2
THE SUNDAY OREGONTAN, PORTLAND, NOVEMBER 14, 1920
rrotn tne uiaraes
of Jblin J.LeargiJi:
gag 1 alfcs With T.'K. '
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(Copyright. 1920. John J. Leary Jr.)
CHILDREN OF THE CRl CIBLIi.
THERE must be radical changes In
our lmmigraon laws and In our
treatment of the Immigrant once
he la admitted. The "melting-pot" has
not proven a' failure.. It has been
overloaded and it has not had proper
attention. We have been too care
less in admitting immigrants and we
have not done our full duty by them.
"The fault is ours as much as theirs
and the troubles we are now having
are a consequence."
Colonel Roosevelt was speaking of
the famous appeal, "Children of the
Crucible," issued in September. 1917,
at a time when pacifists, pro-Ger-
mans, defeatists and propagandists of
other types, all aiming to slow up
our prosecution of the war, were I
making substantial progress among
the newly arrived and the children
of those who had arrived not much
earlier.
"Jack," he asked by way of introducing-
the subject, "you are of immi
grant stock, are you not?"
"Sure," said I; "I might be de
scribed as being of an early Cunard
family."
"Quite so. Then I -wonder if you
would object to my putting your
name to an appeal to the f oreign
. born and their children born here to
get together under the flag and
smash these agitators who are using
them to play Germany's game? The
Idea is to have it issue in the name of
men of all races and creeds."
"I'll sign anything you stand for,"
I said.
"I thought you would. We will
have a host of real names on it that
should carry some weight. What we
want is that everybody who can will
get in and behind the vigilantes
that anti-pacifist group of writers, art
ists and other patriotic citizens who
are real 'children of the crucible' and
as such have a right to expect a hear
ing from their kind."
"There is an opportunity' for real
work there," I said. "Between the
anti-English ' agitators among the
Irish and agitators of all sorts on the
east side, a nasty situation has been
created that may spell serious trou
ble." ;
"That is exactly true. It may well
develop serious trouble just as it is
now an embarrassment to those of us
who wish to see this -war speeded up.
It is 'part of the price , we must pay
for lax immigration laws and our
failure our cowardice, if you -wish
in declining to adopt reasonable re
strictions. Nothing has happened or
is likely to happen that we did not
have a right to expect.
"It has, however, been impossible to
make our people see this or to make
the friends of the immigrant see that.
by keeping too open a door, we were
doing no real kindness to the mass
of immigrants already here. Even so
broad and enlightened a man as
Straus (Oscar) could not be made to
see that. ' He would not consent to
restrictions that would limit the flow
here from Russia. In common with
Jess enlightened and selfish persons
he thoutfht the situation would care
for itself.
"Now It has not, and in consequence
we find the. east side to be the most
pro-German section of the United
States, not even excepting Milwaukee.
East siders will deny that, but you
and I know it to be the fact that
these poor people are being, have
been, exploited beyond measure by
those who have not our1 country's In
terests at 'heart, who are, in fact, the
enemies of our country.
"This is as much our fault as theirs,
first, because of our failure to enact
and enforce reasonable laws for the
admission of the immigrant and to
keep out the undesirable, and second.
because by neglecting the immigrants
we have given them fertile ground in
which to sow. their damnable doc
trines. What they sow, we will have
to i-ap. . i
"Itore than the immediate effect on
6 fi-"s-?-, 3
the war, we must realize that in their
resentment the American people may
set up an anti-alien wave that will
work untold hardship on everybody
those not of alien birth or blood, tut
on the whole mass! for it does "not
make for common comfort or safety
to have any considerable element in
the community proscribed by the
others. Of course, the Immediate
sufferers will be the immigrants. But
those of alien stock not immigrants
will feel it. Resentment of this Irish
agitation If it comes will probably
not affect you seriously, for your po
sition Is secure, but you will feel it
and your boy, when he gets out to
make his way, will feel it. Make no
mistake about that.
"Only the other day I was speaking
with a Jewish friend about this east
side situation. He regrets it as we
do, but he did not seem to see where
he and his are sure to be hurt if these
agitators succeed, as they seem bent
on doing. In making- the term Jew
synonymous for pacifism, pro-Germanism,
socialism. He said, and said
very truly, that the Jewish people
should not as a whole be blamed for
the prominence of Jewish names in
this sort of thing. What he did not
see is that prejudice and bigotry
never discriminate. If the bigot ever
paused to discriminate, he would
cease to be a bigot.
"I wish to see nothing like race
proscription in this country, but we
ought to be frank with ourselves
and recognize that under the sur
face there is considerable anti-
Semitic feeling. I believe it was
you told me the Frank casejin Georgia
was, in its final stages, a demonstra
tion, of" it." ' -
"That was the conclusidn Charley
(Charles Willis) Thompson and I were
forced to accept," I said.
."Thompson's a shrewd fellow and
a mighty good one," the colonel went
on. "If he said that was the state
of affairs, I'd take his word for it.
"Now that was In Georgia. If I
remember rightly some of the oldest
families In Georgia are Jewish one
of Oglethorpe's trustees was a Jew,
whose family is : still ' prominent in
affairs of that state.. It is one of the
last places one would naturally look
for that sort of thing. Tet the seeds
must have been under the surface.
"Our Jewish friends share with us
who are non-Jewish responsibility for
any success these creatures may make
among the newer Jewish people 'In
this country. Like the rest of us,
they have assumed that once In, the
immigrant .would be automatically
taken care of by our admirable in
stitutions . and " have neglected him
and left him to his own resources.
What has been the consequence? The
immigrant has been and is being- ex
ploited. First it was the sweat-shop.
That is largely done away with. Now
It is by these political agitators
the Berkmans, Goldmans, and I know
not who, including some persons with
American names and some claim 'to
social position. . ,
"What we should have done, what
we must do, is see to It that the im
migrant is taken in hand and given
a square deal. We must see to it
that a real effort is made to Ameri
canize him he snould have the op
portunity to become Americanized.
He should be given an opportunity,
should be compelled to learn the Eng
lish language, and if at the end of a
stated period he has failed to do so.
he should bp sent back to the place
from which he came. He must not be
left to the agitator and the dema
gogue to exploit.
"It Is foolish to imagine that the
Immigrant will automatically and, of
his own will be converted into an
American by his mere presence among
ia, so long as he comes here in
masses, ' and settles down among his
own kind, as Ignorant of our ways,
our customs,- and our Institutions as
he Is.
, .. ."Nor Is 4t rielit to criticise .the Ua-
rirrr . mJi v .. .. '- '.. ... .". JJjsr
' M . X x-lX f J it's ' 'v 4
migrant because he forms what we
call 'foreign' colonies in our cities. It
is natural that lie 9hould seek his
kind. He does exactly w.hat Ameri
cans 'do when they go abroad and
settle in London, Paris, Berlin. Do
they scatter? They do not. They
form colonies Just as distinct as do
the: Russian Jew, the Greek, the
Armenian, the Irish, or the Germans,
or. if you please, the Chinese; they
seek their kind. We should see to it
that their ' kind becomes our kind.
We won't do it by calling them
names, we won't do it by maltreating
them, and we won t do it by neglect-
ins them.
"Of course, while the war lasts we
will have no immigration to speak of.
Automatically the war has restricted
it. For a time after the war ends
there may be, probably will be, little
immigration.
"Immigration, however, will be one
of our reconstruction problems. It
will have to be handled Ina big
way, but with the idea that America
comes first, and that the time has
arrived when we must and will be
more particular as to whom we admit
into our house, bearing always, in
mind- that we owe it to the alien
as well as to ourselves to see to it
that he has ' ample - opportunity of
becoming a real American.
"All Americans, of whatever stock,
should take the position -toward the
country from which they sprang that
Washington and his associates took
toward England. They were English,
but they did not hesitate to fight
England., -.Against them 'were the
Tories, the first pacifists the country
knew. They were against fighting
England just as the man of German
blood,, who is not with us, is against
fighting Germany, .and of . a piece
with the Irishman whose hatred of
England to-greater than his love for
America.
"To be sure, only' a part of . these
people are on the wrong course. They
are trying to mislead the rest. Some
are honest, but misguided. : Some are
palpably dishonest. The effect is the
same in each instance. It must be
our Job to curb them, and in' the
future so conduct ourselves toward
the immigrant that others of ' their
kind that may -arise later will have
less fertile fields to work in."
Shortly after "Children of the
Crucible" appeared, 'The first name
appended to it was that of Theodore
Roosevelt.
Rooaerelt ok Labor.
COLONEL ROOSEVELT'S position
on labor was peculiar in that in
some respects he was more radical
than Samuel Gompers. Like Gompers,
he had no use. for. a "labor. party", as
Buch, and to the extent that he fa- I I y x , T.- ' f 11 I 1
vored 'old age -and health insurance I I jT H ! J " ' V
he weiit arther than Mr.. Gompers I $$f ?"p vVfHa1"- -X?; V fl X " 111
had ever done. To the extent that he
believed labor- would get the best re
sults by. working with the existing
parties, he and Gompers were agreed.
"The difficulty with the labor-party
idea," he declared, "is that it is based
upon a false premise. It is based on
the . theory that the Interests of so
called labor are different . from . the
interests of the community as a
whole. That is a foolish doctrine,
just as foolish as it would be to try
and maintain that the interests of the
manufacturer or other employer are
different from' those of the rest of the
community. It is entirely a selfish
tnd wicked doctrine, and, if success
ful, would work hardships on - labor
more -than on any other group in the
community." .
Colonel Roosevelt made this 'ob
servation while . he was ' "mulling
over" a speech on after-the-war pre
paredness he proposed to deliver In
Bridgeport at a "bye" congressional
election in the fall of 1917. , The
death of Ebenezer J. Hill, long In
congress from that district, a likable
old "stand-patter," had left a va
cancy for which the republicans "had
nominated Schuyler Merritt, a banker
and manufacturer of Stamford. The
colonel was asked to speak there and '
he accepted, with the idea that the 1
speech might be the "keynote" or a
"keynote" for the -congressional elec-i
tions a year later.
"We have got to get ready for '
after the war," he told me. "We
might as well begin now. I am going
to speak up there on industrial pre
paredness as much as anything else.
I may shock some persons up there,
but -we might Just as well recognize
now as at some later time that some
thing must be done for labor.
"There are a great many business
men who seem to be of the opinion
that once peace arrives, pre-war con
ditions will return overnight as it
were. . These are as short-sighted- as
the labor radicals who are declaring
that abnormal wages, to be expected
in time of war, will have to prevail
when peace comes. Both i are wrong,
and are paving the way for some very
serious misunderstandings. The em
ployers must be fair and reasonable;
the reactionary employer is no better
than the .extreme radical among the
union men."
"The shrewdest of the labor men."
I told him, "are now preparing
against that sort of thing. For ex
ample, William H. Johnson,-head of
the machinists, one of the ablest of
them, whose trade has probably been
affected more than any other by the
war, is privately bending . every ef
I fort to. get. his. organization -lata as
Ilk v - ? Art ? xk
" .
good shape as possible for the recon-
struction period." '
"Johnson is right. - He has keener
foresight than a lot of employers.
"There are going to be disturb
ances, but these will be .minimized if
we can- get what is conmonly called
labor and what is commonly called
capital together in a , realizing sense
that-their Interests are identical, and
that the problems ; of one are the
problems-of all. The employer has
no more right to hog all the- profits
than .the union i-has a 'right to insist
upon wages that will permit of no
profits; Unless the business man does
well, the laborer won't, because there
won't be labor for the laborer to "do.
"Sooper or ; later we have got to
come to some system of old-age pen
sions, proper protection against acci
dent and disease, more particularly
the occupational disease, and we haye
got to insure good living conditions."
So far as these are arranged by com
mon consent of both sides and the
community, well and good. Where
they ' cannot be thus arranged, . the
state will have to do it. This will
not- appeal to -some ofour friends
among the . so-called - employing
classes, but we may as well.face-the
facts squarely ,
"Unless all history is valueless as
a guide, we" are going, sooner or later,
to have to pay for the enormous de
structions of capital in this war. We
cannot hqpe to evade some period of
depression. How severe that will be
depends largely upon ourselves. . We
cannot avoid it, but we can make it
less severe than It otherwise might
be. In this labor and capital must
work together must realize that
their problems are alike, and that
unless the ' employer is prosperous,
the employe cannot be. Equally so,
unless the employe is treated .fairly,
the employer and the community can
not be prosperous. The partners in
the enterprise must realize their re
sponsibilities .to-each' other and act
accordingly." .
Developing this thought. Colonel
Roosevelt went .to. Bridgeport where
the local.-reporters were mystified by
his failure to says-very much about
the candidate. Some ' tried
to read
into this lack of Interest in Merritt.
A few'pf the New -York papers spoke
of it asv a "national speech," or as
"the opening gun In the 1918 -cam-paign."
.That," he said, "is reasonably ac
cunate." A
Later, when, the speech was taken
up in'discusslon, I said my talks with
labor men had shown it was rather
favorably received, 'at the same time
expressing doubt as to how some employers,..-
largely in Merritt's district
(he being elected meantime), would
like it on mature1 thought.
"Well, he said, "Gompors" will not
quarrel with anything I- said there,
and the others cannot. Most men not
directly Interested will approve of all
I said.
"Here is the speech sent out. Ex
cept for what I said about Merritt in
opening, I followed this closely as you
know. Who can quarrel with this or
deny my accuracy? 'The conditions
(of business) must be such that the
business man prospers or else nobody
will prosper; and yet, unless the pros
perity Is - in a reasonable degree
shared by the men who work with
him and by the public for which he
works, it is of little' or no worth to
the community. In other words, we
must Insist upon business prosperity,
because otherwise there will be no
prosperity at all, and we must insist
upon reasonable equity in passing the
prosperity around, or it will not be
worth having.
"The demagogue who inveighs
against and seeks to interfere with
business prosperity is really the same
kind of an enemy to the common weal
as his nominal foe, the reactionary,
who refuses to acknowledge the duty
of the government to see that there.
is measurable equity in the distribu
tion of, the fruits of this prosperity.
Our aim must not be to damage suc
cessful business, but to insure good
conduct in business.
.. ".'We-.wifih to. secure aa a. matter ot
right for the worker among othe
things permanency of employment.
pensions that will permit the worker
to look forward to old age with dig
nity and security; insurance against
accident and disease, proper working
and living conditions, reasonable leis
ure and as high wages as compatible
with giving to .capital the return nec-
cessary to induce It to invest and
giving the public proper service.
" So far as these needs can be ob
tained by private agreement, well and
good; it is preferable that they
should, where possible, come In this
manner; for the most Important thing
is to secure a mental attitude that
will secure a hearty recognition br
ail engaged in a business that each
must treat all the others as partners,
that all should render the very best
service of which each is capable and
that both the obligation and the re
ward shall be mutual.
" In addition to this good-will,
there must be the sanction of law.
The state must require and guarantee
the well-being of theworkers a9 the
essential part of its policy in pro
moting the welfare of the business.
What the individual can do by him
self or In connection with others
should be left to him or them; the
state should deal with what cannot
thus be left to private individuals.
" 'But Hhe welfare of the workers
cannot be obtained unless the welfare
of the business is assured and the
government should work steadily
toward that end. The demagogic ef
fort to break up or destroy a busi
ness, merely because It Is big or be
cause it is prosperous, is mischievous
from every standpoint. The aim
should be to encourage business and
control it, to secure co-operaiton
among all engaged in business so far
as is possible, and to. supervise large
scale business so as to insure its- good
behavior, but not to penalize it while
it renders proper serv'ce.' ,
"Do you see anything to quarrel
with in that?" he demanded.
I explained that I did not, but.
added that he went farther in some
respects than Mr. Gompers had, not
ably in the matter of old-age insur
ance or pensions.
"I understand that the unions are
not in agreement on the desirability
of this," he said, ''but I am inclined
to think they will come to it event
ually. It is, perhaps, as well that
they make haste slowly in this re
spect. As I understand it, their posi
tion is that it will interfere with their
progress in other ways.
"I have heard since I saw you last
that some of Mr. Merritt's friends
regret that I brought labor into this
thing. I do not. I told one man who
spoke of this that I am not at all con
cerned in pleasing everybody. That
Is something I have never tried to do.
I do not propose to do it now. I am
toe old to make that change.
"The great liberty in doing all
these things I have advocated should,
within due limits, having regard for
all interests, be left to the employer
and employe. There is a limit, how
ever. ' "One of the greatest dangers I can '
Imagine, however, is a. combination,
an agreement of shortsighted em
ployers and unscrupulous union lead
ers, to fleece the public between them.
This is possible In highly organized
trades. In such an event both sides
should be punished with the greatest
severity.
"I have always been for labor
within reason and the law. I have
had many friends since my days In
the assembly among the. cigarmakers.
I have always been for healthy work
ing conditions. Just as when I was
police commissioner I believed the
unions should be allowed to picket,
so long as they did not use their fists
or clubs to pound home their argu
ments. Where they tried that I was
for locking them up. That was fair
play and a sane way of looking at
the matter. That is all I advocate
now."
I raised a question as to what he
meant by permanency of employment
if by that he meant a worker
should have a vested interest in his
position. X '
Before he could answer, the Chinese
gong hanging in the hallway sounded
the signal for him td 'prepare for
dinner.
"No," said he rising, "not exactly
that. I will take the matter up with,
you some other time. There is too
much of that to dispose of it in a
minute. But we can say this: a good
deal of consideration should 'bo given
before any old employe, whether he
be superintendent or day laborer, is
thrown out of i employment." .
This phase of his labor programme,
I regret to state, we never took up
again.
"One Purple Night."
THIS was Colonel Roosevelt's de
scription of a party he gave at
a Westchester roadhouse early one
Sunday morning In the fall of 1917.
The colonel's guests were a half-score
of Bridgeport, Conn., polcemen and
some New York newspaper men; the
party followed a speech by the colonel
in Bridgeport.
The night train service from
Bridgeport to New York is not attrac- '
tive, and whenever the colonel spoke
there he would return to New Y'ork
by motor, guarded by police. First,
however, there would be a little sup
per at the Stratfield, where a few of
the local leaders would meet the
colonel.
On the night In question the supper
had been disposed of, and the start
was about to bo made for New Yoric,
when the colonel asked if the men
who were to accompany him .were
those who had been with him during
the day. John King said they were.
"That must not be," said the ,
colonel. "These men have been on
duty all day. It will be all hours
before they can get back. Send them
home. We'll get back all right with
out them."
"Nothing doing," replied King. 'The
men will insist on going. They can
sleep tomorrow. It's, their day off."
"Very well, then," said the colonel.
"Of course it will be all right for
me to give them a little money for
breakfast."
"No, sir." said King; "you must not
give it, and they must not take it.
That would never do."
"Well," said the colonel, "it will be
.(Concluded, on Fags 6.)