TIIE SUNDAY OREGONIAN, PORTLAND, NOVEMBER 24, 1912-
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rORTXAND. SVXDAV, NOV. S4.
BRTAX E WILSON'S CABINET?
President-elect .Wilson will probably
offer Mr. Bryan a place In his Cabinet,
as Secretary of State. It is a treat
position, honored by the illustrious
names of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe,
"Webster, Marey. Seward, Blaine and
others of 'the Nation's distinguished
rnen. " ' '.
, ...The precedent of Jefferson or Clay
or Blaine, 'or others -of the people's
unis in ontorlns- the Nation's service
as the premier of another's Cabinet
, may well be pleaded lor crjsn.
Greater men have thought it com
ported with their own dignity and the
general estimation of their merits and
,ii.rti Thev have found in the
Secretaryship of State a solace for
disappointed ambition and an oppor
tunity for promotion of cherished pub.
He policies. In the early days of the
Republic-it served as an avenue for
final attainment of the Presidency;
In later days no Secretary of State
has become President; but Bryan
might prove ..himself an exception to
the new rule, as Roosevelt demon
strated that one who had been chosen
for Vice-Prasident could not thus Je
disqualified f for popular election . to
the Presidency. .
Tet the reasons that may require
"Wilson to offer Bryan a Cabinet place
are not the reasons that may, or
should, persuade Bryan to accept. Nor
are the other reasons which might
appear to entitle him to take a place
behind the Wilson throne as cogent
as the reasons which would suggest
that he remain a Commoner of the
people. Probably It is as clear to
Bryan as it is to his numerous critics
that as a Cabinet officer he would at
once lose his identity as an unshack
led tribune of the people. He could
never speak for Bryan: he must al
ways speak and act for Wilson. Bryan
with a gag is unthinkable: Bryan
without a gag in the Wilson Cabinet
is impossible.
An even more important reason why
Bryan should and probably will de
cline is that as Wilson's premier he
would become at once an Issue, and
"probably a vital issue, within the
Democratic party; and Wilson would
necessarily be involved. Speaker
Clark and Mr. Underwood would be
mortally offended; the Southern De
mocracy and the Eastern Democracy
would deeply resent it; and all the
other historic elements of opposition
. to Bryan and Bryanism would at once
be crystallized into a powerful unit of
antagonism. Beginning his four
years with a fierce war over Bryan
would make a sad prospect for Pres
ident Wilson.
Probably Mr. Wilson will offer
Bryan a Cabinet job, but it will be
with a devout prayer that it will be
declined.
FACTS ROOSEVELT OVERLOOKS.: .
Before the election Roosevelt was
confidently predicting victory; after
the election he congratulated himself
and his followers on the fact that they
polled so many votes, though far short
of enough, in view of the many handl.
caps under which he labored. Then
he reveals that peculiar twist in his
brain which inhibits his perception of
facts obvious to everybody else and in
vents facts which are obvious to no
body else.
The Oregonian cannot refrain from
calling attention to a few of the facts
which the Colonel conveniently forgets
and to the facts which are perceptible
to none except him and those who see
through his spectacles.
He refers to the "theft of the Re
publican organization by the Repub
lican bosses," which has been proved
not to have been committed, but ig
nores the contests by which his own
managers tried to seat 164 fraudulent
delegates and thus to steal the Repub
lican organization.
Roosevelt says his campaign was
conducted "without much money and
against the wealth of the country."
though he was backed by more money
than any other candidate and had be
hind him a galaxy of millionaires. His
party is above all a rich man's party.
"Without any organization, against
the entire organized political ability
of the country," says the Colonel's
statement. Then what has the great
Senator Dixon been doing all these
months? Did he not form an organ
ization? Did hot Ormsby McHarg
frame ' up those Southern contests?
Have Bill Flinn. Tim Woodruff, Ar
thur Brown. McCormick, the Pinchot
brothers, Hiram Johnson, Meyer. Liss
ner, our own and only Dr. Coe and our
irrepressible Dan Kellaher, the 2 im
maculate "Bob" Hodge, any political
ability?'- 'Tis cruel and -ungrateful
thus to disparage one's trusty hench
men. "Against the" bitter hostility of 90
per cent of - the, country," - says' the
Colonel. Then how came he" to get
more than 4.000.000 votes? That is
considerably more than 10 per cent of
Viet total vote. Two or three million
persons must have demonstrated their
hostility by voting for. him. For such
hostility he should be grateful.
- . "Against the furious opposition of
every upholder of special privilege,"
continues this founder of the Ananias
Clnb. Was Perkins, promoter and di
rector of trusts and beneficiary of high
protection, ; or Munsey, ,. or Hanna,
Vroekholders in the steel trust, or Mc
Cormick, stockholder in the harvester
trust, furiously opposed to him? Or
is La Follette, who did furiously op
pose him, an upholder of special priv
ilege?, .
"With' the" channels of information
to the public largely choked." evident
ly refers to the degree to which the
newspapers and magazines were
choked with Roosevelt's speeches,
with the proceedings of his conven
tion, with the claims of his managers
we texr
to a majority of the' electoral college.
Roosevelt says the battle for social
and Industrial justice has Just begun.
Those of us who have read history are
under the impression that such a bat
tle was carried on in the days of the
Greek and Roman republics; by the
English, who won Magna Charta,
drove out the Stuarts, established a
democratic monarchy and are now in
augurating some of the social reforms
which the Colonel proposes to intro
duce into this country; by the Swiss
when they founded "their republic, and
the Dutch, when .they drove out the
Spaniards; by. the French, when they
drove out the Bourbons and the Bona
partes and founded a republic. Final
ly we cannot forget that the struggle
for social and industrial justice began
in America 'with the Revolution, was
continued by the Republican party
when it emancipated the slaves, and
has been carried on by that party to
this day. Some pt the very measures
recommended in . the Roosevelt plat
form have already been made law by
the Republican party, headed by Taft,
and others were being pushed forward
by that party before the Progressive
party was. born. The direct primary
was adopted in. Republican Wisconsin
and taken up' In Republican Oregon
before Roosevelt had evinced any in
terest In it." In fact, instead of having
just begun the battle, the Progressive
nnrtr hits come on the field when the
enemy is yielding at all points and Yf
is just In time to Join in the pursuit
and share the spoils.
GOVERNOR OB TEOPLE?
If the sovereign people ordered the
execution of five men at one general
murderers'-clean-up, it must be all
right; for we have long heard that the
people make no mistakes. Tet,
strangely enough, the loud outcry
about the proposed performance of
the legal tragedy at Salem comes from
sources that are persistently proclaim
ing the infallibility of public judgments
against any other opinion or influence
or conclusion or action by any official
or authority or body whatsoever.
But if is petty and silly to intimate
that the "people are to blame because
five men, confined in prison and await
ing their doom, are to be the victims
of a -theatrical spectacle, staged by
the Governor of Oregon, and designed
as a horrible example for the intimida
tion of the public mind and conscience.
It Is foolish' to pretend that If the ''ex
ecution of one criminal in one day is
a good thing, the execution of five
criminals 1ft one day ought to be five
times as good." If the purpose of
hanging five men at one fell swoop and
In one grand rope-fest were to make
five times as impressive the power of
the law and the vindication of justice,
It would be the thing to do. But when
its whole motive is to illustrate and
emphasize merely the so-called bru
tality and cruelty of the law and of the
popular verdict under the law, a dif
ferent Issue is presented.
"" The stern decrees of Justice ought
to be carried out In seemly and orderly
fashion. It is the Governor's duty so
to do. He was elected for that pur
pose. He Is given certain discretion
ary powers as to time and method. He
sought to shift upon the'people at the
last election the responsibility of
changing the law and of endorsing his
proposal that capital punishment De
abolished. The people refused to up
hold him. But they took from the
Governor none of his powers of re
prieve or commutation.
The Oregonian has nowhere and at
no time suggested that the five men
at Salem be not hanged. It has pro
tested only against the widespread -advertisement
given to the Governor's
grewsome show on December 13, and
against his poor attempt to blame the
people for ordering an exhibition that
he, and he alone, arranged, and that
he, and he alone, may prevent.
NEW PARTY XlOVEMENT FAILS.
The organization of a new party can
only be said to be successful when it
causes the practical disruption of both
the leading existing parties. If either
of- the old parties stands with substan
tially unimpaired strength, and if the
new party draws its members almost
solely from the other old party, then
there is no new political alignment;
there Is only a split in one of the old
parties. The seceding faction may re
turn and gain control of the machin
ery, or it may be won back by conces
sions, but in either case the same party
continues to exist.
Tried by this test and by comparing
results with the purpose and hopes an
nounced beforehand by Roosevelt, the
attempt to establish the Progressive
party as a permanent political organ
ization has failed. Roosevelt pro
claimed in beginning his enterprise
that he would split the solid South
and enlist the progressive element of
the Democracy In his ranks. So confi
dent was he of doing so that he turned
the cold shoulder to the negroes lest
he arouse the prejudices of the South
ern whites. But he signally failed.
The vote of the South shows that sec
tion to be as solidly Democratic as
ever. Wilson polled probably 90 per
cent of the normal Democratic vote of
the North. What proportion of his
Republican votes represents genuine
preference of him to any other candi
date, not merely a desire " to defeat
Roosevelt, is Impossible to estimate.
but It probably more than offsets the
votes he lost to Roosevelt. The Pro
gressive party is thus In no essential
particular a new ' party born of the
dissolution of the old parties.
Nor does the new party advance any
new principles which differentiate it
clearly from the old parties. Its plat
form is borrowed partly from the Re
publicans, partly from the Democrats,
partly from the Socialists in the desire
to win votes from all three. 'In pro
posing to enlarge the Federal power, it
borrows the Republican ideal of National-unity
and supremacy, but car
ries that ideal to extremes. Its plans
for increasing the power of the people
are borrowed from the Democrats, but
It proposes to go a HttleTurther in that
direction than the traditional cham
pions of - popular sovereignty. Its
scheme of social and Industrial justice
only differs from those of the other
two parties in proposing to carry pa
ternalism to a point where it becomes
frank Socialism. Its proposed Gov
ernment sanction and regulation of
monopoly is distinctly Socialist, for
there would be but one more step to
Government ownership of industry,
which is the Socialist ideal.
Believers In, National sovereignty
will adhere, to the Republican party,
which will promote that principle
without associating it with others
which genuine Republicans - disap
prove. Believers in popular rule will
look' to progressive leaders in both old
parties, for the reactionary element
has become a negligible factor in both.
Believers in Socialism "will be content
with no half measures, and will stick
to their own party. As to the meas
ures for bettering the condition of
workmen of which the Progressives
make so much, some have already
been made law by the Republicans,
others are favored by both Republic
ans and Democrats, and of the re
mainder, some are now being worked
out and would have become law in a
few years, had the Progressive party
never been born. So little remains
that It affords too slender a foundation
for a new National party.
FTXIXG THE BLAME.
Having had a hand In the opening
of a 132,000 warchest in the last
campaign and with possibility that
another may be raised, W. G. Eggle
ston quite naturally objects to Judge
Lowell's plan for restricting use of
the initiative. In a letter published
in another newspaper he expresses
the fear that It would kill the initia
tive. The Oregonian Is not prepared to
endorse Judge Lowell's plan as the
best method for preventing misuse of
the initiative but it sees cause for
criticism in the attempts of Eggle
ston and others to cloud the issue by
the old, old argument that an imper
fect, incompetent, ineffective Legislature-was
to blame for the large num
ber of measures on the ballot.
If inefficiency and irresponsiveness
to public will on the part of the law
making body had been responsible for
the large number of measures pre
sented in the recent campaign the fact
would have been shown In the adop
tion of a large percentage of those
measures. As the people declared
they did not want two-thirds of them,
how Is the Legislature at all to blame
for not enacting them? Not more
than three of the adopted, measures
can by, any stretch of imagination be
named as acts which the Legislature
knew the people desired yet proved
remiss.
If submission by the Legislature of
a number of measures which failed
of adoption proves that the Legislature
is incompetent, submission by Mr.
Eggleston and his co-workers of
measures which were not approved
demonstrated his and their incompe
tency as well." He can't criticise the
Legislature on that score without
criticising himself.
If Mr. Eggleston and other repudi
ated lawyers would look longer on
the facts and less on the warchest they
might be of some assistance in cor
recting political and governmental
ills in. Oregon, chief of which is the
freedom given paid tinkerers and
theorists to procure with money- the
submission of measures that threaten
the financial standing of the state.
. THE PROBLEM OF JESUS.
The Oregonian recurs to the question
of the historicity of Jesus on account
of an editorial article in the Jewish
Tribune for November 15. In that
article certain considerations of more
or. less weight were advanced against
our conclusion and we think it is
probably worth while to answer them.
We may premise, however, that tho
Tribune treats the subject with an
assured dogmatism which is In strik
ing contrast to the spirit of the great
scholars who have handled it in "The
Jewish Encyclopedia." We quote, for
example, the following from, the Tri
bune, not to excite the -reader's dis
taste, but to compare it later with the
quotations from Joseph Jacobs, late
president of the Jewish Historical So
ciety of England, and from Samuel
Krauss. of the Normal . College at
Budapest., This ia what the Tfibune
says: "The belief that the Jews cruci
fied Jesus has been sucked in by
Christian children with their mother's
milk and strengthened by bigoted
clergymen and - old maids in whose
hands it Is given to kill in the Chris
tian child any love for the Jews." If
this is', its real purpose It has been
hopelessly unsuccessful in the United
States, where the Jews are as well
"loved" as any other citizens.
The reader is invited to compare
the Tribune's uncharitable words with
the following, . taken from Jacob
Jacobs' article on VJesus," in the Jew
ish Encyclopedia: He was "born at
Nazareth about 2 B. C." This article
contains only "a sketch 'or the main
historical events In the public career
of Jesus." "He was one of a rather
large family, having four brothers."
"He earned his living by his father's
trade." The Jewish rabble demanded
Barabbas of Pilate "and Jesus was left
to undergo the Roman punishment of
crucifixion in company with two male
factors." These passages explicitly
admit all ' that The Oregonian con
tended for in relation to the historicity
of Jesus and, it is only fair to add,
they represent the best and most
catholic scholarship of the gifted peo
ple for which the Tribune somewhat
crudely pretends to speak. Our posi
tion is assailed in three paragraphs,
of which we shall take the liberty to
notice the third first.
In this paragraph the Tribune at
tacks our statement that the best evi-.
dence for the historicity of Jesus is the
tremendous originality of his doctrine
of "The Kingdom." On this point let
us quote Professor Samuel Krauss in
the Jewis Encyclopedia: "A great his
toric movement of the character and
Importance of Christianity cannot have
arisen without a great personality to
call it into existence-and to give it
shape and direction." - This sustains
our point so well that perhaps nothing
more ought to be said about it and yet
we cannot refrain from noticing how
completely the Tribune manages to
misunderstand what Jesus meant by
The Kingdom. To offset our . argu
ment we are told that a universal
"kingdom of God" was mentioned in
the Jewish Bible "many times," also
by Philo and others. Hence "even tb,is
last argument of The Oregonian can
not change the opinion of Jesus being
a myth and the New Testament a uni
fication of Jewish ethics and pagan
stories." -
Here Is, indeed, a case of the light
shining in darkness and the darkness
comprehending it not. It can be as
serted categorically on the authority
of the best scholars in the world that
Jesus' concept of the kingdom was
totally different from the theocracy so
often spoken of by Old Testament
writers'."" He was a thorough-going so
cial reformer, from the human stand
point at any rate,, and the regenerated
world was not to be a paradise of
priest and ritual, but a place where the
meek, the poor, the oppressed, the
hungry for righteousness, should find
their deserts. The original society of
the -Christians was modeled after his
teaching. It was so unlike 'anything
the Jewish authorities had ever seen
or imagined that they at once tried to
break it up by persecution. It was so
unlike any institution existing any
where " in the Roman Empire that
wherever the Christians went with
their new social ideals they were pur
sued as outlaws. Jesus' concept of
The Kingdom was alien to both Jew
ish and pagan thought and for cen
turies it was lost from Chrfstian
thought, but now it Is coming back.
How could a civilization built on slav
ery and warfare understand the doc
trine of brotherhood?
.The weight of this point depends
largely on the reader's historical per
spective. The more he knows of the
ancient world, its literature, both sac
red and profane, its art and its practi
cal ethics, the more it will count with
him. The miracle of Jesus' basic
doctrine grows more stupendous as we
learn to appreciate its unalloyed orig
inality. But there are two or three
other matters which we wish to touch
upon. For this purpose we quote from
the Tribune's paragraph 1: "Besides
Drews and Schmidt there are other
men of learning who deny Jesus' real
existence." Now we quoted from
Schmidt a passage which proves that
he does not "deny Jesus' real exist
ence," but admits it and says it cannot
reasonably be questioned. In the face
of this the Tribune calmly " persists
that he is on the other side. When
facts make no impression on a person,
what are you going to do with him?
Our critic goes on to say that Paul's
evidence "must be excluded," because
he was. not an eyewitness. This is
nonsense. He obtained his reports
from eyewitnesses, as Thucydides did
his accounts of the Peloponnesian war,
and there is no evidence that he was
not a truthful man. Again we must
exclude the gospels because they are
still farther than Paul from the
events and are in Greek, while Jesus
used Aramaic. This again is nonsense.
According to Schmidt the synoptic gos
pels are based on an Aramaic gospel
which was virtually contemporaneous
with the organization of the primitive
church. It must have been written by
an eyewitness, so that our account of
Jesus is not really hearsay but the report-of
a man who saw and knew.
MISCONCEPTIONS OF EUGENICS.
The publication by the Houghton
Mifflin Company of Havelock Ellis'
new book, "The Task of Social Hy
giene," gives a welcome opportunity to
the Ignorant, the vicious and the fool
ish to exploit their notions of eugenics.
Naturally that subject plays an im
portant part in Havelock Ellis' book,
since it lies at the foundation of any
substantial and lasting achievement in
the field of social hygiene. Before we
can expect much permanent improve
ment In human conditions we must
manage to provide the race with rea
sonably well-formed minds and bodies.
This is the problem of eugenics. It is
pitiful when the whole matter is so
plain and simple to see the misunder
standings which have arisen about it.
Some of them no doubt are willful.
The recent reviewer in the New York
Times, who says that the plans of the
eugeniclsts are "sentimental, visionary
and impracticable,", must know better.
Otherwise his obvious lack of intelli
gence would cut off his means of live
lihood. But there are some persons
who really believe that eugenics means
a wholesale effort to deprive the ma
jority of mankind of the blessings of
domestic life.
The writer in the Times to whom we
have referred encourages this silly no
tion. "The new .eugenist," he inanely
remarks, "wishes to keep the sinner
from fatherhood. And ' not only the
sinners are to be restrained from mar
riage, but the invalid, the mentally or
physically deficient, all, in fact, who
are not almost perfect. No more de
structive unions like those which pro
duced the, consurnptive"Keats and Ste
venson, the . lame Byron and Scott,"
and so on through the' wonted rig
marole of nonsense. It might be a
sufficient reply to all this to say that
the absorbing purpose of eugenics is
to. bring about marriages which shall
produce Byrons and Shelleys in the
world of intellect and well-developed
athletes in the world of flesh and
blood. No eugenist of any importance
desires to withhold the privilege of
marriage and children from persons of
decent lives, be they siek or well,
Apollos or Calibans. That is not the
purpose at all. Certainly it is not the
purpose to banish everybody "who is
not .almost perfect" from domestic
happiness. There is a comparatively
small class of people in the world to
whom matrimony and its consequences
ought to be made impossible. This
class, as we say, is small, but it is per
nicious out of all proportion to its
numbers. From it originate the
hereditary thieves, the congenital
idiots, the men and women of pervert
ed sexual passion, whose careers mean
misery to themselves and social poison
to the rest of mankind. With such
persons there is but one way to deal.
Our friend of the- New York Times
sagely remarks that "reams of law and
armies of police cannot keep ' men
from begetting children." This is true
enough, but the surgeon's knife can do
It easily, and that instrument ought to
be applied relentlessly " when it has
been proved beyond a doubt that any
man's progeny are sure to bring peril
to society and unhappiness to them
selves. It would be far better, for
Portland and Oregon if this simple
operation were allowable in the case
of the perverts who have lately been
brought to Justice than to shut them
up in prison, where they will merely
Infect all around them with the .venom
of their disease.
But this particular point is not by
any means the gist of eugenics. The
task which the new sicence sets for
Itself is almost purely educational. Its
aim is not to forbid marriage to any
class of people, large b? small, except
the one which we have described, but
to teach men and women to choose
their life partners wisely. The way to
improve the human race is not to force
celibacy upon people, but to mate
them by such rules that undesirable
qualities shall be eliminated and good
ones perpetuated. The fundamental
principle of the subject is that a good
trait cannot jjossibly be transmitted to
offspring unless at least one of the par
ents possesses it. Ex nihil nihil fit.
Almost as important is the correlative
principle that a bad trait is almost cer
tain, to be transmitted if both parents
possess it. From these truths one
might easily derive all the rules of
marriage for which, eugenlsts particu
larly care. The first is that each par
ent ought to have the good qualities
which the other ' lacks, at least he
ought to have them to a reasonable
extent. No sensible eugenist looks
for swift perfection in the matter. This
rule. If it were observed, would give
children an even chance for a sound
heredity, no matter how defective their
parents might be individually.
The second rule touches nol uponM
mere defects but upon traits which
are positively bad. If both parents
possess such a trait the offspring are
almost certain to inherit it. But if
only one parent has it, the children
stand a fair chance to escape. Here
again the aim of the eugenist. is not
to deprive men and women of the priv
ilege of marriage but to give their chil
dren a good start in life. The -sentimental
objector to common sense in
this matter looks entirely -to the ro
mantic "rights" of silly people to
make foolish marriages. The eugen
ist wishes to persuade them by edu
cation to make marriages which shall
not only issue In happiness to mem
selves but also produce .children ca
pable of happy and useful lives. Which
is the better plan? There is another
mistaken notion pertaining to this
subject which should not be allowed
to pass without comment. It is sup
posed by many persons that eugenics
escourages "race suicide." This is not
the fact. What it really encourages
is race conservation. . The eugenist
prefers a reasonable number of chil
dren well born, well bred and well
situated In life to an Innumerable horde
brought into the world to starve, suf
fer from preventable diseases, be
come addicted to vice and prematurely
die. The new science Is wise enough
nnt tn rrinfnse "fertility with viriiity.
A married couple may be vigoroujwyid
entirely iiurmn wmium. ,ias..,D
host of children into the world. The
common mistake that continence
means sterility needs prompt and. f re
quent correction. Eugenics wishes t
onnfAT i,rnn t Vi o human rflCA the ob
vious benefits which must ensue from
applying common sense ana souna
morals to marriage
THE "THIRD DEGREE."
The "third degree," as used In Chi
cago, is condemned by Professor Ed
win R. Keedy on novel but sensible
grounds, and he suggests amendments
to . the Illinois law forbidding such
practices under pain of imprisonment,
declaring admissions made under the
third degree inadmissible as evidence
and forbidding publication in news
papers of statements or comments
which create a belief In the guilt of
the accused before his trial. Profes
sor Keedy condemns the third degree,
not only on its merits, but because it
affords attorneys an excuse for the
plea of police persecution and thus
enables them to secure acquittal of
many guilty men. '
The third degree Is a favorite ex
pedient of policemen and detectives
who are incompetent to oDtam evi
dence by any other means than a con
fession or to obtain a confession other
wise than by brutality. A confession
thus extorted is as worthless as were
the recantations obtained by the In
quisition by torture on the rack. The
essential requisite of a confession is
that it should be made without coer
cion or promise of reward or Immu
nity from punishment. Only then
should It be accepted, as reliable evi
dence, and the defense can then be
debarred from making it the pretext
for an appeal to prejudice against the
police.
There are, however, features of our
law which too greatly favor persons
accused of crime. One of these is the
presumption of Innocence until guilt
Is proved. In a magazine article on
the Rosenthal murder. Magistrate
Corrigan of New York maintains that
the law should presume neither guilt
nor innocence, but should simply hold
Judgment in suspense. Another is the
rule of law. that the accused cannot
be compelled to testify. Mr. Corrigan
cannot see why a prisoner should not
be compelled to offer for what it Is
worth his explanation of suspicious
circumstances. Arthur Train, in writ
ing of the Camorra trial, also called
attention to the latitude allowed courts
In Italy and France In the effort to
ferret out the truth regarding a crime.
Were similar latitude allowed In this
country and were a prisoner required
to testify, there would be much less
excuse for resort to "the third degree.
THE EUROPEAN CRISIS.
When the great powers of Europe
go into conference to arrange a new
settlement of the Turkish question, as
they almost certainly will, they will be
divided into two groups of three the
triple alliance, composed of Germany,
Austria and Italy, and the. triple en
tente, composed of Great Britain,
France and Russia. These two combi
nations are described by W. Morton
Fullerton in an article in the London
National Review, in very different
terms. He calls the triple, entente "a
pact between powers united by a com
mon interest and by a genuine reelp
rocal regard," while he calls the triple
alliance "a self-denying ordinance be
tween three mortal enemies, who have
decided to grip each other as tightly
as they can, lest, if any one of them be
given elbow room, he should fly at the
others' throats."
The pacific purpose of the triple en
tente and its ability to enforce its will
were recognized by the German Em
peror in his authorized statement as to
the conclusions reached by him and
the Czar when they met at Port Baltic
last July. He said:
. There could be no question either of new
aereementa. because there was no particular
occasion tor them, or of producing altera
tions of any kind In the grouping of the
Bu'-opean powers, the value of which lor
the maintenance of equilibrium and of peace
has already been proved.
This is declared by Mr. Fullerton to
be "the direct result of forces actively
at work during the previous years, of
which Agadir may bo taken as! the
supreme symbol." He calls the Mo
roccan settlement a humiliation for
Germany, a provisional settlement of
only one of the differences between
France and Germany and says it has
revealed the triple entente as "bound
to upset the whole balance of power in
the Baltic, the North Seat and even
tually in the Mediterranean." He calls
the Kaiser's confession that the triple
entente Is permanent an echo of the
declaration made three months earlier
by ' the new German Ambassador to
London that ' "no diplomatic artifice
could possibly destroy the friendship
between France and England" and that
Germany must accept these new con
ditions. '
The Balkan war is declared to
make It "all the more necessary for the
powers of the triple entente to en
trench themselves and to prepare for
contingencies." Warning is given that
Germany is reviving its old policy of
blandishment of. France and against
the German suggestion that "in the
Balkan crisis the position of France
and Germany is almost identical."
The triple entente is advised to work
together throughout the world and to
put Its houses In order, ready to do
business with Germany. French and
English interests in the Mediterranean
are held almost identical, the renewal
of the triple alliance not necessarily
imperiling the naval position of the
two powers in that region. Opening
of the Dardanelles to the Russian
Black " Sea fleet is recommended as
rendering "more stable the balance of
power in the Middle Sea."
While the interests of the triple en
tente are almost identical, those of the
triple alliance are conflicting. Italy's
seizure of Tripoli forestalled a German
scheme to secure, from Turkey the
concession of a. North African coaling
station and to have been effected
through the collusion of France and
England: Austria has made the Tyrol
"an arsenal of the national defense, a
fortified camp dominating Italy." The
Tripolitan expedition aggravated Aus-
tro-Italian tension concerning the ulti
mate destination of th Albanian port
of "Valona and the Italian Foreign
Minister eight years ago admitted that
the possessor of the Albanian coast
would have "the uncontested military
and naval supremacy of the Adriatic."
This same Minister, now Ambassador
to Paris, "has been the most assiduous
companion" of Isvolskl, the Russian
Ambassador, who dreams of offering
an open Dardanelles to his sovereign.
Italy, too, dreams of unredeemed Italy
Trieste and Trent which is still
held by Austria, and the enthusiasm
generated by the Tripolitan war has
given fresh vigor to Irredentism. While
Austria has gained Bosnia and Herze
govina and Italy has gained Tripoli
through the triple alliance, Germany
has gained nothing. Were there no
triple alliance, the parties to it might
fly at each other's throats, hence Mr.
Fullerton says: "It is in the interest
of the peace of the world that that
pact be renewed"; that "the triple en
tente has need of the triple alliance; It
needs the alliance in order to simplify
its own problems." .
The balance of power in the Medi
terranean requires that the members
of the triple entente hold together
there.- If Italy's desire to hold the
island of Rhodes, which "commands
the route of the Dardanelles, Asia Mi
nor and the Suez Canal, counterbal
ances Cyprus and menaces Malta and
Bizerta," should be gratified and the
Dardanelles should beopened to Rus,
sia, Austria, which has long' yearned to
take Salonica, and France, which
holds a protectorate over all Eastern
Christians, vould claim compensation.
Since Mr. Fullerton's article was
written the Balkan league has been
victorious at all points and Turkey-
holds only a few outlying fortresses
and stretches of territory in Europe,
besides her capital. The problems
which the powers have to solve, com
plicated already and fraught with
many possibilities of friction, have
been rendered stfll more complicated
by this changed situation. When the
Berlin Congress settled Turkish affairs
in 1878 the Balkan states took what
the powers chose to give. Flushed
with victory and confident in their
new-found military strength, they will
now, if they hold together, assert their
right to hold what they have taken.
Should Austria use force to keep Ser-
vla from reaching the Adriatic, Russia
may come to Servla's defense and Join
Bulgaria in driving the Turks from
Constantinople. Once at war, Russia
would not stop there, but would seize
Armenia and could only be checked in
her career of Asiatic conquest by the
necessity of defending her European
frontier against Austria and Germany.
By presenting a firm and united front
against Austrian interference, the
tfiple entente may prove that the Kai
ser spoke truly when he admitted its
value for the maintenance of peace.
The fate of the men on trial at
Indianapolis for a dynamite conspiracy
depends on the fullness with which
the amazing story of McManigal can
be corroborated. That story is so cir
cumstantial and complete In all its
details as to forbid the belief that It
is a fabrication, but the precedent of
Orchard's confession at Boise shows
that a Jury is unwilling to convict on
the evidence of an accomplice and in
former without ample corroboration.
It Is possible to credit the story told
by a monster like Orchard or McMan
igal of his own misdeeds, and yet to
doubt the truth of his statements im
plicating others. A jury might, there
fore, believe McManigal guilty of
every crime he confessed without be
ing convinced that others named in
his story were guilty. The Govern
ment's case depends on its ability to
confirm the conspiracy charge by pro
ducing documentary evidence and the
testimony of disinterested witnesses.
The informer is viewed with suspicion
and contempt, both by his former con
federates and by those -who use him to
vindicate justice.
If Wilson puts Bryan in his Cabinet
he will almost surely provoke conten
tion with Clark and Underwood. If
he leaves Bryan out, the Nebraskan
will be more free to stir up troufele,
though not in as good a position to dis
turb the center of government. Wil
son may need a month's solitude in
Bermuda, to decide between these two
alternatives alone, leaving out of con
sideration the many other difficult
questions which confront him.
Professor Ernest C. Moore, of Yale,
Investigated the New York school sys
stem for forty days, as he says, spend
ing "most of that time in the offices
of the Board of Education." What a
typically professional -way of investi
gating a school system that has for its
object the education of live, squirm
ing, restless children.
Captain Rostran, hero of the Titanic
wreck, is to be decorated with a gold
medal. An appropriate decoration
fashioned of sole leather should be be
stowed on Director Ismay.
Tartan hnasta a 50 ner rent increase
of wages during the past ten years. A
first-class workman must get as high
as ten and twelve cents a day now.
Latest statistics show that more un
married men than married ones go
crazy. Worry, then, mustn't have any
thing to do with insanity.
When a football player is laid out
many of the spectators wonder if he
Isn't posing for the benefit of his best
girl In the grandstand.
An English inventor announces a
soundless gun. Now will some bene
factor of mankind devise a noiseless
political campaign.
A Boston preacher would strike the
word hell out of the English language.
But what would old-time preachers do
for a text ?
Governor Wilson's huff over a cam
era snapshot may be Intended as a gen
tle hint that it's time .to quit calling
him Woody.
Austria has called out her reserves
and Russia is mobilizing a few field
armies. Probably getting ready to seize
the spoils.
A deserted California town is to be
sold at auction. Here's a rare chance
for some budding Mayoralty aspirant.
It is probably well that the vagrant
who got the local pastor's shoes wasn't
ragged.
The peanut crop having all but
failed, baseball will lose a great ally in
1913.
Why not a pension, too, for our per
ennial Presidential candidates?
Is the European cauldron about to
come to a boll?
Scraps and Jingle3
Lrone Cnas Uaer.
c ,r ho n nQ a. erpat show at the
0 v l'v " j-
Orpheum last week. It brought down
iiic iioude.
a
Woman seeking a divorces whines
"that she can't live within her hus
band's Income." Bet two cents she'll
find it easier to live within It than
without it.
j
A telephone girl does not follow
either a profession or a business, but
a calling.
j
Most married men prefer clinging
gowns. They'd like ono to cling to you
for about three years.
"The f.-ice is an indtx to the mind'
is a proverb whose truth 1 fall to find
In case, of a woman who mak-s up her tnce
That her mind's mado up too Isn't ulwaya
the case.
statistics prove that blonde women
are m6re difficult to get along with
than brunettes, which statement will
lead many a man to believe that his
wife has dyed her hair dark.
A woman who believes her husband
would remain a widower if she dies is
foolish. Anyone of them will wed a
second time If the trap Is set in a dif
ferent way.
Definition of a labor-saving device
marrying for money.
h
Men who rave over her liquid volca
before marriapre, discover later that her
words come in torrents.
I've discovered why men slick their
hair up off their brows like a new lit
tle calf's. It's because they're too tired
or too lazy to part it.
e
v.
Agnes writes to ask advice about
marrying "the most upright, honorable
high-minded and artistic man In the
world."
Don't do It, Agnes. You'll starve
to death.
I.oofo biir brown shoes.
With toes much worn.
The InriSe feet of Lizzirt
These Fall days adorn.
Not the shock on the pumpkin.
Nor the frost at morn
Cnuse Lizzie's Autumn slioetnK
It's tlio cuttinir of the coin.
One of those "That's not ran" letters
says that "talkative women seem to be
more popular with men than any other
kind." I didn't know there was another
kind, did you?
'Tailors as a class take little stock
In this twaddle about old families. For
Instance they'd rather see than hear of
the early settlers. ,
Again the headline: "Turks Are Be
headed," and Thanksgiving four days
away.
Miss Calamity Step And Fetch It, the
cultured and cheerful idiot lady of tho
Willamette Valley, Is hatching up 'a
poem on Turkey domestic not
foreign and if there is no H.ilkan' on
the part of the JIu?e, she will have It
ready for slaughter next scrap and Jin
gle day.
Nitts On Call of the Farm
liy Dc-nn Collin.
Xescius Nitts, sage of Punkindorf Sta
tion, Whose logic at all times dufied refuta
tion, Paused a moment a nicotine conglom
eration Put a wasp in a state of anesthetiza
tion. Then Nestlus spake upon foil cultiva
tion. We hitched up the wugon tills week and
we druv
To Portland, myself here and Philomel
Love,
To take in the sights that they has on
display
At that there big Land Show, and I'm
here to say i
There ain't nothin' like it I ever yet
see
Not even our fair here in '73.
We sees all the fruit and the punkins
and wheut
In size an" mairnificence not to be beat;
in fact, 'twas so fine that we Jest hung
aroun",
Fergettin' to go and to look at tho
town.
And rtill says, as we strolls aroun' arm
In arm.
"Thdrn Hlit-a ia Krtmn ninritw tn th tniru
from the farm."
And folks looked at us and the show,
through the day,
Quito frequent in really an envious
way;
(Them fellers that alius has lived in
the city
And used to look at me with somewhat
of pity.
When I druv to town, semi-annually.
To lay In supplies, back in '73).
They looked at us now, and they spoke
of the charm
Of rural surroundin's, and "Hack to the
Farm"
I heard them a-sayln' 'most everywhere.
And talkin' of gardens and fruit trees
out there;
And Phil and myself was consumed
with surprise
At beln' the cynosure-like, of all eyes.
And I says to rhil: "Back in '73
Things wouldn't have been thus fer you .
ana ler me.
But times they has changed, and the
city man's toil
Plumb makes him to hunger and thirst
fer the soil
And look on the farmer as one of great
worth
Which means you and me now. Is tlio
cream of the earth."
Portland, November 2.1.
The Truth ami the Whole Truth.
Philadelphia Telegraph.
A young man was at luncheon with
a young woman at her home one Sun
day evening. Little Jimmy broke the
silence to remark:
"Kay, Mr. Smith, you certainly did
look fine last night, slttin' beside sis
ter on the parlor sofa with your
arm "'
"Jimmy, be quiet." the girl screamed,
blushing scarlet.
"Well, he did look fine," said Jimmy.
"He had his arm "
"Jimmy, will you be still?" exclaimed
the mother.
'Why?" whined the lad. "He did
have his arm"
"James," said the father, "go straight
upstairs to bed!"
The boy rose. He began to cry. A
he left the room he said:
"I don't know what's the matter
with you folks. I was only going to
say he had his army uniform on and
he had, too."
In ChooalnK a Wife.
Life.
Howard Hasn't Bachelor waited
rather long before choosing a wife?
Coward Bless you, no! He's only
had a marrying Income since he was 60.