6
TIIE SUNDAY OREGOXIAX, PORTLAND, MAT 27. 1917.
23j totmtmi
PORTLAND. OREGON.
"Entered at Portland (Oregon) Postofflce as
scond-class mail matter.
Subscription rates Invariably In advance:
(By Mail.)
Dally. Sunday Included, one year. $8.00
iJally, Sunday Included, mix months 4.25
Xaily, Sunday included, three months.... 2.2r
raily, Sunday included, one month "5
Daily, without Sunday, one year 6. (to
Daily, without Sunday, three months 1.75
Daily, without Sunday, one month 60
"Weekly, one year. .... 1.50
Sunday, one year. .. 2.50
feunday and Weekly 3.E.O
(By Carrier.)
Dally. Sunday included, one year 9.00
Daily. Sunday included, one month "a
How to Remit Send postofflce money or
der, express order or persona,! check on your
local bank. Stamps, coin or currency are at
sender's risk, tlive poatofficc address in full,
including; county and stats.
I'oatnge Kates 12 to II pases. 1 cent: 18
to 82 pages. 2 cents: 34 to 4 pages. 3 cents:
5(1 to HO pages. 4 cents; 2 to 7B pages. 5
cents: 78 to 2 pages, cents. Foreign post
age double rates.
Kaatern Business Office Verree Conklln.
Brunswick building. New York: Verree &
Conklin. Steger building, Chicago: San Fran
cisco representative, R. J. Bldwell, 742 Mar
ket street. '
PORTLAND, SUNDAY, MAY 27, 1B17.
WHY AMERICA WAS DRAWN IN.
One valuable result of the interven
tion of the United States In the war ts
that it has opened to the American
people a great fund of information
about the attitude and aims of the
central powers toward this country
which was securely bottled up while
we remained neutral. It has caused
the return to the United States of
many American correspondents sta
tioned in Berlin and "Vienna who had
been prevented by a rigid censorship
from telling the whole truth. More
important still, it has unsealed the
lips of many diplomatic officers who
bad access to many secret .sources of
information and who had observed
from the inside all that was done and
intended against us by our pretended
friends.
One of the latter is U. Grant-Smith,
who had been counselor of the Amer
ican Embassy at Vienna for four years
prior to his return home last January.
He has given to the newspapers an
article which sheds a flood of light on
this subject. He expresses the convic
tion, arrived at some months ago,
"that it was the deliberate intention
of the German government to force
the United States into the war at what
she might consider the psychological
moment." The motive was, in case
of German victory, to make the United
States pay a huge indemnity, such as
could not be extorted from the debt
burdened entente; in case of defeat,
"to get better terms of peace, counting
on the large German and pacifist ele
ment in this country to throw their
influence in that direction." He quotes
a German newspaper as saying:
We are entitled to a thumping war in
demnity, and we do itot care who pays It.
Those states which have sacrificed Immense
sums will be unable to pay it. Therefore,
America will have to unbutton its pockets.
This plan accords with Prussian
practice. -Huge indemnities -were ex
torted from Austria after the war of
1866 and from France after the war
of 1870 and were used to prepare
Germany for the next war, which is
the present one.
Both Germany and Austria have
been carefully preparing for war with
the United States by cultivating hos
tility to this country among their peo
ple and by making a bid for Mexican
and Japanese co-operation. They have
prevehted all public expressions of ap
preciation for the great work which
has been done". by American diplomatic
and consular" officers on behalf of
their te'ns of thousands of prisoners
In entente countries a work which
lias been carried on day and night "to
the neglect and actual detriment of
American interests and prestige in the
entente countries."
These activities of our officials have
been misrepresented,- "while frequent
tirades against this country were pub
lished and everything possible done
to prepare the people for war with
the United States." They tried to
create the impression that our officials
were derelict in -their duties, for "what
in reality they demanded was not neu
tral service" but "a whole-hearted
espousal of the German cause."
Mr. ' Grant-Smith compares the de
velopment of Prussian power to that
of a great trust which crushes or ab
sorbs its smaller competitors. Access
to the open sea was the first essential
to Prussian commerce and sea power,
and it was gained by the seizure of
Schleswig-Holsteln from Denmark.
Then Austria was defeated, several of
the states which sided with her were
absorbed and all the North Sea coast
from Denmark to Holland was an
nexed by Prussia. According to Prus
sian practice. France was maneuvered
into the position of attacking Prussia
by the forgery of the Ems telegram.
and the result was the annexation of
Alsace and Ixrraine and an indemnity
of $1,000,000,000. Prussia's- aim was
to obtain a monopoly of commerce for
its North Sea ports, and it made Aus
tria powerless as a competitor by
peaceful penetration and by obtaining
control of the steamship, lines from
Trieste and Fiume and by permitting
them to have "just enough business
to keep-them alive in order to shut out
any possible competitor."
The next step to be taken by Prus
sia was to capture the remaining
North Sea coast and a large stretch
of the French coast of the English
Channel; also to obtain control of the
Balkan peninsula and Asiatic Turkey.
The former was a commercial neces
sity because the long haul from South
Germany to Hamburg and Bremen
added to the cost of goods and because
Antwerp and Rotterdam are the nat
ural outlets. The latter "was needed
to reach the open Mediterranean, and
to give control of both the land and
sea routes tof Asia as a further means
of pacific, penetration. For these pur
poses the war was begun. -
Prussia expected that. Britain would
rot enter the war until at least ' a
month after its outbreak, and intended
to seize Calais, Boulogne and Havre,
land troops there to conquer Nor
mandy and outflank or take in the
rear the French army which would try
to check the rush through Belgium.
In possession of the coast, the Ger
mans would then have repulsed or in
flicted great loss on any British army
which tried to land, and a base would
"have been establisned . for a later in
vasion of England. The next step
would have been the absorption of
Holland.
The prompt British declaration of
war defeated much of this scheme,
but Germany holds Antwerp and Os
tend and the French and Belgian
mines. In the east Austria was to be
pushed forward to Salontki, and Tur
key was brought under German domi
nation to give the Prussian trust the
Dardanelles, the route to Bagdad,
naval supremacy in the Eastern Medi
terranean and, with it, the Suez Canal.
Were this scheme .to . succeed, the
vast dominions described would be
controlled by what Mr. Grant-Smith
calls "the Mittel Europa trust," which
would wield "a power almost irresisti
ble in international commerce." . He
emphasizes this point and its bearing
on the United States with this illus
tration: Suppose, for example, that Mlttet Europa
wanted to buy (2l)O.UOl.O0O worth of cotton.
They would come to this country and force
the formation of a group which would
agree to purchase from Germany or one
of her subsidiary corporstlons products in
return for a . certain portion of the $200,
000.0O0 worth of cotton and. under the con
ditions Imposed, the American group would
be obliged to agree not to purchase the
commodities in question .from any other
country. So they would go Into all of the
markets of the world, into South America
and Asia and outbid and 'undersell com
petitors. Business men can Imagine the
effect of such competition on exports from
the United States. A moment's reflection
will convince you that if our normal two
billions of exports were reduced by even
one-half, the pocket of every man in til
United States would suffer.
Either German victory or a draw
would permit formation of this com
bination, which would take away our
foreign markets. German victory also
means exaction of an enormous indem
nity, by which we should pay for our
subjection and for that of European
democracy.
We must pay one way or the other.
By buying liberty bonds we shall pro
vide funds to smash the Mittel Europa
trust. If we do not provide money
to fight it and win, we shall risk hav
ing to pay much more as indemnity
for having fought it and lost, and we
shall become as completely a sub
sidiary of this trust as ts any corpora
tion that is absorbed by an American
trust.
A GENUINE PROPHET.
It is a dull day when somebody can
not be turned up who tossed off a
prophecy about the world war a few
yearsor maybe a generation ago and
is now having the pleasure of telling
those who will listen to him "I told
you sol" Not always have these
prophecies struck as near the mark,
however, as did that of Georg Brandes
in his "Forebodings," in which, in
1881, he attempted to read the future.
Even then, in his fourth year of
residence in Berlin, he observed "love
of liberty, in the English sense, to be
found in Germany only among men
of the generation which, within ten
years, will have disappeared." This
was eight years before Wilhelm II
came to the throne, his ascension
marking the close of the great "Jena
period," when the culture of Germany
bade fair to capture the world., and
the . beginning of the ' period of the
materially successful, but culturally
barren period, that moved inevitably
toward the world war. It was eight
years before the time when the ruler
arose under whose reign the "love of
liberty, in the English sense," spoken
of in Brandes' "Forebodings," began
to be systematically eliminated from
Germany and replaced with the ideal
expressed in "kultur."
When that time should come, so
Brandes prophesied in 1881, "Ger
many will lie alone, isolated, hated by
neighboring countries, a stronghold of
conservatism in the center of Europe.
Around it, in Italy, in France, in Rus
sia, in the north, there will be a gen
eration imbued with international
ideas and eager to carry them out in
life. But Germany will lie there, old
and half stifled in her coat of mail,
armed to the teeth, and protected by
all the weapons of murder and defense
which science can invent."
Line-for line and letter for letter.
the prophecy of nearly forty years ago
has remarkably realized itself in these
last few years.
A TAX PARADOX.
The purpose of one of the amend
ments on the state ballot is to permit
taxation of certain classes of property
at a lower rate than that imposed on
other classes of property.
It may surprise those- who have
given the matter no investigation to
learn that such a system Increases tax
revenues and actually provides a
greater degree of equality and uni
formity than the existing law which
attempts but fails to secure an iron
clad uniformity in tax contributions.
The ordinary tax . rate when ap
plied to moneys and credits actually
drives such property ' into hiding.
Money in Portland savings banks
draws 3 per cent interest as a rule.
Efforts to tax it at the full rate, which
is the present requirement, result in
its paying no taxes at all in the greater
part. The tax would consume most
of the income of the depositor. There
fore he does not report it. An inquisi
torial procedure that would reveal
ownership of such moneys and cause
consequent taxation would promptly
drive it into the state of Washington
for deposit, because moneys and cred-
its are exempt from taxation in that
state.
The proposed change to a classified
system of. taxation is in force in Min
nesota and New York, among numer
ous other states. These states have
imposed a small tax on moneys a..d
credits, with the result that such prop
erty hs come out of hiding and a
greater tax revenue is derived than
when attempts were made to tax it at
the same rate as real estate. In fur
ther consequence a decrease in the tax
on real estate has been made.
There is the explanation for sub
mission by the Legislature, upon rec-
ommendation of the State Tax Com
mission, of the measure known as the'
uniform tax classification amendment.
The amendment, 308 yes,, should be
approved.
FREEDOM THROUGH EDUCATION.
The Government In recent years has
been atoning for some of its mistakes
of the past in the treatment of its
Indian wards. This is emphasized by
Commissioner Sells in a letter in which
he mentions that many of the In
dians now have educational facilities
superior to those in schools for white
children. Carlisle, for example, fur
nishes not only excellent academic
training which lays the foundation
for other teaching but has good vo
cational courses, which are most im
portant of all from the point of view
of the tribesman who hopes to -compete
with whites - on a free basis.
Wisely,, it will be conceded, emphasis
has been placed on agriculture, which
would seem to be the destiny of most
Indians, but there is a wide choice
of trades, many of them associated
with farming, such as blacksmithlng.
The Indian graduate of tomorrow will
have not only his dtploma as a goal,
but also his certificate of citizenship.
The latter will Include the right to
acquire as his own property his right
ful share in the resources of his tribe,
now administered on behalf of the
tribes by the Government.
. Not every student, thus free to
carve - out his own future, will gain
In a material sense, but this will not
deter others from seeking to attain
that end. A good many of the In
dians are now rich in tribal funds and
some are a good deal freer f rori ca.re
than their v-TVtc. no" :!'. , ;:nl !t
is characteristic of the human race
for the individual to want to work out
his own intimate problems in his own
way. The young Indian will be hap
pier when the White Father gives him
his patrimony, even if he dissipates
it, than he would be under a system
of guardianship. But the Government
is taking the precaution of teaching
him trades that will presumably fit
him to compete with his white
brothers in the industrial field, and
this will be the measure of his fit
ness for the new freedom. Once de
tached from his old connections, he
will need to earn his bread in the
sweat of his face just as the white men
do; either that or go without bread.
Those who do not prove themselves
competent will still have a paternal
Government to look after them. But it
is not hard to foresee what road most
of them will prefer to take.
SPENCE OK PATRIOTISM?
In his speeches against issuance of
road bonds, C. E. Spence. master of
the State Grange, devotes a large
amount of his time in arguing that
one of the weak points in the law is
its provision for building roads paral
leling rivers and railroads. "What we
want," pleads Mr. Spence. "is market
roads and not roads running parallel
to the present railroads and in the
general direction of the navigable wa
terways." To accept that argument one must
conclude that it has been a great mis
take for nearly all of the great rail
way lines to build their roads con
tiguous to and in the general direction
of the rivers. The rivers were there
to furnish cheap transportation and
the railway builders should have con
structed their roads in other direc
tions. It is a peculiar argument, but the
speeches of Mr. Spence point to noth
ing else. Indeed, his arguments indi
cate that the railroads, as well as the
highways, should be built as feeders
or laterals for bringing the- traffic to
the rivers. Where there are no rivers.
Mr. Spence does not enlighten his
hearers as to what should be done.
Perhaps he considers that in riverless
sections they do not need through lines
for transportation.
If the Highway Commission should
build roads according to Mr. Spence's
ideas, not a dollar would be expended
on the existing through highways. It
would all go on the "market roads"
leading from the main arteries out to
the farms." " When these roads were
completed, according to Mr. Spence,
the products of the farm would have
cheap and easy access to where? Not
to the main highways, for they will be
forgotten and neglected. But what will
be done with the produce when it
once gets to river or railway? It
must then be shipped by river or rail
way, for, according to his argument.
there is to be no hauling along the
present main highways, and no others
are to be built.
Under the Spence plan the automo
bile owner living in Portland could
not drive to California, the California
machine owner could not drive across
Oregon. The tourist from the East or
North or South would ship his ma
chine across Oregon, for there would
be no through roads nothing but
"market roads," beginning nowhere
and ending nowhere.
It seems strange that such argu
ments are taken seriously by mem
bers of the Grange. But perhaps some
of them agree with a statement made
at a meeting of the Macleay Grange
last week. A loyal brother there said
that Mr. Spence. being at the head of
the State Grange, was the legally
adopted leader of the granges, and it
behooved all loyal members of the
granges to consider well what Mr.
Spence said and to follow his advice
to the letter without question.
But it occurs to us that there ts a
leadership over Mr. Spence. The War
Department and the Council of Na
tional Defense recommend that a net
work of through roads be constructed
in Oregon and certain other states. It
is a choice between the peculiar and
obstructive ideas of a Clackamas
County farmer on one hand and pa
triotic and progressive duty on ih
other.
THE YOUNG IDEA.
To find that the dazzling progres
slveness and daring rebellion of the
modern poets In half a dozen "schools"
and cults Is, In a certain sense, a
reactionary movement, after all, was
one of the results attained by Lloyd
R. Morris, compiler of a recent an
thology, "The Young Idea," brought
out by the Duffield Company. In other
words, his questioning of the young
revolutionists who have been whang
ing away at the battlements of clas
sical poetry with innumerable new
forged isms, seems to have made it
clear that they are hurling themselves
against those battlements not so much
in a desire to raze them as in an ef
fort to get inside of them, where re
pose the ancient and fundamental
truths that have walked with poesy
from the dawnings of the world.
One of the favorite pastimes of the
age has been the observation of "ten
dencies" in literary art, and the de
tection and analysis of new "move
ments" or new "schools" that have
been rising with the myriad vigor of
mushrooms on a damp Autumn morn,
So in compiling his anthology, Mr,
Morris pondered over the new "ten
dencies." and "movements," and
schools," and addressed himself to
the young poets of the present revolu
tion, asking: "Is there a new move
ment In our literature? What are its
ideals? What is your criticism?"
These questions were put to some
thirty poets, and among these were
heard with great clamor the voices of
the vers libre schools cubist, imagist,
spectrist, and others.
There is a great cry of insurgency
among the thirty poets, that is, those
who represent the . more progressive
and revolutionary schools, and it looks
almost as though literature had taken
on a new movement, and developed a
new tendency and that the old order
might be Just on the verge of changing
and giving place to the new. It ap
pears thus, until the insurgent young
sters begin to wax dogmatic and to
"get down to brass tacks." Then it
is disclosed that what they are seeking
really is exactly what poetry has al
ways sought: "an Interpretation of
life, its emotions, its aspirations, its
realizations. In the forms and symbols
of art." Whereupon rises again the
great, gray truth that has underlaid
poetry in all time, and stands disclosed
as the end toward which the "young
Idea" is shooting with the speed of a
meteor, just when it is scooting ap
parently away in another direction.
There ts vast confusion as to meth
ods and manners, but the end is the
same; they have shot out upon life
and find themselves returning upon
it a perfect circle. The apparent in
surgency and upset of conventions is,
perhaps, far more apparent than real.
"J. ' . o ' .. :!:." nn attendant phe-
nomenon of the process of "reorienta
tion" that, must, ever take place as
humanity slips from one generation
to another. The young poets are seek
ing to apply the principles of poetry to
the life in which they find themselves.
and are, necessarily, casting aside many
of the instruments of the poesy of the
age from which we have just emerged.
Mr. Morris characterizes the spirit
of the time as a return to the rich
ness of the Elizabethan Age and 'that
rich efflorescence of poetry in the
first half of the nineteenth century,"
with a discarding of the conventional,
sentimental interpretation of life char
acterized by the age of Dryden and
Pope. "Something actually has hap
pened to us," he says. "There is a
genuine spiritual liberation behind
even the most fantastic of the new
poems, and an honest effort to ex
plore, to Invent, to widen the boun
daries of the art."
But she clamorous experimentation
with forms and methods does not rep
resent the real spirit of this change.
It is only the accompanying unrest
and confusion of the change. Mr.
Morris expresses the belief that the
great poet, who will set the stamp
of his inspiration upon the present age
and give the tone to the whole product
of the age, has not yet emerged. He
predicts, however, that when he does
emerge he will come, not as the mas
ter of any one of the numerous minor
"schools" and "movements" that en
liven and confuse the field of poetry
at thts time; but as "a poet that we
are bound to heed because he will
speak in the eternal forms of art."
SWATTING THE SUBMARINE.
It goes without saying that the
method finally to be .adopted to meet
the submarine menace will not be
made public by the voluntary act of
any patriotic American, but it Is
known that the naval authorities have
an immense number of devices from
which to choose. . The recent state
ment of Chairman Saunders, of the
Naval Advisory Board, that a way had
been found that gave much encourage
ment will be accepted with a good deal
of confidence, because Mr. Saunders'
position is too eminent to permit of his
dismissal as a visionary, but it is pos
sible that we shall not know until
after the war is over Just what plan
nas Deen aeciaea upon. It Is :mong
the probabilities that the scheme to
which Mr. Saunders refers ts a com
bination of many men's ideas. Sug
gestions, mostly impractical in them
selves, are known to have been reach
ing the Navy Department at the rate
of twenty-five a day.
It is not a secret that Benjamin
Lubln, of Brooklyn, not long ago dem
onstrated to the Inventors' Association
of New York an electrical device which
automatically warns a vessel of the
proximity of a submarine, but the fact
that vessels are being sunk without
any warning of any kind would indi
cate that this has not been found prac
tical, or at least has not been generally
adopted. Many detectors and locators
have been offered to the Navy. A
Pittsburg man pins his hope on a
wireless current that is supposed to
detonate the gases that accumulate In
the hull of a submarine while it is
under water. This is satd to have
been tried on a dummy submarine and
o have sunk it.
One of the difficulties of "meeting
the submarine on its own ground." as
suggested by a French Admiral, ts po
litical as well as mechanical. It would
involve measures which also would
bottle. up Norway. Sweden and Den
mark. This is a question tn which the
co-operation of statesmen as well as
sea strategists would be required. It
is interesting also to note that the
plan of armoring the bottoms of ves
sels to the extent of making them r-
pedo proof has been given up. De
struction or capture of the submarine
Itself, as a supplement to fencing it
in at its base, seems to be the prime
essential of any plan.
SOCIALIST TOOLS OF GERMANS.
Pro-German propaganda has not
ceased in the United States. It ts now
using the organization of the Socialist
party to provoke strikes and riots in
resistance to conscription. The Ger
mans, who are numerous tn that party
and who have hitherto opposed all
violence in promoting its ends, now
propose to use the extreme, anarchist
fiiction as their dupes to resist con
scription, while they stand aside and
pose as law-abiding citizens.
The entire story of this treasonable
movement was told in the United States
Senate by Senator Husting, of Wiscon
sin, in the debate on the espionage
bill. A special convention of the So
cialist party was held recently at St.
Louis, and was attended by only 185
delegates, though a fully representa
tive convention would be composed of
300 delegates. It adopted a long se
ries of resolutions denouncing the war
with Germany and pledging the party
to a course of action, which includes:
1. Continuous, active and public opposition
to the war, through demonstrations, mass
petitions, and all other means within our
power.
2. Unyielding opposition' to alt proposed
leglslstton for militsry or industrial con
scription. Should such conscription be forced
upon the people, we pledge ourselves to con
tinuous efforts for repeal of such Isws and to
the support of all maas movements In oppo
sition to conscription.
a. Vigorous resistance to all reactionary
measures, such as censorship of press and
mail, restriction of the right of free speech,
assemblage and organisation, or compulsory
arbitration and limitation of the right to
strike. -
A loyal element is strong tn the
party and denounces this action as
having been prompted by the pro
Germans headed by Victor L. Berger.
Its chief spokesmen are Winfield R.
Gaylord and A. M. Simons, of Milwau
kee, who were in the minority at St.
Louis. In letters to Senator Husting.
to the Milwaukee Journal and to other
Socialist leaders they have exposed the
maneuvers of the pro-German clique.
Mr. Gaylord has shown that the reso
lutions have been published as the
action of the Socialist party, though
its rules provide that no convention
can commit the party to anything
until it has been approved by refer
endum. It was agreed that resolutions
offered by the minority be submitted
to referendum also, but they have not
been published together with those of
the majority. The result is "the stir
ring up of ignorant prejudices among
the syndicalist element on the one
hand and the racial pro-German and
pro-Austrian elements, on the other
hand." In explanation of the term
"mass action." he says:
This phrase ts well known smong the syn
dicalist and anarchist element in this snd
every other country to -mean "extra-political."
that Is action by force through the
gathering of large crowda.
The scheme was clearly exposed by
Mr. Simons, a member of the minority
and a well-known Socialist editor and
lecturer. In a letter to the Milwaukee
Journal, in which he satd of the St.
Louis resolutions:
That -endorsement was secured snty by an
alliance .-tv-en the friends of Germen nilli-
tarlrm and the eemt-anarchtstle elements In
the Socialist party. . . . The ro-called "impos
sibility." eyndicslist or extra-political faction
hn hitherto been most- bitterly fought by
the nationalistic Oermans. This extreme fsc
tlon wss in a minority at St. Louis, as it hss
been st all other Socialist conventions. There
sre certain phrases that this faction had al
ways sought to have Incorporated In Social
istic declarations. Tlvese called for "mass
movements" snd "masa sctton." These
phrases are a part of the anarchistic litera
ture of the world. They are always under
stood to mesn extra-political acUvtty. such
as riots, general strikes, great processions
and general revolt.
They were placed In that resolution by
pro-tierman nationalists, hitherto their most
vtrulent opponents, as a means of gslning
the support of the extremists. But the Prus
sian nationalists were not converted to in
srehy. They are only willing to sscrlflce
these poor devils to help Prusstsnlsm. These
polltlclsns will lead no anti-enlistment riots.
They will orgsnlse no prohibited procesrlons
to protest war and meet machine guns. They
will give out interviews from their offices
regretting such violence. They placed them
where they are to lure fanatics to death In
the interest of German Imperialism.
This conclusion of Mr. Simons is
confirmed by the statement of the
Milwaukee Journal that the St. Iuts
resolutions were published in that city
"with the most treasonable words
omitted," and that "consequently the
entire membership of the Socialist
party in Milwaukee is being deceived
concerning the action really taken at
St. Ixuts." Call' g the attention of
Senator Husting to thts fact, Mr. Gay
lord wrote:
Nevertheless, from ststements which 1
overheard Victor I.. Berger and Kmll Seidel
I Socialist ex-Msyor of Milwaukee) make on
the train returning from St. Louts. 1 know
that they expect that there will be resist
ance by the "fanatics" along the lines Indi
cated. The party-which is thus being used
for the purpose of making war on the
United States within its own territory
is not even controlled by American
citizens, according to a letter of Mr.
Gaylord to Adolph Germer, secretary
of the party. He wrote:
A controlling percentage of the actual
dues-paying party membership has come to
be composed of persons who are not citizens
of the I'nlted States, together with many
others who have taken part actively in a
propaganda carried on for the benefit and
to the advantage of the feudal government
of a nation with which this Nation is at
war.
In the light of these revelations we
may expect violent opposition to con
scription by extreme Socialists acting
in the name of their party but who are
the tools of German agents who have
gained control of the party. It be
comes the duty of American Socialists
to repudiate the St. Ixuis resolutions
unless they wish to be branded as dis
loyal supporters of Kaiserlsm in Its
war upon democracy.
The proverb about history repeating
itself is a comfortable one. especially
when we apply It to the ruthless sub
marine warfare of Germany. It will
be remembered that 'the submarine
campaign launched In 1915 was begun
in February, reached its maximum of
destructiveness in March and April,
began to subside in May. and was suf
ficiently controlled by September for
Germany to announce graciously her
willingness to abandon it. The 1917
campaign of ruthlessness underseas
was likewise launched in February,
and Lloyd George's announcement a
few days ago indicates that it is faring
over the same road to futility that the
previous campaign traveled. The life
of a submarine war seems to parallel
the life of the historic Solomon
Grundy, and by next September the
allies may find themselves chanting
cheerfully qnce more "Died in Septem
ber, and that wua the end of Subma
rine Grundy."
Fannie Fern Andrews, of Boston,
Secretary of the American School
Peace League, now urges the teachers
of ' the schools of the United States
to instruct their pupils not to hate the
Germans. Possibly the teachers will
be able to show the American boy who
is just budding Into the "stone-age"
phase of his development, the distinc
tion between the German people and
the German imperial government, and
the difference between hate and
"righteous indignation." But It's a
mighty hard thing for a 10-year-old
boy to "function abstractly on the
emotional plane," and the chances are
that the playgrounds will fihd young
America out as busily "killing Ger
mans" as-we who were youngsters In
the '98s used to be "killing Spaniards."
and with quite as little abiding malice
toward the German people as we used
to have In reality toward the Span
iards. The American woman Is Largely re
sponsible for high prices and scarcity
of food, according to James F. Gerard,
former Ambassador to Germany, In a
recent address before the New York
Academy of Medicine; and he asserts
that "the credit system and the use of
the telephone are responsible for the
ever-increasing cost of food to the
consumer." But the telephone habit
Is so comfortable for the hurried
housewife and so convenient for the
corner grocer and butcher, that the
dogs of war no doubt will have to bay
much closer about the doorsill of the
American home than they are at this
time, before It will become really fash
ionable for women to help muzzle
them with market baskets.
Dispatches via Switzerland telling
how the Imperial government of Ger
many expects its vegetable crop to
carry the food supply over until the
next harvest are good as "whistling to
keep up your courage": but In the
meantime the United States and the
allies are recognizing that it may take
several years, and are settling down
with great patience to stop up all the
holes and to continue to watch the
main chance.
The proverbial expression about
"the fine Italian hand." It would seem,
should really be revised to "the fine
German hand." in view of the number
of places In whtch the spy's Teutonic
thumb has been poking into the inter
national pie lately. Only the fre
quency with whtch the hand is seen
and smacked, perhaps, makes the use
of the adjective "fine" out of place.
Revenge was a long time coming,
but the shade of old Jonah ought to
grin with some satisfaction upon read
ing the dispatch about the plan of the
Pacific Coast- whaling companies to
put whale meat on the market in the
Last. The swallower will get a dose
of his own medicine yet.
"It may be for years," says Her
bert Hoover, regarding the possible
duration of the war. but we may take
comfort In the knowledge that the
rest of the quotation, "it may be for
ever," doesn't "apply.
The stream of the world's gold re
serve seems to be trying to follow the
traditional direction of the "Course of
Empire."
And now Germany will have a
chance to find out how hard the Brazil
nut Is to crack.
RECOMMENDATIONS TO
Brief Statement of PursASFS and Merita oil Constitutional Amendments.
I.nvrs, Charter Amendments nnd Dills Submitted to Vote of People.
The Oregonlan herewith offers the
results of Its studies and investigations
of the measures appearing on the
ballot in the election June 1. 1917.
State Ballot.
Constitutional amendment authoriz
ing ports to create limited indebted
ness to encourage water transporta
tion. 300 Yes. 301 No.
This amendment levies no tax and
appropriates no money. It merely is
a grant of authority to ports to hold
subsequent elections and vote, if they
so choose, to aid financially In estab
lishing water transportation.
Vote SOO Ten.
A hill for taxation
California land grant.
of Oregon snd
302 Yes. 303 No.
this measure did not pass the Legisla
ture, and is not entitled to a place on
the ballot. Nevertheless it appears on
the ballot 'in some counties, because
the ballot was printed prior to the date
of the court decision. It should be dis
regarded. Cast No Vote on This Bill.
Constitutional amendment limiting
number of bills introduced and increas
ing pay of legislators. 304 Yes. 30& No.
This amendment offers an impractical
means of relieving Legislatures of un
necessary work, and would likely in
terfere with important legislation.
Vote SOS No.
f
Constitutional amendment declaring
against implied repeals of constitu
tional provisions. 306 Yes. 307 No.
This amendment has no precedent
and its effect is wholly uncertain.
"When in doubt vote no."
Vote 307 No.
Constitutional amendment permitting
classification of property for taxation
purposes. 308 Yes. 309 No.
This amendment offers relief from
an antiquated system which drives cer
tain classes of property Into hiding
where they escape taxation altogether.
It Is not single tax. but is Indorsed by
all conservative tax authorities, and is
In force in many states.
Vote 80 Yea.
Constitutional amendment requiring
that town, city and state elections be
held on same day." 310 Yes. 311 No.
The burdensome quality of the com
Ing election, with its seven state meas
ures, 18 city measures and numerous
candidates Is sufficient argument
against this amendment.
Vote Sit No.
Bill levying state tax of 1100,000 a
year to provide funds for new pent
tentlary. 312 Yes. 313 No.
This bill in in the interest of com
mon humanity. The present penlten
tiary is insanitary.
Vote 313 Yen.
Bill authorizing bond issue of 36.000.
000 for construction of hard surface
roads wholly outside of cities. 314
Yes. 315 No.
This measures designates roads for
improvement which lie wholly In ag
ricultural districts, and dtillzes auto
mobile taxes levied under another law
to retire bonds and interest. It Im
poses no tax on farms or other prop
erty and 80 nrr cent of the auto li
censes will be collected In towns and
cities. Bill Is tn line with urgings of
Secietary of War and National Coun
oil of Defense for connection of popu
lation centers In Oregon. It Is distinct
ly progressive and its approval is pa
triotic duty.
Vote 814 Yes
City Ballot.
(Recommendations only for citizens of
Portland.)
Charter amendment proposing a new
form of city government. 100 Yes,
101 No.
Proposes changes that promise no
relief from Inefficiency or extrava
game. Inception Is bad.
Vote lOt No.
Charter amendment providing for
two-platoon system in fire depart
ment. 102 Yes. 103 No.
Provides for much more extensive
fire department without making pro
vision for Increased cost and would
hamper discipline and control now ex
ercised by department chiefs. For these
reasons It would Impair efficiency of
department.
Vote 103 Ko
Ordinance requiring that jitneys be
bonded for protection of passengers.
104 yes, 105 no.
A measure to protect public from con
sequence of patronizing irresponsible
and reckless drivers.
Vote 104 Yen.
Charter amendment giving free use
and occupancy of streets for pleasure
and profit. 106 yes. 107 no.
Proposes street anarchy, unregulated
vehicle traffic, unrestrained hawking
and peddling, and deprives city of cus
tomary revenues. Wild-eyed measure
in behalf of small class and of distinct
injury to general public.
Vote lOT No.
Ordinance providing for Interchange
Old-Fashioned Flower.
Hollyhocks and lilacs and such old
fashioned flowers, land sakes alive! but
they Just seem echoes of a boyhood
dream. All the high-toned flowers they
raise up by hand in these new days,
on the bottle, as it were figuratively,
can't compare tn a point of floral grace
and in tenderness of face with the gems
that would expand 'tended by a
mother's hand. Often in our dreams
we see those old flower gems that we
grew up with, can hear the bees hum
ming grateful melodies as they sip the
waiting sweets to prepare our honey
trents. Buzzing through the hollyhocks
bordering the garden walks, lighting
on the lilacs and hiding in the roses
grand music that possessed a charm
never heard outside the farm. And the
honeysuckles, too. that In tender beau
ty grew 'round the house and seemed
to be members of the family: humming
birds on tiny wings darting round, the
prelty things, feasting on the sweets
till they had their fill, and then away
they would vanlnh with a "whlr-r-r,"
as If saying "thankee, sir." to the
shockhead boy that stood watching
them take In their food. When the
memory takes a spin back to that old
home attain, to the old farm garden
where breath of flowers filled the ait
and the homelike hollyhocks nodded
from their bearded stalks, and the
morningglorles twined round the win
dows In a kind of affectionate embrace
and the lilies lent their grace to the
picture, all the gay flower creations of
today, though they please the critics'
eyes, though they stir up our sur
prise, somehow fail to reach the heart,
fail to cause the blood to start through
the vein, with rapturous flow like the
f . -. c ' ' "!? f go.' ' '
VOTERS ON MEASURES
of service between telephone compa
nies. 108 yes, 109 No.
This is a proposal to assess all tele
phone patrons for benefit of very small
minority. Another freak. It has been
condemned. after investigation. by
competent and independent committees
from two civic organizations.
Vote IOS No.
"Ordinance defining conspiracies to
injure trade, business or commerce.
110 yes. 111 no.
No recommendation.
Charter amendment abolishing com
mission form of government. 112 yes.
113 no.
This is another expression of the false
belief that form of city government is
the dominating influence in getting
good government. In fact It offers no
relief from extravagance- or ineffi
ciency.
Vote 113 No.
Charter amendment reauthorizing is
suance of 3 1 o. 000 bonds for garbage
collection system. 114 yes. 115 no.
Provides for unnecessary indebted
ness.
Vote IIS No.
Ordinance granting a three-year
franchise to the Portland Trackless Car
Company. 116 yes, 117 no.
This is one of the franchises asked
for by Stephen Carver's company. It
provides for regulated Jitney operation
on streets not now served by any regu
lated transportation company. It la a .
legitimate grant.
Vote 11 Yea.
An ordinance granting a three-year
franchise to the Portland Trackless Car
Company. 118 yes. 119 no.
Same as above.
Vote 11S Yea.
Ordinance granting a three-year fran
chise to the Portland Trackless Car
Company. 120 yes. 121 no.
Same as above.
Vote ISO yea.
Ordinance granting a four-year fran
chise to the Portland Trackless Car
Company. 122 yes, 123 no.
Same as above.
Vote 122 yea.
Charter amendment levying four-
tenths mill tax for parks and play
grounds. 124 yes. 125 no.
The first proceeds under this tax are
to be used in purchasing and equipping
a playground in Marquam's Gulch for
the benefit of South Portland children
who now must either play in the streets
or on garbage dumps.
Vote 124 1m.
Charter amendment for $3,000,000
bond issue for sites and construction.
equipment and operation of grain ele
vators, docks, warehouses. 126 yes.
127 no.
This amendment provides a compre
hensive equipment for meeting compe
tition of other cities in handling and
export of grain. It is necessary to the
upbuilding of the port.
Vote 12 Yea.
Charter amendment prescribing pro
cedure for elimination of trrade rail
road crossings. 128 yes. 129 no.
This amendment eliminates present
provisions for taxing part of cost of
grade crossing improvements to bene
fited property and places whole burden
on railroad and city. It Is not in line
with fair procedure or customary prac
tice in other cities.
Vote 12 No. "
Charter amendment defining the term
"street." etc. 130 yes. 131 no.
The apparent purpose of this amend
ment is to facilitate street extensions,
but It attempts to limit rights of ap
peal from assessment of damages and
benefits, and seeks to outline procedure
In the Circuit Court. Clearly It would
be Invalid insofar as It attempts to In
terfere with court procedure, which
can be prescribed only by the Legis
lature or state-wide vote of the people.
" Vote 131 No.
Charter amendment authorizinz the
Council to construct sewers and drains
jointly with certain counties. 132 yes.
133 no.
This amendment is a necessary con
tribution to legislation enacted in part
by the last Legislature. It enables city
and county by acting together to cre
ate Improvement districts which Include
both county and city territory, home
districts are now deprived of sewers
because construction in part outside of
city limits is entailed.
Vote 132 yea.
Charter amendment providing for re
demption of Improvement bonds in cer
tain cases, etc. 134 yes, 135 no.
This amendment would enable the
city to utilize funds in bank now draw
ing 2 per cent, for retirement of bonds
at an earlier date than they could be
retired under existing procedure. As
such bonds draw 6 per cent there Is a
material saving to be made by its en
actment. Vote 134 yen. '
PRETTY SOFT FOR. FATHER.
New York American.
Mother's sorting out the seeds of cabbages
and squash.
Brother's bought some overalls, snd learned
to say "B'gosh!"
Sister's busy plotting out the little muddy
beds
That by and by will be full of luscious let
tuce beads.
Auntie's studying a book on "How to Make
Things Grow."
And all that father has to do Is Hoe! Hoe!
Hoe!
We will not fear the market man when
Summer once ia here.
We Just will cull green vegetables as soon
as they appear.
We'll flit about from plant to plant, as
doth the busy bee.
And pluck the lush potato and the tooth
some bean and pea.
And thus our labors will produce quite
everything we need.
And all that father"U have to do Is Weed.
Weed; Weed!
Of course, the predatory worms wilt be hera
by and by.
The sullen slug, the browsing bug. the fleet
and flitting fly.
And mother and the family will study mil-
asinea
That tell the best snd quickest ways to
save the corn snd besns.
We'll get new tnformstlon on the subject
every day.
And all that father'll have to do is Spray!
Spray! Spray!
Choral filrl'a Privation.
Birmingnam Age-Herald.
"Here's a heart-rendering account of
a chorus girl's privation." "Lives In a
hall bedroom. I suppose, and doesn't get
enough to eat?" "Oh. no. It seems
she's the only girl in the company who
doesn't own a limousine,"