8
THE SUNDAY OREGONTAN, PORTLAND, JUNE 1, 1919.
Jlimtlag (8v$$nmx
ESTABLISHED BY HESBT I- FITTOCK.
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io5 Sixth Street, Portland, Oregon.
C. A. JIOBDEX, li. B- PIPER,
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gOTEREIGSTT NOT SURRENDERED.
It is hard to remove from some
minds the delusion that the league of
nations as drafted at Paris would im
pair American sovereignty by setting
a. world-government in authority over
our own government, with power to
decide the strength of our army and
navy, decide when we should make
war and to impose Its will in settle
ment of our disputes with other na
tions. Such minds also seem unable
to distinguish between the interna
tionalism of he league and that of the
socialists, though they have diamet
rically opposed aims, and each would
render the other impossible. That is
the impression given by a letter from
a correspondent of undoubted patriot
ism and free from prejudice against
the nations which have been our com
rades in war. He says:
Mv on-Dosltlon does not arise from any
ruck of regard for the nations who fought
and won the war. The internationalists did
not win it and I see no reason why the peace
treaty should be used as a means of foist
ing internationalism on us in the guise of
a. league of nations. Many of the instructors
In our colleges are teaching internationalism,
a philosophy that originated In Germany
and was a part of that propaganda which
was to prepare the world for German rule.
It is the doctrine of Lenine and Trotsky.
I do not refer to the Scott Xearings, David
Starr Jordans, the Da-nas, Eatons. etc but
to such men aa Dr. Bonn of Columbia, who
toured Oregon on the Chautauqua circuit
in iyl7 delivering a lecture on the mind of
Germany in which he said that "patriotism
Is a superstition of yesterday which we must
outgrow," and similar rot. The propaganda
carried on by such men their writings,
speeches, interviews may easily be mistaken
for the sentiment of the American people
unless some such opportunity as the No
vember. 1918, general election affords an op
portunity of registering their views.
But conceding that a- majority of the
people may favor a league of nations at the
present time, is it not reasonable to believe
that as soon as they are aware that our
liberty of action, our independence, our sov
ereignty will be surrendered if we become
a member and live up to our covenants, they
will not only reject the proposition but send
to political oblivion all those who have had
a part in Its composition. We can rely upon
such patriotic Americans as Lodge. Hrande
gee, Borah, Poindexter, Knox and others
w hen the doeement reaches the United States
senate to show its true character. 1 know
you have read it the purported draught
and 1 cannot understand how you can ap
prove articles 10, 16 and the reference to the
Monroe doctrine In article 21, as a regional
understanding for the promotion of peace,
etc. It can only promote peace as the decla
ration of a powerful nation that It will pro
tect the weaker nations of the western hem
isphere In maintaining popular government
and from being subjects for exploitation by
old-world powers, even to the extent of
waging wax.
The covenant binds us to surrender
of "liberty of action, independence,
sovereignty" to the same degree as
and no more than any treaty or inter
national agreement. So long as na
tions have intercourse they will make
treaties which by binding them to do
or not to do certain things restrict
their independence or freedom- of ac
tion, but no such alarm has been
raised about treaties in the past. The
serious ground of complaint is that the
league would, bind us in certain con
tingencies to make war, to impose a
commercial boycott, to submit a dis
pute to arbitration or to mediation and
to accept the award, also to restrict
our army and navy to certain limits.
Hut war or the boycott is only to be
declared by the unanimous judgment
of at least nine of the principal na
tions, among which the United States
will be one, and congress would still
retain power to decide whether the
contingency contemplated by the. cov
enant had 'arisen and to declare war
as its judgment dictated. The final
decision would still remain with us.
As this 'country has led in advocacy
and practice of arbitration and . of
making that system compulsory in
justiciable cases, it should not balk at
general acceptance of its own prin
ciples or at their application to itself.
The covenant does not, as our cor
respondent assumes, "take from the
representatives of the people the right
to determine whether the nation shall
or shall not make war." It binds all
members to boycott a covenant-breaking
nation and to aid "the forces of
any of the members of the league
which are co-operating to protect the
covenant of the league." The council
is only to "recommend" what forces
each member shall contribute. Con
press would be free to determine
whether the contingency rendering war
advisable had arrived and whether it
would comply with the recommenda
tion. Refusal would not stain the na
tional honor by treating the covenant
as "a scrap of paper."
If some nation were to violate the
covenant so flagrantly that the dele
pates from the nine chief nations, in
cluding the United States, would call
down this penalty on it, is there any
reason to doubt that congress would
promptly indorse its action or that
public opinion in this country would
be expressed so strongly as to end any
hesitation on the part of congress? If
there were serious difference of opin
ion in this country would it not ex
tend to other countries and prevent
that unanimity in the league council
without which a league war or boycott
would be impossible? These questions
would be considered in the light of
recent history. The fair conclusion is
that by assuming the obligations, we
should agree to do that which when
the time came we should be willing to
do. Therefore we should not make a
contract which wro might be unwilling
to fulfill.
This is not the internationalism
which supplants patriotism. It puts
the capstone on the structure which
patriots of all nations would build by
uniting them to defend their countries
more effectually without war than
they have done hitherto by war. It
would defend and strengthen the in
dividuality of each nation, not absorb
them all in Pan-Germany as the Ger
mans planned or melt all nations into
one and then redivide them into classes
with the proletariat supreme, as the
socialists plan.
U-'hose. persona- who- fchy at the- pro-
posed guaranty of each 1 eigne mem
ber's Integrity, as provided by article
10, do not seem to realize- that in order
to form a league at all It was neces
sary to start on some foundation, or
that the peace conference is remaking;
the boundaries of Europe and western
Asia for newly liberated nations which
most need a guaranty that they may
gain strength with security. In effect
this clause puts the power of the whole
league behind the American republics,
to support which the Monroe .doctrine
exists. If any old boundaries are un
fair to any nation, there is opportunity
for their revision under article 11,
which declares:
The fundamental right of eacb member
to bring- to the attention .of the- assembly
or of the rntiuHl anv rln-nrnit,ni whatever
affecting international relations which tnreat-
ens to disturb either the peace or the good
unuerstanatng oetween nations.
That same opportunity also exists
under the arbitration and mediation
clauses.
f so I '3 not cas3r to understand the ob
l.3 I jection to the indorsement of the Mon-
.rAe (To -1 r i n Thiph mnnv T-fl1s Anv
such indorsement by all the law-abiding
nations of the world would have
been hailed with joy ten years ago.
One cause of distrust of Germany was
refusal to accept the Monroe doctrine.
It would" seem that now that we have
got what we wanted, some no longer
want it.- The effect of the league
declaration is that the United States
is recognized as the arbiter of the
western hemisphere, and that other
nations pledge -themselves not to at
tempt any encroachment in this part
of the world.
It is no reflection on" the patriotism
or sincerity of the senators who criti
cise the league to say that they do not
seem to have realized the revolution
which the war has effected in the
relations of the United States to other
nations. They are still thinking the
thoughts of 1914, though five years
have wrought a change which compel
our thoughts to leap forward fifty
years or more in order to overtake the
developments of those five years and
to reason soundly. It is & time to
scrap old opinions, to grasp new
premises and to begin to reason anew
from them. The more successfully we
do this the better able we shall be to
appraise the league covenant at its
true value. It js not perfect, but it is
the best plan available for building a
new world in which wars shall be
fewer until they may be no more.
THE MOTHER SHIPTON HOAX.
To those who doubt the wisdom of
Sophocles and still believe in modern
necromancy, recent events in aviation,
culminating in the crossing of the At
lantic ocean, will seem to be another
verification of the famous "prophecy"
of Mother Shipton, supposed to have
been made in the time of the Tudors,
late in the fifteenth century, and part
of which was:
Carriages withoa-t norses enaTI go.
And accidents fill the world with, woe.
Around the world thoughts shall fly
In the twinkling of an eye.
Waters shall yet more wonders do,
Now strange, shall yet be true.
Through hills man shall ride.
And no horse or ass be at his side.
Under water men shall walk.
bbaJl ride, shall sleep, shall talk.
In the air men shall be seen.
In white, in black, in green.
Unfortunately, however, for the
Idol-worshipers, the Mother Shipton
"prophecy" was Just a hoax, to which
Charles Hindley confessed in 1873.
Richard Head wrote in 1684 a "Life
and Death of Mother Shipton," in
which he endeavored to prove the
existence some two centuries previous
ly of a seeress who, among other
things, had foretold the death of Car
dinal Wolsey. He did not succeed in
establishing to the satisfaction of later
investigators that she ever lived at
all. But the wonderful prophecy in
question collapses under the weight of
Hindley"s own story. Hindley reprinted
Head's book in 1862, and garbled it.
The prophecy in question was Hind-
ley's and not Mother Shipton's, and
was" made in a spirit of jest- He no
more laid claim to supernatural gifts
than would I. G. Wells.
Another of the bogus Mother Ship-
ton prophecies menaced a village in
Somerset, England, with destruction
by earthquake and flood in 1879, and
was so widely believed that hundreds
of families abandoned their homes on
the eve of the expected disaster, while
spectators swarmed in from far around
to see the town destroyed. The will
ingnes3 of some persons to be hum
bugged, notwithstanding experience,
was shown by the fact that, although
the prophecy for 1879 failed complete
ly. the fradulent lines supplied by
Hindley
And this world to an end shall come
In eighteen hundred and eighty-one.
caused great alarm throughout Eng
land and even in other countries Id
that year, and resulted in the moving
of many thousands of persons from
their homes into the fields. The tend
ency of the credulous to sever all home
tie3 on the supposed approach of the
crack of doom. has never been satis
factorily explained by the psycholo
gists.
Flying has fulfilled the last of the
so-called prophecies of the famous,
but probably non-existent old witch,
except those to which reference has
been made. Forecasting the death of
Wolsey, if indeed it was done at all
ought not to have been difficult in
the troublous time in which Wolsey
lived. Some of the other "prophecies'
already had come to pass wnen Hind
ley wrote his forgery of Head's book.
Aeronautics had reached a primitive
stage of development half a century
before Hindley wrote, and no fewer
than 14 submarines had been patented
in England prior to 1727. Hindley
was not even a man of imagination.
He was merely a practical Joker, who
fooled more credulous people than any
other man in his century.
MARRIAGE KATE INCREASING.
There is a crumb of comfort in the
census figures as to marriage and
divorce in the United States, which is
reflected in demand throughout the
country for relatively small houses and
apartments, reported by the United
States homes registration service. It
is true that the divorce rate increased
from 53 per 100,000 in 1890 to 112
per 100,000 in 1916, while the mar
riage rate increased only from 91 per
10,000 in 1890 to 105 per 10,000 in
1916. The disparity in rate of in
crease is bad enough. But the actual
number of marriages nevertheless
shows a material gain due to increase
of population, but a gain just the same.
There were 33,197 divorces in 1890,
and 112,036 in 1916; but there were
538,891 marriages in the former year
and 1,040.778 in the latter. Actual in
crease of 73.847 divorces is consider
ably more than offset by an actual
increase of 501,887 in marriages.
It is the observation of the homes
registration service, moreover, that a
largely increasing number of mar
riages is now taking place, following
the return of the soldiers to civil life.
It is too early to make comparisons
with the official statistics of previous
years, but the service is convinced that
marriage is mora popular; this year
than it ever has been. It is quite
probable that when the figures for
1918 and 1919 are compiled officially
a much better showing in behalf of
the good old institution will be made.
The homes service derives its chief
interest in the subject from the cir
cumstance that there is practically no
city of considerable size in the United
States in which there is a sufficient
number of small cottages and apart
ments. The . new brides and bride
grooms alone constitute a host. It is
for accommodations of the relatively
smaller type that the registration serv
ice is receiving the most freqnent
applications.
The home famine is further accen
tuated by an opposite cause. Demand
comes in part from families which
during the absence of husband or
father have been living in single rooms
or boarding, and which now seek per
manent homes. The federal service
acts only in an advisory capacity, but
it is performing a valuable function by
preserving a broad outlook. Its in
vestigations as to the country as a
whole warrant the conclusion that a
fresh supply of smaller houses may
prove an important factor in the fur
ther encouragement of matrimony.
TRIFLING WITH BOLSHEVISM.
Oswald Garrison Villard advocated
a soviet form of government for the
United States in a recent speech in
New York, saying:
Changing the basis of our representation
to the soviet form would not only give us a
different government, but would give us a
aillerent feeling toward our government.
We have lost all respect for our legislative
bodies. I found that the soviet in Munich,
which Is composed of proletarians only, com
pares most favorably with the Albany and
Ha-rrlsburg legislatures.
Thus lightly does a man whose mind
has been so concentrated on the im
perfections of American democracy
that he cannot see its inherent and
ineradicable virtues turn to a system
which is the negation of liberty, in fact
is the bloodiest despotism masquerad
ing as liberty. As usual with such
men, he grossly exaggerates when he
says we have "lost all respect for our
legislative bodies." . Respect for some
of these bodies is diminished but not
lost, and even those which meet at
Albany and Harrisburg are much to be
preferred to a Russian soviet. There
is at least the opportunity of peace
fully changing them, while nothing but
a bloody revolution can get rid of a
soviet, for it knows no law but force.
The influence of such parlor bol-
shevists on the administration is seen
in the announcement in the parallel
column of a New York paper that the
allies are inclined to recognize the
bolshevist government of Bela Kun at
Budapest and that the American and
British governments have checked the
advance of the Roumanian army on
that city. Communism gained power
in Hungary by violence the same
means by which President Tinoco won
power in Costa Rica but President
Wilson seems disposed to extend recog
nition to Bela Kun while denying it to
Tinoco. Tinoco's authority has re
mained undisputed and he declared
war on Germany. Bela Kun's position
Is at best shaky, and his first act was
to form an alliance with his old com
rade, Lenine, and to threaten renewed
war on the allies.
Such trifling with bolshevism gives
it strength, and encourages men like
Villard to talk sedition. If the allies
were to -treat it as what it is organ
ized crime of every kind in Russia
and anarchy everywhere they could
quickly extinguish it, and men like
Villard would find some other occu
pation for their disordered intellects.
I NO KFXOJIJIEXDATIOS. j
The Oregonian is asked to state ex
plicitly the reasons why it is unable
to recommend to the voters of Ore
gon the referendum bill to provide
financial aid for the education of sol
diers, sailors and marines honorably
discharged from service in the recent
war with Germany. It is well enough
for The Oregonian to say again that
it approves the principle of the act,
or any other act reasonably designed
to show the state's gratitude for the
service of its valiant sons, and to
make up to them some measure of the
time and opportunity lost at home
by their absence in the cause of their
country. The Oregonian would glad
ly have the state raise through taxa
tion a fund of $200,000 per year for
four years to send the soldiers to any
genuine "institution of learning," giv
ing each of them $25 per month- So
the proposed statute reads.
But what is an "institution of learn
ing?" It is provided in the act that
the discharged soldier or sailor or
marine may make his application to
the "executive head" of the "institu
tion of learning," whether it be "pub
lic or private," and that, if he ap
prove, the soldier or sailor or marine
may pursue any "course or courses."
The executive head shall provide
"lodging, board and other necessities"
required by the applicant and he shall
render a statement each month to the
secretary of state, who shall pay to the
institution of learning for .each such
soldier, sailor or marine, not more
than $25 monthly.
. What is an institution of learning?
Evidently it is intended -to give wide
latitude to any official definition, for
it may be "public or private." It
may not have a president, but it must
have an "executive head." It may
therefore be a state university or a
denominational college, or a literary
or theological academy, or a technical
school, or a professional school, or a
trade school. So far, so good. But
it may also be a correspondence
school, or a theosophical seminary,
or a psychological gymnasium, or a
barber college, or a chiropractic
theater, or a massage verein, or any
of a thousand and one schemes and
fads of private operators. It may or
may not be indeed that the institu
tions enumerated in the latter classi
fication are objectionable. If con
ducted under proper auspices. We do
not say they are. We know many of
them are all right. But who does
not know that too many of them are
organized for private profit and not
for any real educational object, and
that they are unworthy of public sup
port or confidence?
There are 30,000 Oregon men who
were or are in the service. If each
sought to avail himself of the benefits
of the act the fund required would
be $6,000,000 a year or $24,000,000
in all. The act provides a fund of
$200,000 a year, or for one-thirtieth of
the service mem There is no admin
istration board. Payments are virtu
ally automatic The act thus invites
the fly-by-night institution to solicit
school enrollment of 30,000 men
enrollment that may purport to offer
any sort of supplemental instruction
that the service man may take and
continue at his employment. If such
activity prevailed the questions as to
who would receive the $200,000, and
whether a liability had not accrued
J against the state- for more than, $200,.
000 would arise. The Oregonlan can
not answer the questions.
It is quite clear that under the law
there would be opportunity for grave
and costly abuses, utterly defeating
its worthy designs, and loading bene
fits on individuals who have no proper
claim. It will be easy to start a
mushroom "institution of learning" of
any kind, and it will be easy for the
"executive head," if he shall be able
to muster up a roster. of soldiers or
sailors or marines, to demand $25
monthly for each of them for four
years. Perhaps he will give them
"board, lodging and other necessities."
The secretary of state will have no
alternative but to pay.
The Oregonlan does not approve the
act. But, in view of its laudable ob
jects, it has not registered its disap
proval. It has thought, however, that
the public is entitled to know not only
its merits, but its demerits. If. out of
a generous and proper desire to re
ward the men who have served their
country faithfully, the people think
that the chances for scandal or wrong
ful gain under the act may well be
taken, The Oregonlan will be con
tent. It is for them to decide. It
may well be that public knowledge of
what may be done in wrongful ways
will serve as a safeguard. Perhaps
a sufficient safeguard.
TEACHING JOURNALISM.
News that Dr. Talcott Williams has
resigned as director of the Pulitzer
School of Journalism in Columbia uni
versity brings to attention the fact
that formal study of practical news
paper work has been undertaken in
colleges only within comparatively few
years. The courses in "journalism"
which have been offered sporadically
in many universities ever since the
Civil war, and which as a rule were
given by professors of English who
desired to sugar-coat the pill of an
otherwise unpopular study, are not to j
be confounded with the movement of
which the Pulitzer school was the
real pioneer. There are perhaps forty
universities in the United States offer
ing courses in "journalism" by Eng
lish professors. Oregon university had
one several years ago. Washington
college, afterward Washington and
Lee university, is said to have tried
the plan under the presidency of
Robert E. Lee. Ten universities, in
cluding Oregon, are giving specific
work in journalism, in organized
schools or departments conducted by
experienced newspaper men.
A good many interesting facts will
be developed by study of the history
of the movement which Joseph Pulit
zer began when he announced fifteen
years ago this year that he intended
to endow Columbia with a gift of
$2,000,000 for the specific purpose
mentioned. One of these is the broad
grounds of general culture and disci
pline which have been urged in behalf
of study of newspaper work, whether
or not the young student intends to
take it up as a bread-winning career.
Another is recalled by the historic
controversy between Mr. Pulitzer and
Dr. Eliot of Harvard over the type of
Journalism teaching that a university
ought to offer. This was marked by a
curious anomaly. The publisher ar
gued for a conventional education for
a man to be a writer chiefly; the col
lege president favored studies extend
ing into all branches of newspaper
work, including advertising, circula
tion, manufacture and financing. Mr.
Pulitzer, himself a product of the in
tensely practical school, occupied the
position in which the college president
might logically have been expected to
be found. The type which Dr. Eliot
then favored has become, for various
reasons, the one which most generally
prevails where schools of Journalism
exist.
Mr. Pulitzer's conception, as one
views it now, may have been founded
on his own experience in procuring
the kind of assistants he desired in
developing the great metropolitan
newspaper which he owned. Uhe early
arguments for Journalistic training at
Columbia were that New York was the
center of the country, economically
and journalistically speaking, and that
in no other city could so complete
a "laboratory' for practical teaching
be found. But this ignored certain
patent facts as to the genius of Ameri
can journalism. By equipping young
men to become cogs in a great ma
chine, however efficient and smooth
running, it did not offer them the
prospect of leadership upon which the
great body of Journalism of the whole
country depends. The all-around
training which Dr. Eliot advocated.
which later was embodied in the
course introduced at the University of
Missouri as a full school under the
deanship of a newspaper owner, and
which since then has been extended
to other universities, has departed
from the first design of Mr. Pulitzer
in that it has not- aimed so much to
create metropolitan newspaper special
ists as to build a foundation that
would give the student confidence to
acquire a newspaper, or to succeed if
promoted on a larger newspaper to a
position which would bring him in
touch with business and mechanical
problems. It has recognized," as the
metropolitan idea did not do, the
growing power and influence of the
newspapers of the "provinces," and in
particular the possibilities of the small
town newspapers. For those who take
the courses for their vocational as
well as their cultural value, the ten
dency is toward encouraging men to
put their money as well as their brains
and their youth into journalism.
Dr. Williams was an idealist. He
succeeded in time in creating that
which amounted practically to a uni
versity all its own. He was not al
ways content to send his students to
other departments, such, for example,
as history and general literature,
which had been devised originally
without reference to the special needs
of students of journalism. There are
a good many persons who still believe
that the latter have fewer special
needs than Dr. Williams may have
supposed. And study'of the "path of
promotion" led to discovery of a fact
which even Mr. Pulitzer seemed to
have overlooked, that the leaders in
I the profession were seldom those who
I had begun as metropolitan reporters.
Mr. Pulitzer himself was a shining
example of this. He made his start
"out west." in the then inconsiderable
town of St. Louis.
The school of Journalism performs
another interesting function, however,
by introducing another point of view
into education. Perhaps it is this,
rather than its elaborate and expen
sive "laboratories," which accounts for
its large growth in about a decade.
There is, in the public mind, a ro
mantic idea of the duties and privi
leges of the newspaper worker. A good
many students have been matriculated
in journalism schools who have not
gone into newspaper work. But these
will testify, we believe, that they have
found their training highly useful in
other lines. By learning to weigh facts
with precision, and to avoid jumping
at conclusions, and to report exactly
what they have seen or heard without
modification (It is not as easy as the
novice will suppose) they qualify
themselves the better for not a few
callings in which this training is ad
vantageous. There is still another
function and that is that it takes
young men and women afflicted with
what we shall call the "newspaper
itch" and induces them to stay on
the campus longer than they otherwise
would, picking up general education
in education, history, science. English
and other things that at first they
wanted to skip entirely. From the
point of view of the university, if not
of the newspaper industry, this is a
not inconsiderable credit to the school
of journalism scheme.
Education in America, fortunately,
is not run into a mold. Mr. Pulitzer's
vision and Dr. Williams' work of or
ganization are not discredited by the
circumstance that the school which
Mr. Pulitzer made possible has had
few slavish imitators. The school of
Missouri university, which was estab
lished before the Pulitzer foundation
had found fruition, is perhaps the
real pioneer; at least it represents the
Idea now prevailing in the west.
There are excellent schools of journal
ism in the Lniversities of Oregon and
Washington. The western idea on the
whole has held its own. There is still
no royal road to newspaper training,
and the school Itself will be the last
to contend that it can create a fin
ished product from unsuitable raw
material. But the venture would have
justified itself on broad educational
grounds, by furnishing a new motive
and a new viewpoint, if it had done
nothing else.
THE VOCABULARY OF AY1ATJOX.
Aviation is contributing its quota to
our rapidly expanding vocabulary. The
tendency here observed is to take short
Cuts, as the mass of npnnlo nv rten
doing ever since language was in-
vented. Words like "hydroaeroplane"
were doomed from the beginning. Even
"aeroplane" has already been dropped
into the lexicographical waste basket.
The shorter the better is the rule with
the men who do the things that words
are designed to describe. It is this
passion for verbal time saving, coupled
with Anglo-Saxon modesty in dealing
with its own achievements, that puts
the shorter and not always logical word
in the place of the more descriptive
polysyllable.
Thus, aviation has given us "blimp."
rather than "non-rigid dirigible bal
loon." The latter is, perhaps, easier to
remember, but the former is easier to
use. It will win a place in the dic
tionary. "Aerobatics" is a particularly
deserving word, because it nearly ex
plains itself. It is a shortened form
of "aerial aerobatics," and is better
than "stunt," which did duty a few
years ago, because it is more specific
and because "stunt" has been over
worked. But "dope," which is now
understood by all airmen to mean the
special varnish-lika .liquid which is
applied to wing fabric to lessen its
friction through the air, and "dud"
and "hop" have been frankly borrowed
from other fields of human activity.
Nevertheless they are excellent words
to use in talking to an aviator. A
dud" in aviation is a thing as useless
as in land warfare is a shell that fails
to explode. It represents a condition
of being without life or power. An
engine or a pilot may be a dud, or a
day unsuited for flying may be the
same thing. The "hop" represents the
lightsome spirit of self - deprecation
which would treat, for example, a pio
neer voyage across the Atlantic as an
affair "all in the day's work." Hawkei
and Grieve and Read and Towers
"hopped off" when they started on
their epochal voyages.
"Crash" was probably borrowed from
the newspaper headlines, but it is
helped in aviation by certain adjec-
tival qualifications. A "class A crash"
is a complete "washout." The student
will be interested in knowing that a
"washout" is anything useless, from a
wrecked machine to a pilot who has
lost his nerve. It is almost but not
quite a synonym for "dud." One must
absorb tho spirit of the game to appre
ciate the refinements of its near
synonyms. "Pancake" and taxl" are old words
worked over into verbs of aviation.
To "pancake" is to come almost to a
stop near Uie ground and then to drop
to a landing. It is a useful maneuver
when an aviator has lost his running
gear or is about to land on a difficult
field. It alone made Vedrine's feat of
landing on a small Paris roof possible.
Doubtless it got into the language be
cause it expresses the idea of flatness
which we associate with a pancake.
To "taxi" is to move either airplane or
seaplane under Its own , power from
place to place, but this does not em
brace the speeding of the machine
preparatory to the "take-off." The
NC-3 recently "taxied" more than 200
miles into the Azores on the third let,
of her flight.
The new words, and others which
the new science has created, have yet
to stand the test of popular acceptance.
But some of them will survive. If dic
tionary makers are wise they will be
alert. lest the language of the common
people shall get ahead of them.
TRY DECENTRALIZATION.
If the land reclamation and soldier
settlement bill, which will surely pass
congress, is to be efficiently adminis
tered, execution of the law will have
to be entrusted in large degree to
authorities in the states where the
lands lie, not centered in Washington.
The chief cause of the growing inef
ficiency and extravagance of the gov
ernment is centralization of all au
thority in the capital. This practice
has made the government such a huge
machine that it moves more slowly
just when the needs of the time de
mand that it speed up. Every move
must be approved by so many offi
cials that it is Inordinately delayed.
Each official is jealous for his little
bit of authority, but seeks to evade
responsibility, hence frequent post
ponement of decisions. A horde of sub
ordinates has been appointed through
political favor in disregard of the civil
service law, patronage has grown to
enormous proportions, and the govern
ment machine includes so many per
sons as to constitute danger to the
freedom of the people. It suffers from
a species of political fatty degenera
tion of the heart.
Land reclamation and settlement
constitute a public enterprise which
can best be carried out by devolution
of a very large measure of authority
to the states or to sub-commissions
which should contract for improve
ment of land, should supervise the
work and should locate settlers on the
land and make financial arrangements
with them. Reference of all these af
fairs to Washington would result in
delay, confusion, and often in things
not being done at all. How can a man
in Washington direct wisely what is
done in Oregon or Louisiana except in
the most general way? The man to
run, things is the man on. the ground.
The man In Washington needs only to I
see that the local men conform with ;
the law and with general policy he
needs to co-ordinate the efforts of all ,
and to apportion funds among them.
Other countries have passed or are
passing similar laws, and they carry
out their plans through the local au
thorities. Great Britain is only a
fraction of the size of this country
and could better manage its soldier
settlement and housing schemes
through the central government than
this nation can. But it simply passes
a general law which practically enables
the county councils to buy, improve
and settle land, and another law en
abling cities and boroughs to build
houses. The government only provides
a share of the funds and sees that
the local authorities conform to the
law.
One of the best things which could
happen to the horde of government
clerks which scratches a living in
Washington would be to be driven out
and scattered over the country to dig
and clear land and make farms and
grow crops. They would have aching
backs and calloused hands for a while,
but they would be vastly improved in
health and pocket and would become
of much more use to themselves and
the country.
The more the national divorce sta
tistics are studied, the more puzzling
they become. The theory, for ex
ample, that increasing divorce is due
to growing desire for freedom on the
part of women, and to their economic
independence, does not correspond
with the fact that more and more
women demand and receive alimony,
which indicates that freedom is not
the only object sought. In the twenty-
year period prior to 1906 alimony
was sought in only 13.2 per cent ol
cases and granted in only 9.2 per cent
In 1916 alimony was sought In 20.2
per cent of cases and granted in 15.2
per cent. It is practically always the
wife who gets the alimony. The ease
with which alimony is obtained, how
ever, varies greatly in the states. It
is granted in less than 1 per cent of
cases in Pennsylvania and in 61 per
cent of cases in Michigan. Children
figure in a diminishing proportion of
cases, a fact which is also referred.
for what it may be worth, to those
who like to moralize.
The high cost of moving, on top of
the high cost of staying where you
are, promises to operate as an unex
pected stimulus to the own-your-home
movement. One business man who is
quoted by the United States depart
ment of labor recently found that he
could have made an advance payment
on a house of his own for the cost of
moving from a rented house into an
apartment. "Three removes are as
good as a fire" was substantially true
in Ben Franklin's time, but it is much
nearer true now. The increase is due
not only to higher prices for all the
articlesof furniture and other replace
ments which inevitably accompany
moving, but also to the higher cost
of odd jobs of every kind. The semi
annual moving day common in some
parts of the country promises to be
prohibited by rising prices, and the
department predicts a boom in home
buying as soon as communities are
organized to finance adequate build
ing of the right kind.
The minds of the senators are prob
ably made up on suffrage, and it
would seem that a policy of obstruc
tion would only delay other matters
without accomplishing any real good
And the obstructionists will be care
ful, if they are wise, not to have any
presidential bees in the future.
The husband who did not discover
until after marriage that his wife
j could neither read nor write cannot
be said to have been as well acquaint
ed with his sweetheart as even a love
lorn young man ought to be before
committing himself to a serious ad
venture.
"It is idle," says Homer S. Cum
mings, "to talk about third terms, or
of presidential candidates." In say
ing which Mr. Cummings still cannot
be said to have committed himself.
The occasional appearance of a dis
patch telling of the defalcation of a
bank clerk shows that there are still
a few misguided men who will not
profit by the experience of others.
The most popular form of interna
tionalism is marriage between Ameri
can soldiers and French and English
girls that is, among all except the
girls whom the boys left behind.
There isn't much use discussing how
long the material in a building will
last when houses go out of style more
rapidly than the stuff of which they
are constructed wears out
The Newark bay shipyard claims a
record of fifty-two ships in a year, but
nothing is said as to what the Colum
bia river yards could do if all restric
tions were removed.
It seems rather cool for this time
of year, but we are so accustomed
to having balmy springs in Oregon
that the slightest variation always sets
us to grumbling.
One never hears a brass band now
adays without wishing there might be
more of them. The outdoor concert is
a fine antidote for treason, stratagems
and spoils.
"Hit and run is 1919 rule." says a
headline, which, upon examination,
proves to be over a baseball item and
not a description of Hun military pol
icy. If Seattle should find adoption of
the 6-cent fare unavoidable after all.
it may wish to hand the street cars
back to the company.
The NC-4 takes a few more jump
than were expected, but its motto,
"Better safe than sorry." is justified
by the event.
Berlin Is "pessimistic." It takes
some fellows a long while to wake up
to a fact that everybody else knew
long ago.
Hawker as a squawker bids fair to
diminish his popularity among the
good sportsmen of his own country.
If the peace is to be measured by
the time it takes to arrive at it, it
ought to last a long while.
The rule still seems to hold good
that the best rustlers have the greatest
success in finding Jobs.
The family reunion of the Hohen
zollerns was not held on the old home
stead. Versailles or Berlin which I
Election Recommendations.
In the following The Oregonlan gives
a brief analysis of all measures on the
state, city and port ballots in the elec- .
tlon of June 3. and its advice thereon)
STATE BALLOT,
St Per Cent County Indebtedness for
Permanent Roads Amendment- SOA, Tw :
801. no.
Counties are now restricted In Incur-
ring indebtedness for permanent roads
to t per cent of their assessed valua
tion. Several counties find It impos
sible to carry on road plana If given
this authority, they will hold elections
to determine whether additional bonds
shall be issued.
Vote SOO YES,
Industrial and Reconstruction TTramft.l
Amendment. 802. yes: 803. no.
This Is only a grant of authority to
locate a -reconstruction hospital else
where than at the state capital. An
appropriation for this hospital Is con-
alned in the reconstruction bonding
bill, the seventh measure on the ballot.
Vote 302 YES.
State Send Pavmen. .f T 1h.Im -
Drainage District Bond Interest. 804. yes;
805, no.
By the terms of this measure the
state Is authorised to underwrite bonds
of officially approved Irrigation and
drainage districts to the sole extent
of the Interest thereon for a period
or live years. The object Is to pro
mote a better price for Irrigation and
district bonds. As guarantor, the state
would be called on to pay the Interest
only in the event the property of the
district defaulted. Interest thus ad
vanced would become a lien against the
district and be ultimately returned to
the state.
Vete 304 YES.
Five Million Dollar T?Anr...n.,ln- ex.
ing Amendment. 80S. yes; S07. no.
This is another grant of authority.
In itself it provides for no bond issue.
but is a companion amendment to the
reconstruction bonding bill (S12, yes).
Vote SOe Y ES.
Lieutenant Governor Constitutional imlil.
menu 30a. yes: ao. no.
The amendment creates a new office
with a salary of $400 In each bl-enniirra.
The lieutenant-governor would be the
presiding officer of the senate, but the
primary purpose of the bill Is to pro
vide a successor other than the secre
tary of state la the event of the death
or disability of the governor.
Tote 309 NO.
Roosevelt Coast Xlllltai-v P!rh, -Rm
310. yes; 811. no.
This is an appropriation of J 2.600.000
for assisting the government in build
ing a highway from Astoria along the
coast to the California line. It is con
tingent upon an equal appropriation
ty the government
Vote 310 YES.
Reconstruction Bonding? Bill-
312.
313. no.
This Is a contingent bond Issue of
$5,000,000. Of the total, 83.000.000 lg to
be used only in the event the govern
ment provides an equal sura for land
reclamation. The further sum of $657.
500 is set aside for a state land set
tlement enterprise. The remainder is
to be available for construction of pub
lic buildings only If there is a condi
tion of unemployment or a demonstrat
ed Immediate need for them.
Vote 313 YES.
Soldier". Pallors' and Marines' Kdileation-
al Financial Aid Bill. 814. yes: 8 If., no.
Levies two-tenths of a mill tax to
provide $200 a year to aid in educating
any honorably discharged Oregon sol
dier, sailor or marine.
V o reconunendstlea.
Market Roads Tax BilL S16, yes; 817, no.
Levies a tax of 1 mill to create a
fund to be apportioned among the sev
eral counties for market road construc
tion. To obtain an allotment a county
must raise by county taxation an equal
amount.
Vote 316 YES.
CITY BALLOT.
Bond Issue of $527,000 for Parle and
Boulevard Improvements. 500. yea: AOL, no.
A proposal to provide at once money
for carrying on a fixed programme of
pi.rk and boulevard Improvement, part
of which nas been delayed by the war.
A reeojaucndsHoa,
Amendment to Annex Property Surround
ed by the Present City of Portland. 602.
yes; 503. no.
Takes in certain peninsula bottom
lands occupied principally by a mill
property now receiving the benefits of
city facilities, but paying no city taxes.
Vote 603 YES.
Bond Issue of fSn.ooo for a Police Tele
phone System. 004. yes; 605, no.
Proposes a convenience for keeping
In touch with patrolmen.
Vote SOS SO.,
Bond Issue of $100,000 to Tioide Tw
Police Stations on Kast Side. 60S. yea: 607. no.
Propost-d wholly new enlargement of
police facilities, of which this bond
issue would be but first cost
Vote 607 SO.
Bond Issue of $200,000 for Rerlaclnc and
Repairing; Fire Stations. 608. yes; 60l, no.
Provides for necessary reconstruction
and repair of several stations now in
disgraceful condition.
Vote 60S YES.
Bond Issue of $250,000 for Repairing, Re
modeling; and Renovating City xiall. 610,
yes; 61L, no.
Designed to relievo crowded condi
tions la some offices, and to provide
more vault space.
Vote 611 NO.
Bond Issue of $500,000 for New Parks sad
Playgrounds. 612. yes; 613. no.
Provides for ten new parks and play
grounds in districts not having imme
diate access to such conveniences.
3io recommeasattes.
Amendment Affeetlns Method of EstaH
ltKhinic and Chantrlnc Streets. 614. yea;
515, no.
Designed to enable council to adjust
remonstrances without Incurring large
court costs, but preserving right of
appeal.
Vote 614 YES.
Amendment Specifying Persons Entitled
to Police Pension Benefits. 616, yes; 617. no.
Corrects technical error in present
law. Appropriates no additional money.
Vote 61 YES.
Amendment Authorizing Two-Mill Levy
for Paying Better tialaries and Wages. 618,
yes; 61S. no.
An act to enable the city to pay
its employes salaries and wages com
mensurate with those paid la private
employment.
Vote 618 YES.
s PORT BALLOT.
Bond Issue of $1,000,000 for Aiding Estab
lishment of Water Transportation LJnea. 12.
yes; 13. no
Provides working capital to guaran
tee certain port facilities, and to en
able port commission to go out and get
business for the port.
Vota 12 YES.