The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, September 03, 1916, Section One, Page 2, Image 2

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    THE SUNT) AT OREGOXIAN, PORTLAND, SEPTEMBER 3, 1916. "
WILSON SAYS PARTY
HAS KEPT PROMISE
Accepting Renomination, Pres
ident Reviews Legislation
and Defends Course.
FOREIGN POLICY IS UPHELD
"Xatlon That Violates Essential
Itlghts Must Expect to Bo Called
to Account," He Adds Eman-
eipatlon of Mexico Sought,
LONG BRANCH. N. J.. Sept. 2. Presi
dent Wilson formally accepted his re
nomination here today with an address
recounting: the legislative record of
the Democratic party, a vigorous de
fense of his Mexican policy, his deal
ings with the European belligerents
and an outline of his view of Amer
ica's obligations for the future.
With the members of the notifica
tion committee headed by Senator
James- prrouped about him at Shadow
Iawn. the Summer White House, the
President declared the Republican party
was "just the party that cannot meet
the new conditions of a new age" and
that the day of i little Americanism,
when "methods of 'protection' and in
dustrial nursing were the chief study
of our provincial statesmen" was past
and gone.
"We can no longer indulge our tra
ditional provincialism," said the Presi
dent. "We are to play a leading part
ir the world drama whether we wish
it or not. We shall lend. 'not borrow;
act for ourselves, not imitate or follow;
organize and Initiate, not peep about
merely to see where we may get in."
Record Declared Clean.
Speaking of his diplomatic negotia
tions with the European belligerents
the President followed a declaration
that while property rights might be
vindicated by claims for damages, the
loss of life and the fundamental rights
of humanity never could be, with this
statement:
"The record Is clear and consistent
throughout and stands distinct and
definite for anyone to judge who
wishes to know the truth about it."
Immediately afterward he said:
"I am the candidate of a party, but
I am above all things else an Ameri
can citizen.' I neither seek the favor
nor fear the displeasure of that small
alien element amongst us which puts
loyalty to any foreign power before
loyalty to the United States."
Regarding his Mexican policy the
President reiterated that the people of
Mexico were struggling "blindly it may
be and as yet ineffectually" to free
themselves from alien interests, "some
of them Americans pressing for things
they could never have got in their own
country," and that he would do every
thing in his power to prevent anyone,
from standing in their way. I
Mistakes Not Intentional.
"It is a hard doctrine," said he, "on'y
for those who wish to get something
for themselves out of Mexico." At an
other point the President said: '
' "Mistakes I have no. doubt made in
this perplexing business, but not in
purpose nor object." He declared at
another point:
'"I am more interested in the for
tunes of oppressed men and - pitiful
women and 'children than in any prop
erty rights whatever."
At the outset of his references to the
legislative achievements of his party
the President enumerated the laws
placed on the statute books relating to
business, including tariff revision, anti
trust laws, revision of the banking and
currency system, rural credits, rehabili
tation of the merchant marine and cre
ation of the Federal trade commission.
"What other party has understood
the task so well or executed it so in
telligently and energetically?" he
asked. "What other party has attempt
ed it at all? The Republican leaders
apparently know of no means of as
sisting business but protection. How
to stimulate it and put it upon a new
footing of energy and enterprise they
have not suggested."
Promises Held Redeemed.
At the conclusion of his review of the
party record the President declared:
"This extraordinary recital must
sound like a platform, a list of san
guinis promises; but it is not. It is a
record of promises made four years
ago and now actually redeemed in con
structive legislation Then, later, he
said: "We have in four years come very
near to carrying out the platform of
the Progressive party as well as our
own: for we are also progressives."
The text of the address in full was:
Senator James. Gentlemen of the Notifi
cation Committee. Fellow Citizens: I cannot
accept the leadership and responsibility
which the National Democratic convention
has again, in auoh generous faahion, asked
me to accept without first expressing my
profound gratitude to the party for the trust
It . reposes In me after four years of fiery
trial in the midst of affairs of unprecedented
difficulty, and the keen sense of added re
sponsibility with which this honor fills (I
had almost said burdens) me as I think of
the great Issues of National life and policy
involved in the present and immediate future
conduct of our Government. I shall seek as I
have always sought, to justify the extraordi
nary confidence thus reposed in me by striv
ing to purge my heart and purpose of every
personal and of every misleading party mo
live and devoting .every energy I have to
the service of the Nation as a whole, praying
that I may continue to have the counsel and
support of all forward-looking men at every
turn of the difficult business.
For I do not doubt that the people of the
United States will wish the Democratic party
to continue in control of the Government.
They are not in the habit of rejecting those
who have actually served them for those
who are making doubtful and conjectural
promises of service. Least of all they are
likely to substitute those who promised to
render them particular services and proved
false to that promise for those who have
actually rendered those very services.
Tet Declared In Record.
Boasting is always an empty business,
which pleases nobody but the boaster, and
I have no disposition to boast of what ths
Democratic party has accomplished. It has
merely done its duty. It has merely fulfilled
its explicit promises. But there can be no
violation of good taste in calling attention
to the manner in which those promises have
been carried out or in adverting to ths
Interesting fact that many of the things
accomplished were what the opposition party
had again and again promised to do but had
loft undone. Indeed, that is manifestly part
of the business of this year of reckoning
end assessment. There is no means of
Judging the future except by assessing the
past. Constructive action must be weighs
against destructive, comment and reaction.
The Democrats either have or have not un
derstood the varied interests of the country.
The test is contained in the record
What is the record? What were ths
Democrats called into power to do? What
things had long waited to be done, and how
did the Democrats do them? It Is a rec
ord of extraordinary length and variety,
rich In elements of many kinds, but con
sistent in principle throughout and tuiunt.
Ible of brief recital. .
The Republican party was put out of
power because of failure, practical failure
and moral failure: because It had served
special Interests and not the country at
large; because, under the leadership of its
preferred and established guides of those
who still make its choices. It had' lost touch
with the thoughts snd the needs of the
Nation and was living in a past age ana
under a fixed Illusion, the illusion of great
ness. It had framed tariff laws based upon
a fear of foreign trade, a fundamental doubt
as to American skill, enterprise and capacity
and a very tender regard for the profitable
. privileges of those who had gained control
DEMOCRATIC NOMINEE, WHO IS NOTIFIED OF HIS NOMINATION.
3i . ' ' " . ' - W'
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HOODROW WILSOTV
of domestic markets and domestic credits;
and yet had enacted anti-trust laws which
hampered tha very things they meant to
foster, which were stiff and inelastic, and in
part unintelligible. It had permitted the coun
try throughout the long- period of Its control
to stagger from one financial crisis to an
other under the operation of a National
banking law of its own forming which made
stringency and panic certain aud the control
of the larger business operations of the
country by the tankers of a few reserve
centers inevitable; had made as if It meant
to reform the law, but had faint-heartedly
failed in the attempt, because It could not
bring Itself to do the one thing necessary to
make the reform genuine and effectual,
namely, break up the control of the small
groups of bankers.
Shortcomings Are Charged.
It had been oblivious, or indifferent, to
the fact that the farmers, upon whom the
country depends for Its food and In the
lust onaU'.is lis. t.n.,n A -I r rA
out standing In the matter of commercial
credit, without the protection of standards
in their market transactions, and without
systematic knowledge of the markets them
selves; .that the laborers of the country, the
great army of men who man the industries
it was professing to father and promote,
carried their labor aa a mere commodity to
market, were subject to restraint by novel
and drastic process in the courts, were
without assurance of compensation for in
dustrial accidents, without Federal assist
ance ia accommodating labor disputes, and
without National aid or advice in finding the
places and the industries in which their
labor was most needed. The country had
no National system of road construction and
development. Little intelligent attention
was paid to the Army and not enough to
the Navy. The other republics of America
distrusted us, because they found that we
thought first of the profits of American
investors and only as an afterthought of
impartial Justice and helpful friendship. Its
policy was provincial in all things; its pur
poses were out of harmony with the temper
and purpose of the people and the timely
development of the Nation's interest.
So things stood when the Democratic party
came into power. How do they stand now?
Alike in the domestic field and in the wide
field of commerce of the world, American
business and life and industry have been
set free to move as they never moved before.
The tariff has been revised, not on the
principle of repelling foreign trade, but upon
the principle of encouraging it, upon some
thing like a footing of equality with our own
in respect cf the terms of competition, and
a Tariff Board has been created whose func
tion it will be to )eep the relations of
American with foreign business and industry
under constant observation, for the guid
ance alike of our business men and of our
Congress. American energies are now di
rected towards the markets of the world.
The laws against trusts have been clarified
by definition, with a view to making It
plain that they were not directed against
big business, but only against unfair busi
ness and the pretense of competition where
there was none; a Trade Commission has
been created with powers of guidance and
accommodation which have relieved busi
ness men of unfounded fears and set them
upon the road of hopeful and confident
enterprise.
By the Federal Reserve act the supply of
currency at the disposal of active business
has been rendered elastic, taking Its volume,
not from a fixed body of investment secur
ities, but from the liquid assets of daily
trade; and these assets are assessed and
accepted, not by distant groups of bankers
in control of unavailable reserves, but by
bankers at the many centers of local ex
change who are in touch with local condi
tions everywhere.
Merchant Marine Predicted.
Effective measures have been taken for
the recreation of an American merchant
marine and the revival of the American
carrying trade indispensable to our emon
clpation from the control which foreigners
have so long exercised over the opportuni
ties, the routes and the methods of our
commerce with other countries.
The Interstate Commerce Commission has
been reorganised to enable it to perform
its great and Important functions more
promptly and more efficiently. We .have
created, extended and Improved the service
of the parcels post.
So much we have done for business. "What
other party has understood the task so
well or executed It so Intelligently and en
ergetically? What other party has at
tempted It at all? The Republican leaders,
apparently, know of no means of assisting
business but "protection." How to stimu
late It and put It upon a new footing of
energy and enterprise they have not sug
gested. For the farmers of the country we have
virtually created commercial credit, by
means of the Federal reserve act and the
rural credits act. They now have the
standing of other business men in the money
market. We have successfully regulated
speculation In "futures" and established
standards in the marketing of grains. By
an Intelligent warehouse act we have as
sisted to make the standard crops available
as never before both for systematic market
ing and as a security for loans from the
banks. We have greatly added to the work
of neighborhood demonstration on the farm
Itself of improved methods of cultivation,
and, through the intelligent extension of the
functions of the Department of Agriculture,
have made it possible for the 'farmer to
learn systematically where his best markets
are and how to get at them.
The woikingmen of America have been
given a veritable emancipation, by the legal
recognition of a man's labor as part of his
life, and not a mere marketable commodity;
by exempting labor organizations from proc
esses cf the courts which treated their
members like fractional parts of mobs and
not like accessible and responsible indi
viduals; by releasing our seamen from in
voluntary servitude ; by making adequate
provision for compensation for Industrial
accidents; by providing suitable machinery
for mediation and conciliation in industrial
disputes; and by putting the Federal De
partment of Labor at the disposal of the
worklngman when in search of work.
We have effected the emancipation of the
children of the country by releasing them
from hurtful labor. We have instituted a
system of National aid In the building of
highroads such as the country has been
feeling after for a century. We have sought
to equalize taxation by means of an equi
table income tax. We have taken the steps
that ought to have been taken at the out
set to open up the resources of Alaska. We
have provided for National defence upon a
scale never before seriously proposed upon
the responsibility of an entire political party.
We have driven the tariff lobby from cover
and obliged it to substitute solid argument
for private influence.
Promises Declared Redeemed.
This extraordinary recital must sound like
a platform, a list of sanguine promises;
but it is not. It is a record of promise
made four years ago and now actually re
deemed in constructive legislation.
These thtngs must profoundly disturb the
thoughts and confound the plans of those
who have made themselves believe that the
Democratic party neither understood nor
was ready to assist the business of the coun
try In the great enterprises which It is its
evident and inevitable destiny to undertake
and carry through. The breaking up of the
lobby must especially disconcert them: for
it was through the lobby that they sought
and were sure they had found the heart of
things The game of privilege can be played
successfully by no other means.
This record must equally astonish those
who feared that the Democratic party had
not opened its heart to comprehend the de
mands of social Justice. We have in four
years come very near to carrying out the
platform of the Progressive party as well
as our own; for we also are progressives.
There Is one circumstance connected with
this programme which ought to be very
plainly stated. It was resisted at every
step by the Interests which the Republican
party had catered to and fostered at the
expense of the country, and these same
interests are now earnestly praying for a
reaction which will save their privileges
for the restoration vt their sworn friends
to power before it Is too late to recover
what they have lost. They fought with par
ticular desperation and Infinite resourceful
ness the reform of the banking and currency
system, knowing that to be the cltadei of
their control; and most anxiously are they
hoping and planning for the amendment of
the Federal reserve act by the concentration
of control In a single bank which the old
familiar group of bankers can keep under
their eye and direction. But while the 'blg
men" who used to write the tariffs and
command the assistance of the Treasury
have been hostile all but a few with vision
the average business man knows that he
has been delivered, and that the fear that
was once every day in his heart, that the
men who controlled credit and directed
enterprise from the committee rooms of
Congress would crush him, is there no more,
and will not return unless the party that
consulted only the "big men" should return
to power the party of masterly Inactivity
and cunning resourcefulness in standing pat
to resist change.
The Republican party Is Just the party
ASSETS $10,200,000.00
Pierson, Idaho, March 5, 1916.
Bankers Life Insurance Co.,
Lincoln, Nebraska.
Gentlemen: I have received your
check in final payment of my pol
icy, No. 3804, recently matured. I
believe it is due you to say that
your dealings have been uniformly
courteous and eminently fair. I
believe in you, and were I to be in
the market for insurance, I surely
would go to you. Thanking you for
your courtesies, I am,
Sincerely
386 F. W. SHAW.
20-Payment Life Policy
Matured in the
OH Line Bankers Life
Insurance Company
of Lincoln, Nebraska '
Name of insured. .Frank W. Shaw
Residence Pierson, Idaho
Amount of policy $1000
Total premiums paid Com
pany $841
SETTLEMENT
Total cash paid Mr. Shaw $1165.86
And 20 Years' ' Insurance for
Nothing.
that cannot meet ths ntr conditions of s
new ass. It does not know ths way and It
does not wish new conditions. It triad, to
break away from the old leaders and could
not. They still select its candldstes and
dictate Its policy, still resist change, still
hanker after ths old conditions, still know
no methods of encouraging business but ths
old methods. When it changes Its leaders
and Its purposes and brings its ldess up to
date it will have ths right to ask ths Amer
ican people to give it power again; but not
until then. A new age, an age of revolu
tionary change, needs new purposes and new
Ideas.
-Foreign Policy Defended.
In foreign afTalrs ws have been guided by
principles clearly conceived and consistently
lived up to. Perhaps they have not been
fully comprehended because they have
hitherto governed International affairs only
In theory, not In prsctlcs. They are simple,
obvious, 'easily stated, and fundamental to
American Ideals.
Wo have been neutral not only because It
was- the fixed and traaltional policy of the
United States to stand aloof from the poll
tics of Europe and because we had had no
part either of action or of policy in the in
fluences which brought on ths present war,
but also because it was manifestly our duty
to prevent, if it were possible, the Indefinite
extension of the tires of hsts and desola
tion v kindled by that terrible conflict and
seek to servo mankind by reserving our
strength and our resources for the anxious
and difficult days of restoration and healing
which must follow, when peacs will have to
build its house anew.
The rights of our own citizens of course
became Involved: that was Inevitable. Where
they did this was our guiding principle:
that property rights can be vindicated by
claims for damages when the war is over,
and no modern nation can decline to arbi
trate such claims; but the fundamental
rights of humanity cannot be. The loss of
life is irreparable. Neither can direct vio
lations of a nation's sovereignty await vin
dication in suits for damages. The nation
that violates these essential rights must ex
pect to be checked and called to account by
direct challenge and resistance. It at once
makes the quarrel In part our own. These
are plain principles and ws have never lost
sight of them or departed from them, what
ever the stress or ths perplexity of circum
stances or the provocation to hasty resent
ment. The record is clear and consistent
throughout and stands distinct and definite
for anyone to Judge who wishes to know ths
truth about it.
The seas were not broad enough to keep
the infection of the conflict out of our own
politics. The passions and intrigues of cer
tain active groups and combinations of men
amongst us who were bom under foreign
flags Injected the poison of disloyalty Into
our. own most critical afTalrs, laid violent
hands upon many of our industries, and sub
jected us to ths shams of divisions of senti
ment snd purpose in which America was
contemned and forgotten. It is part of the
business of this yesr of reckoning and set
tlement to speak plainly and act with un
mistakable purpose In rebuke of these things,
in order that they may be forever here
after impossible. I am the candidate of a
party, but I am above all things else an
American citizen. I neither seek the favor
nor fear the' displeasure of that small alien
element amongst us which puts loyalty to
any foreign power before loyalty to the
United States.
Mexican Situation Reviewed.
Vfhlle Europe was at war our own con
tinent, one of our own neighbors, ws
shaken by revolution. In that matter, too.
principle was plain and it was imperative
that we should live up to it If we were to
deserve the trust of any real partisan of the
right as free men see it. We have pro
fessed to believe, and we do believe, that
the people of small and weak states have
the right to expect to be dealt with ex
actly as the people of big and powerful
states would be. We have acted upon
that principle In dealing with the people
of Mexico.
Our recent pursuit of bandits Into Mex
ican territory was no violation of that prin
ciple. We ventured to enter Mexican ter
ritory only because there were no military
forces in Mexico that could protect our
border from hostile attack and our own
people from violence, and we have com
mitted there no singfe act of hostility or
interference even with the sovereign author
ity of the republic of Mexico herself. It
was a plain case of the violation of our
own sovereignty which could not wait to
be vindicated by damages and for which
there was no other remedy. The authori
ties of Mexico were powerless to prevent It.
Many serious wrongs against the prop
erty, many irreparable wrongs against the
persons, of Americans have been com
mitted wltb.lt the territory of Mexico her
self during this confused revolution, wronea
which could not bo effectually checked so
long ss there was no constituted powei
In Mexico which was In a position to check
them. We could not act directly In that
matter ourselves without denying Mexicans
the right to any revolution at all which
disturbed us and making the emancipation
of her own people await our own Interest
and convenience.
lror it is uielr emancipation that thej
aro seeking blindly. It may be, and as vet
Ineffectually, but with profound and pas
sionate purpose and within their unques
tionable right, apply what true American
principle you win any principle that an
American would publicly avow. The people
of MhIm have not been suffers tn own
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their own country or direct their own In
stitutions. Outsiders, men out ot other
nations vnd with Interests too often alien
to their own. have dictated what their
privileges and opportunities should be and
who should control their- land, their lives,
and their resources some of them Amer
icans, press lug: for things they could never
hav got in their own country. The Mex
ican peopie are entitled to attempt their
liberty from such influences, and so long
as I have anything to do with the action
of our great Government I shall do everything-'
Sn my power to prevent anyone stand
ing in their way. I know that this is hard
for some persons to understand, but it la
not hard for the plain people ot the United
States to understand. It Is hard doctrine
only for those who wish to get something
for themselves out of Mexico. There are
men, and no Me women, too, not a few, of
our own people, thank God, whose fortunes
are Invested in great properties in Mexico
who yet see the case with true vision and
assess Its Issues with tru American feeling-.
Th- rest can be left for the present
Out ot the reckoning until this enslaved
people has hd its day of struggle toward
the llKht. I have heard no one who was
free from such Influences propose Inter
ference by the United States with the In
ternal affali of Mexico. Certainly no
friend of the Mexican peopl has proposed it.
American People Sympathetic.
The people of the United States are
capable of great sympathies and a noble pity
In dealing with problems of this kind. As
their spokesman and representative, I have
tried to act In the spirit they would wish
me to show. The people of Mexico are striv
ing for the rights that are fundamental to
life and happiness 15. 000,000 oppressed men,
overburdened women, and pitiful children in
virtual bondage In their own home of fertile
lands and Inexhaustible treasure I Some of
the leaders of the revolution may often have
been mistaken and violent and selfish, but
the revolution Iteelf was inevitable and Is
right. The unspeakable Huerta betrayed the
very comrades he served, traitorously over
threw the government of which he was a
trusted part, impudently spoke for the very
force, that had driven his people to the
rebellion with which he had pretended to
sympathize. The men who overcame him and
drove him out represent at least the fierce
passion of reconstruction which lies at the
very heart of liberty; and so long as
they represent, however imperfectly, euch
a struggle for deliverance, I am ready to
serve their ends when I can. So long as
the power of recognition rests with me the
Government of the United States will refuse
to extend the hand of -welcome to anyone
who obtains -power in a sister republic by
treachery and violence. No permanency can
be given the affairs of any republic by a
title based upon Intrigue and assaasinat'lon.
I- declared that to be the policy of this
Administration within three weeks after I
assumed the Presidency. I here again vow
it. I am more interested In the fortunes
of oppressed men and pitiful women and
children than in any property rights what
ever. Mistakes I have no doubt made In
thie perplexing business, but not in purpose
or object.
More is Involved than the Immediate des
tinies of Mexico and the relations of the
United States with, a distressed and dis
tracted people. All America looks on. Test
Is now being made of us whether we be sin
cere lovers of popular liberty or not and
are Indeed to be trusted to respect National
sovereignty among our weaker neighbors.
We have undertaken these many years to
play big brother to the republics ot this
hemisphere. This is the day of our test
whether we mean, or have ever meant, to
play that part for our own benefit wholly or
also for theirs. Upon the outcome of that
test (its outcome in their minds, not In
ours) depends every relationship of the
United States with Latin America, whether
In politics or In commerce and enterprise.
These are great Issues and lie at the heart
of the gravest tasks of the future, tasks
both economic and political and very inti
mately inwrought with many of the moxt
vital of the new Issues of the politics of
the world. The republics of America have
In the last three years been drawing to
gether In a new spirit of accommodation,
mutual understanding, and cordial co-operation.
Much of the politics of the world in
the years to come will depend upon their
relationship with one another. It is a bar
ren and provincial statesmanship that loses
sight of such things!
Future Holds Exacting Problems.
The future, the immediate future, will
bring us squarely face to face with many
great and exacting problems which will
search us through and through whether we
be able and ready to play the part in the
world that we mean to play. It will not
bring ue into their presence slowly, gently,
with ceremonious introduction, but suddenly
and at once, the moment the war In Europe
is over. They will be new problems, most of
them: many will be old problems in a new
setting and with new elements which we
have never dealt with or reckoned the force
and meaning of before. They will require
for their solution new thinking, fresh co ur
ate and resourcefulness, and in some mut
ters radical reconsideration of policy. We
must be ready to mobilize our resources
alike of brains and of materials.
It Is not a future to be afraid of. Tt Is.
ratner, a future to stimulate and excite us
to the display of the best powers that are
In us. We may enter it with confidence
when we are sure that we understand it
and we have provided ourselves already with
the means of understanding it.
Look first at what it wilt be necessary
that the nations of the world should do to
make the days to come tolerable and fit to
live and work in: and then look at our part
in what is to follow and our own duty of
preparation. For we mut be prepared both
In resources and In policy.
There must be a juct and settled peace,
and we here in America must contribute the
full force of our enthusiasm and of our au
thority as a nation to the organisation of
that peace upon world-wide foundations that
cannot easily he shaken. Xo nation should
be forced te take uides In any quarrel iti
which its own honor aud integrity and the
fortunes of its own people are not involved;
but no nation can any louder remain neutral
as against any wUlful disturbance of the
peace of the world. The effects of war can
no longer be confined to the areas of bat
tle. No nation stands wholly apart in in
terest when the lite and interests of all
nations are thrown into confusion and peril.
If hopeful and generous enterprise is to ba
renewed. If the healing and helpful arts jf
life aro Indeed to be revived when peace
cornea again, a new atmosphere of justice
and friendship must be generated by means
the world has novtr tried before. The na
tions of the world must unite in Joint guar
antees that whatever is done to disturb
the whole world's life must first be tested
in the court of the whole world's opinion
before it is attempted.
These are the new foundations the world
must build for itself, and we must play our
part In the reconstruction, generously and
without too much thought of our separate
Interests. We must make ourselves ready to
play it intelligently, vigorously and well.
One of the contributions we must make
to the world's peace is this: We must see
to It that the people in our insular pos
sessions are treated in their own lands as
we would treat them here, and make the
rule of the United States mean the same
thing everywhere the same Justice, the
same .consideration for the essential rights
of men.
Preparation Must lie Made.
Boslde contributing our ungrudging moral
and practical support to the establlshmen t
of peace throughout the world we must
actively and Intelligently prepare ourselves
to do our full service in the trade aud in
dustry which are to sustain and develop
the life of the nations In the days to come.
We have already been provident in this
matter and supplied ourselves with the In -strumentalltles
of prompt adjustment. We
have created, in the Federal Trade Commis
sion, a means of Inquiry and of accommo
dation In the field of commerce which ought
both to co-ord in ate the enterprises of our
wfnf Insert on Pag Column 2 1
7 B V
HTM
W )
ITT RATES
EDISON
MAZDA LAMPS
Ten to Forty
Vatt at f
Same a trip ""
others sell at 27 cents.
Save 2c on each lamp
10c on a carton.
II. W. M AMXR LIGHT
ING AND SUPPLY CO..
6:1 and 63V Sixth Street.
Phone Broadway 2311.
It's easy to sell Bankers Life Policies. They mature so much better than
others. Why not try itT, , - -
Let
Joy B
sf CREAT'. 1 HURRAH
e Unconf ined!
Labor Day
Nobody W orks
All Get Paid!
(At Edwards')
'V-c-o ? Fourtn of Julv Christmas, Thanksgiving, New Year's, Decoration Day
X "oj -3 117 and Labor Day everybody gets full paj at Edwards' Furniture Store
ii without working.
we've never mentioned this before, but there has been so much publicity given lately concern
ing differences of opinion between "bosses" and employes and employes and "bosses" that we con
sider this an irresistible opportunity to mention the Edwards viewpoint.
Edw&rds' PcOT)l worc more enthusiastically and more diligently and more
sincerely than those in other stores!
they are not exhausted at the end of a day because they are interested in and like their work.
Edwards' have no time clocks, but everybody is on time.
commands, harsh words and the dictatorial spirit are taboo at Edwards' store.
They Don't Work Nights or Overtime wfudonde!lnough
for anyone.
Edwards' people are members of a happy family, working with the co-operative spirit, and fully
appreciating that the firm's success is their success.
"Golden Rule
ft
let us hope to see the day when the "Golden Rule"
will be applied in all other lines of business; when
labor and capital will realize that it is to their mutual
interest to work together, instead of apart.
THOMAS IL EDWARDS, Manager.
AT OA. I