODROW WILSON.
Senator William J. Stone. United States
Senate.
The publication of the letter of the
president to Senator Stone worked a
complete reversal of opinion on the
hill.
Quickly the effect of the president's
letter was seen, and the McLemore
resolution was overwhelmingly de
feated. Early in August, the president
6 p(' T.r A
took up his residence at Shadow
Lawn, New Jersey, and began the
preparation of his speech of accept
ance. He forwarded me a draft of
his speech of acceptance, which
brought from mo the following com
ment upon it:
The White House. Washing-ton, Aug. 22,
lOlfl.
Dear Governor: I ritnk that failure to
bring out the hyphen quest ion in your
speech of acceptance will be vigorously
criticised, ever, by our loyal friends. Mr.
Hughes will soon be compelled to speak
out on this question. Kooaevelt'a speeches
in the main will force him to do this.
You might open the subject In that part
4f your speech in which you discuss neu
' trality, showing tr.e embarrassments under
which you have labored in trying to keep
the nation at peace. After discussing theta
embarrassments, consisting of plots attainst
our indust ries, etc., could you not intro
duce a sentence like this: "While 1 am the
candidate of the democratic party. 1 am
above all else an American citizen. I
neither seek the favor nor fear the wrath
of any alien element in America which
ruts loyalty to any foreign power first"?
As to Huerta I believe your reference to
him could be strengthened. I think you
ought to bring out the fact that the work
of assassination shall never receive the
Indorsement, so far as you are concerned,
of this American republic. I suctcest the
following : "The United States wili refuse.
bo long as tha power remains with me. to
extendi the hand of welcome to one who
gains power In a republic through treach
ery and bloodshed." (This ts not only sound
statesmanship but good morals). "No per
manency in the affairs of our sister repub
lics can be attained by a title based upn
intrigue and assassination."
Respectfully, TUMULTY. t
P. S.--ln that part of your speech re
ferring to Mexico, where you speak of
"leaders being mistaken a nd selfish." I
would quaJify it by saying "some leaders."
so as not to give unnecessary offense to
Carranza.
NufrKCMtlon Well Heeeived.
The president, always welcoming
advice, approved and embodied some
of these suprprestions In his speech of
acceptance.
It has often been said by unfair crit
ics that Mr. Wilson was so tenacious
of his own opinion and views that ho
resented suggestions from the outside
in any matter with which he was
called upon to deal.
As an intimate associate of his for
11 years, I think 1 was in a position
to find out how unfair the basis of
this criticism really was. In my con
tact with publje men I never met a
more open-minded man; nor one who
was more willing to act upon any sug
gestion that had merit in it. 1 have
seen him readily give up his own
views and often yield to the influence
of a better argument. I always felt
free in every public matter that he
discussed and in every attitude which
he took on public questions frankly to
express my own opinion and openly to
disagree with him In his speeches
and public statements he had no pride
of opinion, nor did he attempt to hold
his friends off at arms length when
they had suggestions of any kind to
make.
In these reminiscences I am includ
ing my letters to him, embodying sug
gestions of various kinds, many of
which he acted upon and many of
which he rejected, in order that proof
may be given of the fact that, despite
what his critics may say, he not only
did not resent suggestions, but openly
invited them.
CHAPTER XXV.
Wllaon Vera usj Huchrii.
After the delivery of'the speech of
acceptance on September 2, quiet ruled
over the Wilson camp at Shadow
Lawn. This lull in the matter of poli
tics was intensified by the president's
absence from Shadow Lawn because of
the death of his only sister, which
called him away and for a while took
his mind and his energies from the
discussion of politics.
On September 11 the state election
in Maine were carried by the repub
licans. The total vote was the largest
ever cast in Maine in a Ntate election.
The republican majorities ranged from
900ft to 14.000. There had been a vig
orous contest in Maine by both parlies
and the republican;! wtrc greatly
heartened by the result in the hope
that "as goes Maine so goes tho
Union."
There fs no doubt that the result in
Maine, which many democrats were of
the opinion was a forecast of the re
sults throughout the nation in Novem
ber, had a depressing effect. Tho re
publicans accepted it as a harbinger
of victory and the democrats as an in
dication of defeat. On the night of
the Maine elections I kept close to the
telephone at the executive offices and
engaged In conferences with two or
three practical politicians from New
Jersey. It was interesting to watch
the effect of the returns from Maine
upon these men.
When the returns, as complete as
we could get them at 12 o'clock on the
night of September 11, came in, James
Nugent, one of the leudin politicians
of Essex county, New Jersey, who was
in the room, took from my desk a copy
of the World Almanac and referring to
the returns of previous elections, said:
"Of course the republicans will hail
this as a great victory, but if they will
sit down and analyze the gains they
have made they will find no comfort
in them, for to me they indicate a
democratic victory in November. If
the democrats make proportionate
gains in other states you can abso
lutely count upon a democratic victory
in 191 6."
This prophecy was verified by the
results of the election of November 7.
It was difficult and almost impos
sible, between the date of the speech
of acceptance and the first of October,
to revive interest in the democratic
campaign and to brrtig about a re
newal of hope of success that had al
most been destroyed by the psycho
logical results of the Maine elections
rayeholoKlral Moment Comm.
Frequent demands were made upon
us at the executive office at Asbury
Park to get busy and do something.
"Wilson was not on the front page
and Hughes was busily engaged in
campaigning throughout the west."
But the president, in his uncanny way,
knew better than we the psychological
moment to strike. He went about his
work at the executive of fices and gave
to us who were closely associated with
him the impression that nothing un
usual was afoot and thnt no presiden
tial campaign was Impending. I made
frequent suggestions to him that he be
up and doing. He would only smile
and calmly say, "The moment 1m not
here. Let them use up their ammuni
tion and then we will turn our guns
upon them."
The psychological moment came and
the president took full advantage of it.
One afternoon in September the presi
dent telephoned me at tho executive
offices at Asbury Park to have the
newspaper men present for a confer
ence that afternoon, that he would
give out a reply to a telegram that ho
had received. With the newspaper
group, I attended this conference. It
appeared thnt an Irish agitator named
Jeremiah O'Leary, who had been or
ganising and peaking against tho
president and trying to array the Irish
vote against him, wrote nn offensive
letter to the president, calling atten
tion to tho results of the Maine elec
tions and to the New Jersey primaries
and to h's anticipated drfe.tt in No
vember. The- president handed tn the
newspaper men the following reply to
O'Leary:
,1 would feet deeply mortified to havs
you or anybody like you to vote fr me.
Since you have aceesa in many disloyal
Americana and I have. not. I will aik you
to convey this messatte to them.
This sharp and timely rebuke to the
unpatriotic spirit to which O'Leary
gave expression won tho hearty and
unanimous approval of the country to
the president. Nothing Uko this bold
defiance came from Hughes until a
few days before the election.
The democratic campaign, within
24 hours after the publication of the
O'Leary telegram, was on again'in full
swing.
flnrraam Aimed at Hughm.
At this same newspaper conference
the president, who had not seen the
newspaper group since his arrival at
Long Branch, discussed tho campaign
in the most intimate way. so they
might have what he called the "inside
of h's mind." His criticism of the cam
paign that Justice Hughes was con
ducting contained bitter irony and
Sarcasm. Evidently, the petty things
to which Mr. Hughes had adverted
in his campaign speeches by way of
criticising the president and bis ad
ministration had cut the president to
the quick. One of the newspaper men
asked him what he thought of Mr.
Hughes campaign and ho laughingly
replied: "If you will give that gentle
man rope enough ho will hang him
self. He has forgotten many things
since he closeted himself on the bench
and he will soon find himself out of
touch with the spirit of tho nation.
His speeches are nothing more or less
than blank cartridges and tho coun
try, unless I mistake the people very
much, will place a true assessment
upon them."
Tiie newspaper men left this confer
ence heartened by the reply ho had
made to O'Leary and with the firm
conviction that the democratic candi
date was just "playing" w.th Hughes
and would pounce upon him at the
psychological moment.
In the delivery of the campaign
speeches at Shadow Lawn each Sat
urday afternoon, President Wilson
took full advantage of the swing to
ward tho democratic side which was
manifest after the publication of tho
famous O'Leary telegram. While the
republican candidate whs busily en
gaged in invading the west In his
swing around tho circle, the demo
cratic candidate each week from his
porch at Shadow Lawn was delivering
sledge-hammer blows at the repub
lican brei-stworks. As the republican
candidate in an effort to win tho
west was heaping maledictions upon
Dr. K. Lester Jones, the head of tho
rrodctlr survey, a Wilson appointee,
the president calmly moved on, rlp
Mmz to pieces and tearing to shreds
the poor front behind which the re
publican managers were seeking to
win the fight.
Two Men Contracted.
Mr. Huches campaigned like a law
yer. Mr. Wilson like a statesman. Mr.
Huches was bunting small game with
birdshot; Mr. Wilson trained heavy
artillery on the enemy's central po
sition. The essential difference be
tween the two men and the operations
of their minds was made ch ar In the
cmipjiign. No one would wish to
mhiitnr.e the unusual abilities of Mr.
Hughes, but they are the ablltiies of
nn ndrolt lawyer. He makes 'points."
He plea ses those m I mis which like
elevMl.tss and finesse. He deals with
InteriT tional affairs like an astute
lawyer drawing a brief. Hut has he
ever quickened the nation's pulse or
stirred its heart by a single utterance?
T id he ever make any one feel that
t ebiud t he forma lilies of law. civil
or international, he detected the heart
beats of humanity whom law is sup
posedly designed to serve'.' M r. W 11
son was not thinking of Mr. Hut: hen.
but perhaps he was thinking of the
type of which Mr Hughes is an emi
nent example when he said in Parts.
"TJiis Ih not to be a lawyers" peace."
Every speech of President Wilson s
was, to use a baseball phrase, a home
run for the democratic side. They
were delivered without much prepara
tion and were purely extemporaneous
in character. The republican opposi
tion soon began to wince under the
smashing blows delivered by the dem
ocratic candidate, and outward proof
whs soon given of tho fear and despair
thnt was now gathering In the repub
lican ranks With a few shot trips
to the west, and his final speech at
Long Branch, President Wilson c'osed
his campaign, with democratic hopes
on the rise.
The happenings of election day.
I SIC. will long linger in my memory.
I was in charge of tho executive of
fices located at Asbury Park, uhi'e
the president remained at Shadow
Lawn, awaiting the news ok the first
returns from the country. The first
scattered returns that filtered into the
executive offices came from a little
fishing town In Massachusetts early
In the afternoon of election day, which
showed a slight gain for the president
over the election returns of Htl2. Then
followed early drifts from Colorado
a:;d Karsa;. which showed grat Wil
son gains. Those of us who were In
terested i:i the president's cau.Hj wcij
made jubilant by these early returns.
Every indication, though imperfect, up
to 7 o'clock on the night of the elec
tion, forecast the president's re-election.
In the early afternoon the president
telephoned the executive offices to in
quire what news we had received from
the count ry, a nd he was apprised of
the results that had cmne in tin to that
(.Culiciudcd uu 1'uy 0.)