I 1
THE SUNDAY OREGOXIAN, PORTLAND, JANUARY 5,. 1913
6
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PORTLAND, SUNDAY, JANUARY 5, IMS.
RCI.E. OF SENIORITY AND ITS FOES.
Colonel Bryan returned to his edi
torial desk at Lincoln, after his re
cent conference with President-elect
Wilson, and penned a blunt arraign
ment of the historic seniority rule In
Congress. His action is variously In
terpreted. One view Is that Mr. Bryan
Is always ready to start something,
without great regard for consequences.
Another view is that he has been in
spired by Mr. Wilson to begin a cam
paign to place Congress In the hands
of the progressive Democracy, so as
to Insure enactment of the Wilson pro
gramme, whatever that is. Another is
that he has acted without consulta
tion or agreement with the President
elect, but as the great Democratic
free lance he proposes on his own ac
count to break down the Congressional
status quo, .and put the reactionaries
to rout: Another view is that he takes
this method of widening the breach
between himself and Underwood and
Clark into open warfare against the
Clark-Underwood machine. Still
another opinion, eminently pleasing to
the Anti-Bryan press. Is that Colonel
Bryan has thus inferentially removed
his name from the list of eligibles to
the Wilson Cabinet, by taking a course
designed to show that he purposes to
maintain his position as an independ
ent critic of Congress and commenta
tor of public affairs.
All this speculative discussion Is in
teresting, if not informative; for no
light whatever has been shed upon the
question as to whether Bryan has
taken his surprising stand with or
without, Wilson's consent, or whether
it indicates that he will or will not
go into the Cabinet. If he has at
tacked the seniority rule with the ex
press approval of Mr. Wilson, no con
clusion is yet to be drawn that Mr.
Bryan has been offered or has
accepted a Cabinet position; but
the inference is Justified that
Bryan and Wilson, being com
pletely in . accord, understand
each other as to the Cabinet. If the
defiance of the old-timers in Congress
has been uttered without Wilson's
knowledge or consent, it appears to
be obvious that Bryan purposes to
continue to paddle his own canoe, and
that, if he takes a Cabinet place, it
Mill be on his own terms. It is in
conceivable, of course, that Wilson
could thus consent to act as first-mate,
and not captain, of his own ship.
It is a fair conjecture that Wilson
was well aware of Bryan's plan to set
aside the seniority precedent, and that
Wilson is willing, and even anxious,
lhat control of Congress be placed with
the younger and newer generation of
Democracy. Governor Wilson did not
hesitate to begin war on the Smith
machine In New Jersey, and he put It
to rout by his vigorous and uncom
promising methods. If it shall ap
pear that the Congressional cards are
stacked against him, it is to be ex
pected that he will immediately de
mand a new deal.
President Roosevelt's militant atti
tude toward the reactionary Congres
sional leaders electrified the country,
crystalized behind him an irresistible
public sentiment, vitalized the Roose
velt policies, made possible the enact
ment of legislation desired by him, and
was the real basis of the general public
confidence In him and of the real
sentiment in 190S that he could be
President again if he desired. The
impressive strategical blunder of Pres
ident Taft was his open alliance with
Speaker Cannon, Senator Aldrlch and
their kind, on the amiable theory that
a Republican President, elected by the
people, ought to be In accord with the
Republican majority of Congress, also
elected by the people. That Taft in
fluenced Congress more than Congress
influenced Taft is probably- true; but
that the masses of the people wanted
a President who would not traffic
with Cannon or Aldrieh is also true.
Hence the general wreck.
The prevailing powers in the Senate
on the Democratic side are Martin,
Bacon and Culberson, and In the
House Clark, Underwood, and their
principal lieutenants. The seniority
rule is scarcely less fixed in the House
than in the Senate; but the more fre
quent changes in the membership of
the House make the continued dom
inance of Its affairs by any particular
group less likely than in the Senate.
The actual situation confronting Pres
ident Wilson in Congress is that there
is a Democratic majority with no
leader of the first rank who has been
closely Identified with him or is es
pecially anxious about his personal
success or continued political su
premacy; but all naturally are con
cerned in the welfare of the Demo
cratic party and in a large sense of a
Democratic administration; but any of
them will instantly lose interest lf an
administration that is not helpful to
his own political fortunes. The Sen
ate Is not progressive, the House is
progressive only In name. The old
time Senate leaders' have accepted
Wilson as the best available horse to
carry them over the stream of suc
cessive defeats Into power; the House
leaders have accepted Wilson because
they have had no alternative. Colonel
Bryan is hostile to most of them, and
they are hostile to Bryan. How can
they view with satisfaction the pros
pect of possible proxy Presidency, with
Bryan the actual voice and figure be
hind the executive chair?
The seniority rule is the bulwark of
the old-timers' power. It made Aid
rich the boss of the Senate and Can
non and his inner circle the bosses of
the House. The Speakership has lost
Its power; but the House committees
run the House. What the Speaker lost
through the long war on Cannon the
House took back to itself and be
stowed Immediately on the ways and
means committee and its chairman.
The precedent of seniority has not
been disturbed, and would not have
been except for Bryan.
The custom of giving the old Sen
ators and Representatives the best
committee appointments is not without
merit; it happens to be bad only when
the undesirables get the benefit of It:
and in this instance the other names ,of
the undesirables are Martin, Bacon,
Culberson, Clark, Underwood and their
chosen associates. They are undesir
able mainly from the standpoint of
Bryan and probably of Wilson, who
will seek in the name of the progres
sive Democracy to wrest control of
Congress from them. Tet some Demo
crats are indulging in a Utopian dream
of perfect Democratic harmony for
four long years.
SMOKING OCT ROCKEFELLER.
If a burglar were to be discovered en
tering the mansion of William Rocke
feller, he would Instantly call upon
the public for protection. Or if a
trespasser ventured to invade his
broad acres, he would summon the
authorities to eject him. If a disap'
pointed investor in any of the Rocke
feller enterprises seeks reprisal, Mr.
Rockefeller raises the aegis of the law,
and the law protects him. If an
anarchist threatens Rockefeller, that
alarmed millionaire calls for help and
argus-eyed detectives hunt the outlaw
down ,and put him in jail. If life or
property is endangered, or his peace
disturbed, or his freedom to come and
go impeded. Government hurries to
Rockefeller's side, and he is safe.
But when Government, which gives
Rockefeller all he has, and conserves
for him all that is his own, wants
Rockefeller to render a slight service
to the State, and Issues a process for
him to go to Washington to testify,
Rockefeller gets sick, runs away,
eludes the deputies, ignores Congress,
repudiates his duty as a citizen, for
gets everything but his own and
everybody but himself. His lackeys
conceal him, his doctor equivocates
for him, his lawyer .temporizes for
him. It is an edifying spectacle.
The sergeant-at-arms of the House
ought to have taken to New York a
battery of artillery, stationed it oppo
site the Rockefeller dwelling, and
given him five minutes to open the
door and accept service. If he de
clined, the sergeant-at-arms ought to
have blown an entrance into the
dwelling.
The more Rockefellers, the more So
cialists; the more Rockefeller esca
pades, the more soap-boxes. We would
be better off without either Rockefel
lers or Socialists.
THE TOTAL VOTE IN 1912.
Although the election of 1912 was as
bitterly fought as any in recent years,
not even excepting that of 1896, and
although there must have been a large
Increase in the qualified electorate
since 1908, the increase- in the total
vote was only 145,227. The increase In
the California electorate due to exten
sion of suffrage to women would alone
account for more than this number of
additional votes.
The official figures compiled by the
New York World show that only the
Socailists polled an Increased vote, all
other parties showing a decrease. The
vote 'by the leading parties in 190S and
1912 was as follows:
1908. 1912. Dec.
Republican 7,87 8.5 1 8 3.4 8 4.9 8 0 1 7,
Progressive 4.119.638 4.58u
Dem'cratic 6,409.104 6,293,454 115.650
Socialist... 420,793 900,672 479,879
Prohlb'nist 243,840 206.275 47.565
Total.... 14,888,442 15,033,669 237,605
Total increase.
The decrease in the Republican vote,
taking the Taft and Roosevelt vote to
gether as represening it. Is explicable
by the known large defection to Wil
son, by an evidently large switch to
Debs, and by the abstention of many
who could not bring themselves to
support either Taft or Roosevelt, but
who shrank from voting for a Demo
crat. This only serves to emphasize
the extent of the Democratic absten
tions, for to the decrease In the Wil
son vote as compared with that for
Bryan we must add the Republican
Wilson vote in order to arrive at the
number of actual Democratic votes
cast for Wilson. Even after due al
lowance is made for the many Demo
crats who went over to the Socialists,
many Democrats must have stayed at
home.
An increased vote was cast in all the
New England states except New
Hampshire and in the mountain states
of Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, Montana
and Idaho, but New York, New Jersey,
Pennslyvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
Wisconsin, Nebraska, Iowa, Kentucky,
Tennessee and Missouri all polled
fewer votes. Of the South no general
statement . is possible, some states
showing an Increase, some a decrease.
Owing to woman suffrage, California's
vote increased from 386,597 to 673,
527. but it is estimated that in that
state 100,000 qualified voters abstained,
largely, no doubt, because the Repub
lican party was disfranchised.
The increase in the Socialist vote
was not more marked in one section
than in another, being well distributed
throughout the North and West,
THE POTVLAR PARCEL POST.
The public has taken advantage of
the parcel post so eagerly that the
most obdurate must be convinced of
Its utility. Other countries have been
enjoying this convenience for a great
many years. The agitation, for it in
the United States has been wearisome
and sometimes apparently hopeless,
but at last it is here, at least some of
it Is here.
We have nothing like the full par
cel post as it exists In Germany as
yet and it is well not to deceive our
selves on that point, but as a begin
ning what we have attained does very
well. People are so ready to use it
that we must believe Americans ap
preciate the conveniences of civiliza
tion as fully as other nations when
once they have the opportunity to try
them. Such opportunities come to us
a little slowly, but in the end we are
apt to get them and perhaps we make
all the better use of them for waiting.
Probably few persons realize how
thoroughly the parcel post will trans
form many features of our National
life. The old processes of distributing
"garden truck" and the like are sure
to give way before it As soon as
farmers find out that they can market
their vegetables and poultry products
by mall they will do it.
On the other hand, urban buyers are
bound to see, sooner or later, that they
can combine and obtain supplies from
the country through the postoffice at
far lower rates than they are now pay
ing. By this process the producer and
the consumer will both gain some
thing. The only person to suffer will
be the intermediary whose business
will vanish. If he is a mere parasite
and performs no useful office his busi
ness ought to vanish. In these days
of high prices economy must be the
watchword all along the line.
Likely enough we shall soon see
farmers inserting advertisements , In
papers that they will supply apples in
mailable parcels, eggs in accident
proof crates, chickens, lambs for
roasting, potatoes. All these articles
may as well go through the postoffice
to the consumer and the more stamps
there are sold the better for the Gov
ernment business. Before long there
will be an outcry for the extension of
the parcel post. Every rural Congress
man will hear from his constituents
on the subject and their demands must
be heeded.
TORIES AND HOME RULE. .
Although It is taken for granted
that the Irish home rule bill will be
rejected, toy the British House of
Lords, the possibility that Mr. Balfour
may induce the Unionist majority to
pass it Is suggested by a well-known
English political writer. He calls at
tention to the fact that Unionist op
position to home rule Is far less fierce
than it was thirty years ago, but that
even at that time Salisbury, the" Tory
leader, wavered and might have com
mitted his party to some such scheme.
If he was ready to take the risk, why
should not the present leaders do so?
They have a strong temptation in the
fact that home rule alone holds the
Asquith coalition together. That
measure once passed, a Tory leader is
quoted as predicting the coalition will
fall to pieces and that his party will
be in office before Easter.
All of which goes to show that op
position to home rule is no matter of
principle with' the Tories and that
their fear that Irish autonomy will dis
unite the Empire and lead to oppres
sion of Irish Protestants Is buncombe.
They know that the Nationals are
held in line with the Liberals only by
the necessity of Liberal aid in pass
ing home rule. Having once gained
that end, the Nationalists will have no
motive except gratitude and agree
ment on principle for continuing the
alliance. In politics particularly grat
itude is a lively sense of favors to
come, and home rule Is about all the
Nationalists desire at the hands of the
Liberals. Differences on matters of
principle are apt to crop up at any
time. Aside from home rule, the Na
tionalists may divide on many ques
tipns of imperial policy. The Labor
party is constantly making new de
mands, and, if it should Join issue
with the Liberals on some one of these
and should secure the support of a
large section of the Nationalist party,
it would need only the votes of the
Tories to defeat the Government and
force a change of administration.
Adoption of such tactics by the To
ries would be no novelty. Peel, the
Tory leader, took free trade from the
Liberal platform and made it his own.
Disraeli passed the reform bill of 1867
after defeating a far less radical meas
ure fathered by the Liberals. The To
ries passed the Irish land purchase
and local government acts. We need,
therefore, not be surprised to see Irish
home rule a fact in this new year with
the consent of the Tories.
ROOSEVELT ON HISTORY. '
Theodore Roosevelt sees In the evo
lution of scientific history an example
of the "instability of the homogene
ous." In his address before the Amer
ican Historical Association in ' Sym
phony Hall, Boston, he traced the pro
cess with that luminous mastery of
language which is one of his most at
tractive accomplishments. At first his
tory was not differentiated from po
etry, philosophy or science. Even in
Herodotus' day the distinctions had
not been clearly drawn. That great
genius mingles myth, poetry and fact
with little sense of any difference in
their value. But when we come to
Thucydides we see a complete change.
His effort is to tell the truth, and that
alone, not forgetting, of course, that
truth can be told most powerfully in
the form of literary art. Herbert
Spencer recounted this process long
ago in his "First Principles of Phil
osophy." All the arts, in his opinion,
began together, just as did all the sci
ences. They formed what, he was
pleased to call "a homogeneous aggre
gate." Little by little this aggregate
was attacked by the process of differ
entiation, which broke it up into all
sorts of unlike units. Literature,
which in the beginning was neither
history, nor poetry, nor theology, but
a mingling of them all, with a good
many things besides, fell apart into
distinct branches. As time passes each
branch becomes more unlike the oth
ers while it "integrates" or develops a
firmer unity in its owji domain.
Spencer sees this same process dom
inant in all the departments of the
universe. In fact, he tells us that the
march from the unstable homogeneous
to the stable and highly organized he
terogeneous is the general law of evo
lution. But Mr. Roosevelt does not
understand that the fixation of history
as a separate branch of human
achievement necessarily divorces it
from art. He does not align himself
with the school of students and writ
ers who believe that an interesting
book Is inevitably a piece of fiction.
Nobody could Judge the romancers
who pretend to be historians more
severely than he does. He speaks of
Carlyle's French Revolution as "a
splendid 'bit of serious romance writ
ing." The same author, in his opinion,
refused "to face the facts" in his "Life
of Frederick" ami distorted them "to
square with his theories." Still he be
lieves it is possible for an author to
combine the strictest scientific accu
racy with compelling literary art.
History need not be dry as dust in or
der to be dependable.
What astonishes the reader in this
address, as in almost everything else
that Roosevelt produces, is his wide
scholarship and the universality of his
interest in whatever man has done or
said. His concern with "humanity"
rises almost to genius. He quotes
Theocritus with the same ease as he
does Omar Khayyam, and refers to the
inscriptions of Queen Hatskeprut as
familiarly as to the "Origin of Spe
cies." He is the only statesman we
have had In recent times who com
bined the gift of popularity with deep
and broad learning. W'hen we recall
that he is a man of letters as well as a
scholar and politician, we appreciate
still more what an exception he is to
the common run of our public men.
Woodrow Wilson is a man of learning.
No doubt his interest in human affairs
is unlimited. But up to this time he
has shown no such versatility as
Roosevelt. To find men of the same
quality in public life we must go back
to Revolutionary times. Roosevelt
has been compared to Andrew Jack
son, and no doubt there are some su
perficial resemblances between the two
men, but at bottom he is much more
like Thomas Jefferson, who had the
same love of wide culture with much
of the same contempt for legal forms.
When Jefferson was faced with the
problem of acquiring Louisiana he
acted in Just about the same way as
Roosevelt did in the Panama matter.
Theoretically, Jefferson did not believe
that the FederaJ Government had any
authority to buy Louisiana. Practi
cally, he threw his theories overboard
and made the purchase.
Most of the Revolutionary statesmen
were wide readers and deep thinkers.
Jefferson stands for their culture bet
ter, perhaps,' than anybody else, but
scholarship and philosophy were their
common possession. Benjamin Frank
lin even won a great name as an ex
perimental scientist. What his liter
ary capacity was we all know from
reading his autobiography. Some of
our modern politicians have written
memoirs, as it is fashionable to call
them, but usually they are not litera
ture. In too many cases they are not
!even material for history. No doubt it
will be conceded that American public
life has suffered a certain lowering
from the deficiency of public men in
scholarship as well as from-their lack
of sympathy with genius. If some of
them had been artists or men of let
ters, they might have championed
ideas which would have promoted the
public welfare. The chances are that
as we advance to new points of view
the country will see the advantage of
admitting scholars and artists to pub
lic life, as was done at the beginning
of our history.
Roosevelt remarks In his address
how essential imagination is to the ac
complishment of great deeds in any
direction. Of course he means the
imagination which constructs and
foresees, not that romantic kind which
distorts and betrays. Historians need
it as well as poets, perhaps more. Cer
tainly statesmen need it. If Ameri
can legislation and court decisions
have been sordid and ruinously tech
nical in some cases, we must account
for the fault by want of vision in
statesmen and judges, and want of
"vision" means the absence of that
universal outlook which is given by
reading, scholarship and philosophic
reflection. Science and art are as le
gitimate human interests as money
making. The men who undertake to
guide our destinies hereafter ought to
know as much about the laws of na
ture as they do about the laws of
banking. The categorical imperative
ought to be as well known to them as
the protective tariff. A thousand years
from now it will be a great deal more
alive.
NEWSPAPER ANNUALS.
If a stranger were to judge Orego'n
cities by their newspapers, he would
easily place Eugene in first . place
when he saw a copy of the Guard
issued on New Year's day. It is in
eleven sections and eighty-eight pages,
"designed to tell the story of a year's
progress in Eugene and Lane County."
It is the most comprehensive and ex
haustive showing of resources in all
lines ever made by a newspaper out
side of Portland.
Not behind, except in the trifling
matter of few pages, is the annual
number of the Eugene Register, in
eight sections. It shows grasp of the
situation and has clearly set forth why
Eugene stands as it does in high im
portance in. the Valley. ,
There are thirty-six pages in the
New Year's number of the Salem
Statesman, all calendered paper, re
plete with half-tone engravings, well
printed. As it says: "Marion County
abounds in agricultural wealth," and
the showing that is made by this issue
of the Statesman verifies its assertion.
It calls itself "Willamette Valley Prog
ress Edition," and it is modestly plac
ing Salem at the head and proving the
fact.
The Medford Mail Tribune of Janu
ary 1 consists of thirty-two pages in
four sections. The city and Jackson
County, and the Rogue River Valley
as well, are ably cared for in text and
illustration. People the world over
who know not of opportunities that
await them In that marvelous section
of Oregon need but a copy of the Mail
Tribune for enlightenment to their
advantage.
The Annual Review of the Idaho
Statesman, Boise's pioneer newspaper,
now in its forty-ninth year, is a splen
did number of eighty-two pages. In
six sections, exploiting principally
Southwestern Idaho. If a wall were
to be erected around that section, for
bidding ingress and egress, the inhabi
tants would be self-sustaining, for It
contains about all needed for neces
sity and luxury, and Idalio's fine
newspaper tells of it to the smallest
detail. There have been editions in
plenty heretofore for the man who
would better his condition by going
to the Gem State, but this current
number easily leads all.
ELECTING A FRENCH PRESIDENT.
A new President of France will go
into office on February 16, 1913, or
a little more than two weeks prior to
the inauguration of Woodrow W'ilson
as President of the United States. It
has been nearly a year since the Pres
idential campaign in America opened
actively, and nearly two months have
passed since election. But the new
President of France has not yet been
elected and only in recent -days have
dispatches carried much news Incident
to the forthcoming event, or spec
ulation as to candidates. Throwing
of hats into the ring, swings around
the circle. National campaign organ
izations, collection of campaign funds,
and similar features of our own elec
tion are not known in France.-There
It is not so much a matter of who
can get the honor as of who will take
it. Instead of being the absorbing
topic of the day among the multitude,
the election of President Is given
about as much attention in' France
as we now bestow upon the election
of a president pro tempore of the
Senate.
One reason for lack of interest
among the people Is that they do not
elect their President. He is chosen
by the parliament, only one house
of which is elected by direct vote of
the people. Another cause for apathy,
and this applies also to candidates, is
the fact that the President of France
is nothing more than an imposing
figurehead, who reviews the troops,
receives ' ambassadors, attends social
functions and otherwise contents the
French desire for show of pomp and
dignity. The office has become an
honorarium, to be bestowed upon
some Important personage who Is
ready to retire from the real activities
of statesmanship.
Yet the functions of the Pres
idential office are defined quite ma
terially by mere custpm and precedent.
In theory, the President selects his
Cabinet. In practice, the Ministers
are chosen by the leader of the ma
jority group in the Chamber of Dep
uties. The prescribed powers and
duties of the President are manifold,
but every official act must be coun
tersigned by a Minister. The Minis
ters are responsible to the Chamber
of Deputies and when a given policy
Is defeated the Cabinet resigns. The
Ministers are actually leaders of the
majority party and are entitled to
seats in the Chambers, where they are
given the privilege of the floor. The
President may not veto a measure,
but may demand a reconsideration of
it. A simple majority then puts the
law into effect.
The actual result of these limita
tions is that the President's acts in
matters of legislation and in other
governmental duties are perfunctory.
Things done in the name of the Pres
ident are the orders or decisions of
the Cabinet. It is possible that some
day a French President will first
gain the strong confidence of the peo
ple and then assert his personality
as the head of the Government. The
last two Presidents, however, have been
content to accept ministerial control.
Felix Faure, whonv Loubet succeeded,
had attracted popularity and it is sur
mised to have been his ambition to
give France a personal administration,
but death took him In the middle of
his term. Loubet and Fallieres have
been moderate, and custom. is so well
established that the comparatively
young statesman cares not for the
empty honors of the Presidency.
BALANCE OF POWER CHANGED.
The spectacle of four petty nations,
one of which was only a generation
ago delivered from bondage, taking
the once proud Turkish empire by the
throat and threatening more chastise
ment unless the sacred city of Adrian-
ople shall be surrendered is thrilling.
Their demand has the better excuse in
the fact that on the very day when it is
made rumors come that the city has
already capitulated. Simultaneously
comes news that the Turkish forces on
the Island of Chios have surrendered
to the Greeks, which adds to the firm
ness with which the allies Insist upon
their terms and to the confidence with
which they threaten renewal of the
war.
The changed position of affairs
wrought by the rise of the Balkan
states and the destruction of Turkish
power in Europe has a disturbing ef
fect on the balance of power between
the triple alliance and the triple en
tente. Germany has been assiduously
cultivating Turkish friendship in the
hope that, in the event of war with
Britain, Turkey would prove a valu
able military ally and would,threaten
the Suez Canal. A Turkish alliance
was supposed to be equally valuable
against Russia, for the Turks could
keep a large Russian army occupied in
Asia Minor, while Germany attacked
the Muscovites along the Vistula. Fore
seeing these possibilities, the British
have also courted the favor of the
Turks.
The practical destruction of Turkish
military power and the rise of the Bal
kan states have taken weight out of
the scales on the side of the triple alii
ance and placed it in the scales on the
side of the entente. It leaves Turkey
In possession of only a corner of Eu
rope surrounding Constantinople, ex
posed to attack by the victorious and
aggressive Balkan states on the north
west, and by Russia on the northeast.
One can foresee the day when the
Russian' armies will overrun Armenia
and Asia Minor and threaten Constan
tinople from the Asiatic side of the
Bosphorus, while the Balkan nations
close in on the European side and the
combined fleets blockade the Bos
phorus and the Dardanelles.
The Balkan allies are now in a post,
lion to play the game bo often and so
successfully played by the Turks. They
can trade on the known fear of the
great powers that a general war will
result from renewal of hostilities In
the Balkan Peninsula, The entente
desires as strong a Balkan confedera
tion as can be secured without war,
for that means a Slav bulwark against
Austrian aggression, a useful ally to
Russia. Austria's threats are less ter
rible than they sound, for the major
ity of her population is Slavonic and is
more in sympathy with its racial
brethren on the south than with the
Teuton and Magyar populations on
the north. Italy is in no humor for
more fighting and Germany would
hardly take up' arms in an Austrian
quarrel when so much of Austria
would be praying for Austrian defeat.
Though the Kaiser is called the war
lord, he has never made war.
The one consideration which would
tempt the triple alliance to war would
be the desire to check extension of
Slav power while they were yet able.
With a population increasing at the
rate of 3,000,000 a year, already hold
ing one-seventh of the earth's surface,
aided by the fast-multiplying people
of the Balkan states and with an ap
petite for more territory which re
gards Mongolia, one-third the size of
Europe, as only one bite, Russia is still
the overshadowing colossus of ' the
north in German eyes. The alliance
might consider a struggle now, when
population is about equally matched,
preferable to one a generation hence,
when Russia may have twice as many
people as all three of the allied pow
ers combined.
CHRISTIAN LOVE AND FATHER TIME.
Wonderful are the transformations
Christian love is effecting in the great
Institutions of the world. ' The schools
have caught the watchword of service.
They are not working any more to
produce a race of selfishly trained ex
ploiters whose purpose is to spoil
their fellows. Their new and better
ideal is. to develop men and. women
fitted to dwell happily in a mutually
helpful world, each taking his part in
the work that must be done and each
capable of efficient service in return
for what he enjoys.
The new aim of education is to
fit human beings for life under
the reign of the golden rule, not
to school the pupil for himself
alone, but for himself and the
race. To this end we see the develop
ment of the profoundly Christian sci
ence of eugenics and the great doc
trines of social hygiene which por
tend the advent of happier times. The
church feels the new impulse as deep
ly as the schools. In how many pul
pits do we still hear the echoes of
ancient myths and bygone theologies?
Not many. The minister of our time
is returning to the example of his
Master. He seeks to do the will nf
God by serving man, and the more di
rect and immediate he can make his
service the better his conscience is
satisfied. The day is gone when the
ministry postpones its promises of
good' to another world. It is no longer
thought necessary to prepare us for
heaven by permitting earth to be a
helL On the contrary, the church Is
now joining hands with other social
forces to make the earth a clean and
happy dwelling. If the Lord wishes
us to be happy in the next world, if
is a safe inference that misery does not
pleasi him here, and so his chosen
servants have Joined the ever-growing
crusade against wretchedness and
woe. The word has gone forth that
the ancient evils can all be cured.
Just as the doctors have conquered
the old diseases one after the other
until pretty nearly the last has yield
ed, so now we are gathering courage
to attack and conquer the maladies of
society.
The maxim of the fourteenth year
of the twentieth century is, "Go to
the roots of things." The world can
not longer be contented with treating
symptoms. We must study causes
and apply radical remedies, so radi
cal that misery leaves no seed behind
it to start a new crop. The ideal of
government has changed with the rest.
War, taxation and empty pageantry-,
which were formerly its main busi
ness, become less important every
year, and we are forming the habit of
looking upon the Government as a
great instrument of service to the peo
ple. It will be made to do for us all
the things which lesser organizations
are unable to do. The Government is
a vast corporation in which we are all
shareholders. Its mighty energies
turn, as the new day dawns, from de
struction and waste to building homes
and breeding up perfect men and
women to dwell in them. There is
nothing in God's universe so beautiful,
so valuable, so infinitely to be desired,
as a human being perfect in all his
powers, free and happy in all his ac
tivities, kindly in all his relations to
others. It is this type of men and
women that the new sprit of the race
and its institutions will develop, and
with their creation will come a clean,
sane and wholesome world for them to
live and serve in.
There Is a report that the supply
of dancing teachers Is far behind the
demand. There has been a genuine
revival of this charming art in the
United States, principally in the way
of those dances which are historically
significant. The "folk dances" of
which we hear so much are intimately
interwoven with the growth of civili
zation. A lady who had been teach'
ing folk dances at one of the Chicago
high schools gave out word that she
was going to leave. The parents val
ued her services so highly that they
united in a letter begging her to stay.
Everybody ought to learn to dance,
especially people past 60.
If the following from the Washing
ton correspondence of the Boston
Transcript should be confirmed by ex
perience, Wilson will prove to have the
hand of Iron In the glove of velvet:
Democrats who are visltlng'the Governor
of Aew Jersey report that he has a mind
ot his own and that they are willing to
trust his judgment. They believe he will
exercise as autocratic a sway over Con
gress as Roosevelt ever wielded, although
by different methods. He Is more tactful
than either Roosevelt or Taft and less In
clined to consult his own personal Interests
to the exclusion ot those of others than is
Roosevelt. But he is no less ambitious
than any other President to make his Ad
ministration a success and to destroy the
Idea that the Democratic party cannot be
trusted to deal with great affairs.
The American-Scandinavian Review
is one of the excellent enterprises of
our day. It was established last No
vember by the trustees of the Amerl
can-Scandinavian Foundation, which
was endowed with half a million do!
lars by the late Niels Poulseo. Its
purpose is "to cultivate closer relations
between the peoples of the United
States and Denmark, Norway and
Sweden." The Review is the organ of
the Foundation. It is published in
New York.
A writer in the January Atlantic
takes to task the odious wretch who
goes to a dinner party and sits glumly
radiating gloom throughout the feast
Payment for social favors, this writer
thinks, ought to be made in spot cash.
but the coins used should be smiles,
pleasant chat and kindly manners.
What more profitable New Year vow
can one make than this, "I will add
what I can to the gaiety and Joy of
the world ?
General Wood recommends that the
canteen be returned to the Army. The
canteen causes moderation In drink
among the soldiers because it is con
ducted by them, and thus Is amenable
to military restrictions and regula
tions. Profits go to the company
funds. At present saloonkeepers
pocket the profits and soldiers on
leave drink without restriction.
A tax on bachelors will hardly in
crease the marriage license industry.
The average bachelor would be able
to see that getting married to escape
the tax would be another such trick
as leaping out of the frying pan Into
the fire.
A Pennsylvania drinking man
boasted his ability to drink a quart
of whisky, and put his boast into
practice. The floral decorations were
especially beautiful and a quartet sang
at the grave.
Hope for the West Is not yet gone,
says Senator Chamberlain, in regard
to the Secretaryship of the Interior.
Can it be that Our George is going to
bring home the bacon?
Castro has suddenly decided to fight
for admission to the United States.
One of our enterprising police court
lawyers must have been talking to
him.
It begins to appear as if Colonels
Goethals and Gorgas will receive rec
ognition only when their case is
brought to the attention of posterity.
Royal Rosarians saw Los Angeles,
says a dispatch. We should think the
feature of the account would be that
Los Angeles saw the Royal Rosarians.
A Russian emigrant with 150,000 In
his pocket has landed in New York.
It would be interesting to know how
long he was permitted to keep It.
Since the Turkish peace ministers
have all but failed, will the Turkish
Army proceed with its fantastic pre
sentation of the Turkey trot?
Land locating, lock-trick opera
tions and the gold-brick industry
would seem to be on an ethical parity.
Now a noted scientist discovers that
hay can be converted directly Into
milk. Every cow knows that much.
Zero weather is predicted. And Just
as defeated office-holders are thrown
out on a cold and cheerless world.
Champion McCarty says he will
take a long rest. Surely it didn't
make him tired to thrash Palzer.
Local police censors have decided
that midnight cat opera in Portland
must cease.
"Save your pennies," John D. urges
us. That's about all he has left us to
save.
Scraps and Jingles
Leee Cass Baer.
I did my New Year's resolutions
early. Did you?
see
The fun of breaking 'em is propor
tionate to juat how resolute you were.
Every little new year has a diary of
its own.
see
1812 has tottered
To his long repose.
His dripping raiment shaking
As he goes.
Goodby. old year.
Though your kingly glories wane.
In Oregon, at least, we can't
Forget your rain.
Murderers In Oregon are the only
people who do not complain of the high
cost of living.
'
News item says that in Seattle Italian
wine is gradually taking the place of
champagne on festival occasions.
Which la one more reason why I don't
want to live in Seattle.
How publishers do seize opportuni
ties! Right following an announce
ment that the Chinese are to don
American clothes I find a new book on
the market, called "How to Identify
Lpld China."
Idea of stock holders In company
starting to renovate motor tires they
will re-tire with a fortune.
A Fonetik Limerick. '
There was a young damsel named Chol
mondeley. Who always at parties sat gholmondeley.
Her brother then said.
As he punched her fat head.
Say. sis, quit actln' ao rholmondeley.
(Key: Cholmondeley is pronounced Chum
ley.) Another one:
There was a man named Beauchamp.
The heathen he'd lecture and preauchamp.
At a nice little meal
They made Willie feel
Through their tummlea alone could he
reauchamp.
(Diagram: Beauchamp is pronounced
Beecham.)
Young housewife writes to ask what
is a Bath bun? I'm sure I dunno. but I
reckon It's some sort of a sponge cake.
To paradise, fair and bright,
Before the fall.
Were I a poet. I'd compare
Tour New Year's ball.
H'm, as I said, before the fait
But when I heard the serpent's call,
"Everybody rag with all your might."
I tripped you. and we both did sprawl.
And so I feel I've not the right
My name among your friends to scrawl.
As I did, before we danced, as I say.
Before the fait
f
It la not that you said I was curt
When you slipped in the mud like a dart.
And slid down the gutter a block
That forover from you I must part.
It Isn't that you are clumsy.
That my love from you quickly goes.
But next time you slip on the pavement
Don't have any holen in your hose.
NATURE BOUNTIFUL IN HER GIFTS
But Co-operation Will Hasten Making
of City of Million People.
PORTLAND, Jan. 2. (To the Edi
tor.) I have read with some interest
the letter by R. Chilcott In The Ore
gonlan. Apparently he is one of the
few men who have an idea of the .
strategical and commercial Importance
of Portland and of its future. I write,
however, with diffidence, being a new
arrival from the old country. Possibly
I may be mistaken, and maybe Port
land will always be a city of medio
crity, but it appears to me that in
spite of Itself Portland is going to take
its place as a great center of industry,
particularly as the shipping door of the
Northwest.
I believe I have visited every port of
importance in the north of Europe but
have yet to Bee such possibilities at the
back of any port of ntry as you havei
here. Where on the whole coast is
there such a natural inland waterway
from Punta Arenas up. Nature has not
been kind to the Pacific Coast in the
way of harbors. You have San Fran-
Cisco, standing alone yet, and .the
Sound port, handicapped by the Cascade
range. Your port occupies, at the mo
ment, an Intermediate position as re
gards regular berth shipping business.
That Oregon Is growing in commer
cial importance is certain, that it has an
enormous future is equally certain
how enormous is not for me to attempt
to define, but I have my own ideas.
You are not, however, a maritime
race. Here you have never appreciat
ed the advantages of an inland door
from the sea and here you have not on
the whole that esprit de cocps which
will make for the mutual benefit of the
community In consolidating efforts to
one end. This, however, iielieve will
come. I do not wish to minimize the
work done by your Port Commission
but it does not appear to me that they
are adequately and enthusiastically
supported.
Take Hamburg and Antwerp for ex
amples with their splendid systems of
docks municipal understandings. What
have they cared for expense? They
say "No matter if even the docks do
not pay, see what business they bring
to the Port." This Is as it should be.
Make Portland the center of the import
and export trade, the center of dlstrl- .
button in the Northwest, and a city of
a million is only a question of time, and
that not over long.
Mr. Chilcott notes that you are not
building vessels to take advantage of
coastwise trade through the canaL The
cost of building In America is prohibi
tive. When you allow foreign-built
vessels to run under the American
flag and free from the coastal disabili
ties as to trade then you will build up
a mercantile marine and not before.
Portland is certainly on the map. and
the future looms large. The gods will
be kind even if you leave it entirely on
their lap, but Jupiter himself does not
turn aside from a little assistance.
Mutual efforts will make prosperity
more prosperous. I have in mind such
a Portland as would stagger some.
' WILLIAM GRIGG.
Call of Home, Sweet Home.
Houston (Tex.) Post.
"Tine vnr wife raise a rumDUS when
you stay away from home at night?"
No, but she aoes wnen i get nome.
Buckwheat Cakes and Sausage.
W. J. Lampton in Washington, D. C Herald.
Wow!
Days of my boyhood.
I'm dreaming of you now.
Buckwheat cakes and sausage, say.
Nothing ever came our way
With the soul-entrancing punch
Of a red-hot, rich brown bunch
Of the kind of buckwheat cakes
Only one's own mother makes.
Slid right off onto your plate
From the griddle at the rate
Of two a minute, they were what
Made the ordinary lot
Of mankind a sort of slice1
Turned right out of paradise.
Chunks of butter slathered on
Like the golden clouds of dawn
Melting o'er the morning sun
When the daytime has begun,
. And the maple syrup stream
Sleeping through them like a dream
Full of sweetness coming true
As It slipped Inside of you.
Wow!
Do you mind that now?
Then the sausage on the side.
Pork and plenty, toy betide.
And the smell of them and sight
Fairly made your appetite
Paw the table unrestrained
Till a mouthful had been gained.
One big mouthful close your eyes.
See the gates of Paradise
Opening wide, as, happy fate.
There is plenty on your plate.
Buckwheat cakes and sausage oh.
That was In the ln ago.
And the kind we get today
Don't somehow just taste that way.
Oh. my;
Why'