THE SUNDAY OREGOXIAX, PORTLAND, JANUARY 22, 1911.
PORTLAND. OKEGOX.
Entered at Portland. Oniu, Potoffle m
Ftcnd-c:,, Matter.
r-uLKrlpUoa Hataa Invariably la Aavaae
DT MAIL)
TITy. Pnndar lnrludd. on year 'J-J?
2ai:jr. hundar Inrluded. six niontha... 4-
J'allr. Sunday Included, tbna month. . X.IJ
l!y. bunilay Included. tna monlll.. -J
lmUr. wiihout Sunday, on yar
lai:r. without Sunday, mix month,. .. .
34. y. without bunuay. tbrea months...
Jai:y. without Sunday. M, BOMB v?J
Vk!j. ou yar
t-uadav. ona yaar.
feucdajr and w,aJy. ,a, yaar..
(BT CARRIER)
Snlly, Sunday Included, en year......
Oaliy. Sunday included, ona month.
, flaw ts RamJC IKnd Poatofflca moT
erder. tipr orCfr or paraonal chacfc
our local bank. stamp, coin or corrtoey
r at tha Sander's rmk. OI poatofBe
addreaa In full, tncludlnc county and atata.
Posts Race 10 to 14 pac. 1 e:
to 2s pa,-, s cent; a ta 40 p". I"":
40 to do pas. 4 canta. Feralca potg
Coubi rate.
1-a.trT-a Haalara OfnWa Varrea
Jin w lurk. Ilrunawtca bulldlna. -
caao, Slegar bulldlna-.
rORTLAND. l'NIAT.
JAN. tt.
LOOKING lORWARD TO .
The Brooklyn Eagle, a conservative
v -w..!.- newsnaner. friendly to
T.ft nnrl what It calls Taftlsm. and
..nr.fnntltt always
to liryan
UryanL.m. has examined the general
political Kltuatlon with great careful
res and has reached the comfortable
conclusion that "there is a
ltope among conservative Republicans
that President Taft will hold on to the
J.-n.lcrshlp of the party, secure a re
nomination and be re-elected in HI
There is a general hope among con
servative Democrats to the same ef
fect, except as to re-election." Having
In this easy and satisfactory manner
excluded the poibihty of Roosevelt
on the one hand and of Bryan on the
other, the Fugle is able to look for
ward to a pleasant and profitable
campaign In 1912. If a conservative
li put up against a conservative, it is
ur.1 to see how any but a conserva
tive VIII win.
Hut the Kaglo Is not the only ob
server that has cast a discerning eye
vor the field and made the same con
doling observations. The decay of
radicalism In the Democratic party
and the definite loss of the Bryan
rrtltro and domination are every
where accepted as facts: and no out
come appears to be expected other
than the nomination of a candidate
from the Harmon-Wilson-Marshall
group. In the Republican party there
has been, on the contrary, a decided
growth of radicalism, or progressive-
ntss. or insurgency, wnaieier u
may choose to call It. and it has not
.ubslded since the election, though it
has become less acute and less as
ertlve. But the progressive wing and
the insurgent spirit in the party are
yet militant and even dominant,
though at the same time the leader
ship of Taft and his party finds more
general acknowledgment, almost uni
versal acquiescence. Indeed, and the
probability of . his renomlnatlon in
creases day by day.
Taft is more nearly In accord with
the progressives than he has -been.
Indeed, his purposes and beliefs have
alwavs been progressive, though his
Identity with the standpat or regular I
ttement of his party seemea ior i
aw hile to modify his views as it cer
tainly influenced his actions. Tct
there now appears to be on the part
cf the progressives no great resent
ment against the President because of
the past, but there Is an obvious will
ingness to work in harmony with
htm.
La Follette. however, remains un
reconciled and unreconcllable. La Fol
lette has Wisconsin In his grip: but
his actual influence outside Is limited.
Jt Is likely that Wisconsin will send a
delegation to the National convention
of 191! as much out of harmony with
the policies and Ideas of the great
body of delegates as It was In 190S.
Yet the suspicion Is general that
La Follette. realizing that his per
sonal influence In the Republican
party is confined to his state and that
he .cannot be its candidate for Presi
dent, contemplates the organization
of a third party In conjunction with
Bryan. He may take his delegation to
the 1912 convention, and, if Taft is
nominated, he may bolt. Or he may
not go In at all. It Is to be remem
bered, however, that La Follette's
pose throughout his entire political
career has been as a Republican,
though ho has been ever far away
from the controlling spirit and tend
encies of the party. In 1904, his dele
gation was not seated In the National
con rntlon. and he did not bolt: In
1908 it was at Chicago, and made n,
lot of noise, which was tolerated but
not heeded: but La Follette did not
bolt.
Now. however, it may appear feas
ible to form a third party If Bryan will
leave the Democrats. Mryan might not
find desertion of Harmon's or Wil
son's standard very hard; and he and
La Follette have never been far apart
In the essentials of their respective
creeds.
Bryan has far more to say with the
great mass of Democrats than La Fol.
lette with the Republicans. Bryan's
leadership with the radical Demo
crats Is not questioned or disputed:
La Follette has a dozen rivals for the
leadership of the radical Republicans.
It would appear on the surface, then,
that disaffection of Bryan will be
vastly more serious to the Democrats
than of La Follette to the Repub
licans: and that neither of them will
be satisfied to find his party In the
hands of the conservatives Is certain.
Moreover, all progressives or Insur
gents except La Follette will support
the Republli-nn nominee whoever he
is: and La Follette may himself fall
In line. Bryan alone answers for the
radical Democrats, but he could not
tine them up for Harmon or Wilson
if he tried. He could do nothing for
Parker in 1904. though undoubtedly
he supported that solid reactionary In
good faith.
The Republican candidate, then. Is
more likely to find a united party, or
what passes for a united party, behind
him than the Democratic In 1912; but
It is not to be assumed that h!
rhances are better than the Demo
crat's. The break-down of party
lines, the fusion and commingling of
party principles, and the general mix
up of party tendencies and leader-
hips, have created a situation im- I
postmc to analyze clearly or describe the attrition or children's heavy shoes
correctly. The popular impulse 'may patched trousers. Walnut bed
be in cKher direction, though recently steads, walnut davenports, covered with
it nas ncen undeniably fbward tha I
Democrats.
Kdna Goodrich Goodwin fourth
f. ife of the unspeakable "Nat" made
a better bargain and sale of herself
for a brief period than do most
women who engage in matrimony for
social or pecuniary advantages. Sho
received a pre-nuptlal trust deed
which by skillful manipulation of
lawyers entitles her to half the rev
enue from $1,700,000 and the princi
pal, should she survive the roue to
whom she gave the bill of sale of her
self. Of course, honorable marriage
can no more be discredited by a
transaction of this kind than honor
able manhood can be discredited by
Nat Goodwin, or self-respecting
womanhood by the woman who sells
herself for a coronet under cover of
matrimony. Such marriages are
merely barnacles of eroticism which
quickly die and slough off. leaving
for the time a stench In the nostrils
of decency. No one takes them seri
ously except the sagacious lawyer who
receives a fat contingent fee for draw
ing the ante-nuptlal "agreement,
RATIFYINO THE INCOME TAX.
Two main objections have been
raised against the proposed Income
tax amendment to the National Con
stitution: First, it takes from the
states authority to tax . incomes, by
giving it first to the central Govern
ment; second, it confers on Congress
power to tax the income from bonds
of states and municipalities. This lat
ter power is the one which Governor
Hughes. cf xa York, declared would
i place local government at me ni-r.j
of Congress, and he opposed adoption
of the amendment for this reason.
Any person, however, who opposes
this amendment opens himself to
clamorous criticism and Is classed as
an ally of the over-rich. There Is no
question that the American people
Ish tax levied and collected on large
Incomes. On account of the Inter
state character of money-making, the
tax should probably be collected by
the General Government. As for the
power which the amendment confers
on Congress to tax the "instrumental!
ties" of local government and there
fore to "control" local affairs through
such magnified central authority. It
may be said' that the "menace" is
probably more Imaginary than real
The amendment has been adopted
by the Oregon Senate and will be con'
sldered by the House of Representa
lives tomorrow as a special "order of
business. Few members of the Leg
islature seem familiar with details of
the fight that has been made on the
amendment In other states or of the
arguments that have been raised
against it.
There Is unanimous demand for
enactment of tax on Incomes. Al
though the National Government has
vast sources of revenue outside this
tax, and the states could make good
use of the power to tax Incomes, still,
the argument and the demand for this
Federal authority are unanswerable.
The Oregon Legislature may. In
good conscience, adopt this amend
ment for National Income tax and
Join the three-fourths quota of the
states that Is necessary for Its ratifi
cation. RAILROAD INVESTMENTS ARE SAFE.
These have been "fat" years for
railroads In the United States. Argu
ment Is put up that "lean" years are
probably coming that will reduce
profits to a medium or a low level.
that therefore 10 to 12 per cent profit
on stock Is reasonable, and that "reg-
uiation mat puis ii aown to i or a
per cent basis Is unfair to stockhold
ers and damaging to future Invest
ment. There is room for fair argument
here, but the matter Is easily exag
gerated. Railroads, now as never be
fore, are indispensable Instrumentali
ties of the Nation's affairs. The great
systems are no longer pioneering for
business, except in new territory of
the West, and these openings are
closing. Railroad operation or build
ing is in no sense like it was a gen
eration ago.
Therefore, the big failures and fore
closures and reorganizations that
have taken place in pioneer condi
tion, will never be repeated. Experi
ence warns that there will be lulls In
business or occasional "hard times."
But the needs of the people are bound
to keep the railroads active. And
there is such intimate connection be
tween rates and profits that earnings
are bound to be kept up to provide
legitimate returns.
Reasonable provision Is to be al
lowed, of course, against lean years.
But It Is not to be provision based
upon raw and pioneer conditions. The
public cannot dispense with railroad
service and It cannot get service with
out paying adequately for it. In
vestment In standard railroads Is the
safest possible. It never was so safe
before. Owners of capital will surely
come to this realization?-If they have
not done so already. Laws to "reg
ulate" can go only so far and if they
go further they will be corrected.
There Is to be hereafter a nice and
even balance between railroad rates
and Investors' profits. It Is wholly
Irrational to suppose that the Ameri
can people will cripple their trans
portation systems. Demagogues will
drive to extremes, sometimes, but
demagogues have only their little day.
The movement to regulate railroads
all over the country has not been an
unreasoning craze, although in spots
there have been unreasoning politi
cians. The outlook for railroad
earnings and future Investment of
capital Is the very best.
high uvrxo at public expense.
In the statements made by Senator
Bowerman. supported by the special
legislative committee, of the lavish
manner in which the state's money
has. been expended in Insane Asylum
affairs, there may be nothing surpris
ing or novel except possibly the dates
at which the vouchers were made out
and the purchase and upkeep of the
superintendent's automobile.
Managers of public institutions who
handle legislative appropriations "for
the betterment and maintenance" of
these Institutions are too often fond of
elegant furniture, cosily rugs, ex
pensive draperies and the like for the
garnishment of offices and living
apartments strictly for their own pri
vate use. Mahogany tables, chairs and
sideboards for the dining-room are
none too good for these public serv
ants, though bought at the expense of
taxpayers, many of whom eat from
plain, deal tattles In 'the kitchen, sit
ting upon common wooden chairs from
which tha paint was long ago worn by
tapestry, walnut chiffoniers and wsl
nut music cabinets supply official bed
rooms, furnished at the expense of
taxpayers, the great bulk of whom
sleep upon the plainest of plain ash
bedsteads, whose chiffoniers are more
than likely made by the village car
penter and called "clothes chests,"
whose "Wilton rugs" are oven of
rags In the village loom and whose
music cabinets are old-fashioned
board racks.
Our farmer folk are, in the main,
thrirty. economical and industrious.
They must be if they would keep out
of debt, bring up and educate their
families, meet the tax levy upon lands,
stock and implements, and accumu
late a modest deposit in the savings
bank. Now it Is clear without argu
ment that what Is good enough for
the taxpayer is good enough for the
taxeater. An equitable adjustment
along these lines would enable the
farmer to have much better furnish
ings in his home and for the comfort
of his family, and still leave the latter
a domestic equipment suitable to his
station as a public servant and ample
for the domestic convenience and com-'
fort of himself and family. Is there
any reason, either In equity or fact,
why such an adjustment of values
should not be made?
The protest against asylum extrava
gance is not against the cost per cap
ita of feeding the Inmates. No one
grudges the cost (unless there Is an
exorbitant middleman's profit in It) of
feeding these unhappy wards of the
state. Yet it Is upon this point the
per capita expense of such mainten
ance that the superintendent, bien
nially or oftener. rushes to his qwn
defense against the charge of extrav
agnnce. Fault is not, and perhaps
cannot, legitimately be found with the
fact that It costs $13 per capita per
month to feed these people, though
without doubt buying by contract and
careful dispensing of supplies would
decrease this cost materially without
detracting from the quantity find
quality of the food furnished and the
care given. It Is the furniture made
from rare and costly woods; the rugs
and draperies woven In foreign looms;
the "canned" music in elegantly
chased cabinets; the cost ,of and up
keep of an automobile for the private
use of the superintendent, and other
luxuries such as are indulged by men
of large wealth at their own expense,
at which common sense and common
Justice balk. t
Here is a chance for the people's
chosen representatives to prove the
sincerity of the promises made when
the vote quest was at its height last
Spring and early Summer.
IXDER WHICH FLAG?
Is the, Jackson Club for the single
tax? Shades of the .mighty Jackson!
Wagnon would have it so. Or for
free trade? Brother McKay would
smash the tariff wall to fragments.
Or tariff for revenue? Several stal
wart Democrats will fight to the last
ditch for revenue. Certainly. Or for
no -tariff, no revenue, no single tax,
and no nothln'. There you -will find
the bellicose and ornate J. Hennessy
Murphy, who thinks the Democracy's
duty is first and always to be agin'
the Government; nothing else needed.
But none of these valiant followers
of Jackson, who met In his name and
discussed the tariff Friday night,
came within shooting distance of the
real Democratic policy. It is not free
trade, tariff for revenue, or the single
tax. No Democratic platform ever
declares for free trade; and no Demo
cratic Congress ever dares abolish
customs duties. Every Democratic
platform is for tariff for revenue,
some of them with "Incidental pro
tection." Every Democratic Congress
man Is for protection and the only
Democratic Congress that had a
chance to carry the party platform
into execution passed a protection
measure. The next Democratic con
gress will be Just as far from free
trade or tariff for revenue as any pre.
vlous Democratic Congress.
Is the Democratic Jackson Club
fooling the public or fooling itself, or
both, or neither?
THE PENSION GRAB.
The new pension bill, known as the
Sulloway bill, went through the
House as such bills usually do in a
frenzy of what passes among Con
gressmen for patriotism. In other
words, our Representatives swam
about for a while in a sea of senti
mentality, false statistics and foolish
eloquence and then proceeded to heap
a new burden or xts.uuu.uuu annually
upon the taxpayers. For whose
benefit? Certainly not for the ex
elusive benefit of the honest veterans
of the Civil War.
Nobody should deceive himself with
the belief that this Sulloway grab ends
the long story of improper pension
legislation. There is more to follow.
One of the speakers while the bill
was on its way through the House
gave us to understand that he is work
ing for a dollar a day for everybody
who can be classed as an "old sol
dler."- This will exclude none of those
who now enjoy the elastic generosity
of the Government. Unworthy p-
pllcants may be welcome at the pen
sion bureau and it is estimated that
the annual bill will exceed $300,000.
000. Already 72 cents out of every
dollar spent by the Government goes
in one way or another for military
purposes. The. pension bill, if the
Senate shall agree. Is now to be $200.
000,000 a year which is more than the
cost of the great German army. This
new burden of $43,000,000 annually
In the face of a treasury deficit and
the acknowledged need of economy
in the Government Is exasperating.
What becomes of the fruits of Mr.
Taft's efforts to cut down expenses?
He Is doing his best to stop some small
leaks at the spigot by making the
clerks work longer hours and the like.
To further his purpose the House of
Representatives knocks out the bung
with an ax. This is statesmanship
with a vengeance. But the country
would not complain of the cost of pen
sions If the money really went to the
old soldiers. , It Is the. notorious fact
that a large fraction of it goes to the
unworthy, which makes the taxpayers
angry. They dislike to see the prod
uct of their toil wrung from . them
to reward the undeserving.
Of course, the purpose of the House
In passing this bill is to influence
votes. Since the votes of patriotic
soldiers are not for barter, it follows
that the purpose ls to get the votes
of "professional" old soldiers. One
of the advocates of the Sulloway bill
said In behalf of It that "the money
paid for pensions does more good
than any other money appropriated by
Congress." And why? Because, for
sooth. "It goes all over the country
Into the channels of trade arid com
merce everywhere." This is admir
able fooling. Suppose Congress should
give every bricklayer In the United
States a pension, would not that also
go all over the country' and into the
channels of trade and commerce? But
we must not expect to hear common
sense from Congressmen when thav
are speaking for a new pension grab.
Their only object is toVroar themselves
into a mad frenzy in which the voice
of conscience and reason is lost. In
that exalted mental condition they
vote away the. pepple's money. The
real veterans get only a part of It.
While this pension prodigality is
going on we hear from other depart
ments of the Government threats to
cut down the postal service for lack
I of funds. The scientific and educa-
tlonal bureaus receive a stingy dole
which barely keeps them running. The
railway mailclerks are put on starva
tion pay and the wage-earner is driven
to ask anxiously where the children's
schoolbooks and the wife's Sunday
gown are to come from.'. The diffi
culty of the struggle for existence Is
increased for the laborious citizen In
order that an army of pensioners,
many of them not deserving, may
luxuriate in idleness.
' WHAT ARE TECHNICALITIES?
The Central Law Journal, of St.
Louis. w!hlch has been mildly plead
ing for a reform of court procedure
for some time, begins the new year
with a definite plan of campaign
which looks rather attractive. Three
principles are laid down by this in
fluential periodical to guide its activ
ities for reform. We may sum them
up in the statement that Justice ought
to be exact, prompt and inexpensive.
Manylstlnguished leaders of opin
ion insist that American "Justice"
does not conform at present to a sin
gle one of these requirements. 1$ is
not exact. It is not prompt and it
is ruinously expensive to people of
moderate means. President Taft
went so far as. to say on one occa
sion that the delays and evasions of
the law as now administered often
amounted to the denial of Justice
except to persons of. large means.
However, the Central Law Journal
does not take quite this discouraging
view of the subject. It says that
"every lawyer of experience stands
ready to prove that, excepting in rare
cases, Justice Is quite accurately ad
ministered In this country and that
the only objection to present methods
is that they often delay the relief
sought and are otherwise cumbrous
and unscientific." Clearly, then, this
professlona.1 organ does not believe
that the law Is too expensive or that
it fails to render justice to litigants.
The word "exact," of which the
Central Law Journal appears to be
extraordinarily fond, may mean dif
ferent things to different minds. If
we understand It to mean procedure
in accordance with rigid technique
and precedent few will be found to
deny that our courts are exact to the
last degree. It is impossible, we dare
say, to find any decisions which do
not conform to some precedents at
least. No doubt the rules of court
etiquette, or technique, are followed
to the best of the Judge's ability, and
If the cause comes under the plain
wording of a statute one may suppose
that It is obeyed If it is not vetoed
as unconstitutional. To this extent
American Justice is exact, almost
mathematically so.
But in the effort to attain this
empty and vicious exactitude it has
sacrificed the substance of the pur
pose for which courts were instituted.
That purpose is the maintenance of
right between man and man. When
the Individual .yielded to society the
right to assert his private cause ty
his personal rtrength and cunning he
was promised in return all or more
than he could have gained, if he had
stood out against the bargain. To
give him a barren harvest of "exact
itude" is to keep the letter of the
promise perhaps, but certainly it is
broken in the substance. There is
more good law and practical Justice
in Sancho Panza's series of decisions
while he was Governor of his island
than there is In many a volume of
American court reports. The Arab
Cadi who hears causes as he sits on
the desert sand at his tent door and
decides them according to the in
spiration of his common sense aided
by Allah comes nearer to tne laeai
of perfect Justice fhan several su
preme benches that we could
mention.
The Central Law Journal questions
the veracity of much of the current
complaint against court technicalities.
It floes not seem to believe that
the ordinary man knows what
the word "technicality" means.
His notion of the subject Is "fed by
the chaff of aimless argument on
the part of political agitators." The
talk against technicalities is "a
quixotic attack on a fantastic wind
mill." Again, "nothing can come of
any wholesale denunciation of tech
nicalities, the only contribution of
value must be in the nature of a bill
of particulars." Now with all the
humility which beseems a layman In
dealing with the specialty of a great
and presumably a learned profession
we must say that in our modest Judg
ment the common man knows exactly
what he means when he denounces
the technicalities of the law. He
means, in fact, those tricks, those
evasions, those minute pretexts for
delay and expense which are based
on the omission of a letter or a punc
tuation mark in a writing, those sin
uosities and disingenuous maneuvers
by which lawyers make the law a
supple instrument for extortion and
wrong. When the common man
speaks of technicalities he means the
trldks. by whatever name they go
professionally, by which a murderer
iwho has confessed his guilt is made
to escape punishment. When a Su
preme Court Judge ordains that a
leather strap is not a whip, the plain
citizen declares that technicality has
taken the place of Justice. When
another supreme judge nuiiines a
conviction because the word "the"
was accidentally left out of a writing.
again the man who has no legal guide
but his common sense sees techni
cality erecting its obstructive form.
The lawyers should not lay to their
souls the balmy consolation that the
common man does "not understand
the meaning of "technicality." At
any rate, he assigns to it a perfectly
definite and entirely hateful meaning,
even if the profession understands
something else by it. And it Is this
hateful, obstructive, wrongful thing
which the plain citizen .desires to ban
ish from the courts of Justice. He
wants the law to go directly and
honestly to its end. He wants
cases aeciaea on iur iiitrins aim
without expensive tergiversations and
sinuosities.
Nor is it true that the common no
tion of . technicalities nas Deen in
spired by politicians or that the prev
alent objection to them is anything
like an attack on windmills. The
ordinary citizen has learned what
technicalities are from long and cost
ly experience, and in attacking them
he knows perfectly well that he as
sails the worst enemy that orderly
civilization has in our time. The
scholastic technicalities which rule
the courts would destroy the courts
if they were not checked, and the
plain citizen instinctively feels that
this would bring anarchy upon him.
Hence he demands reform and in the
end he will get it in spite of the
obstructive efforts of some of the
lawyers.
TEACHERS' ANNUITIES.
The effort that is being made to se
cure to teachers of the public schools
an annuity fund of $500 after service
of thirty years in tbe public schools
13 being urged with much earnestness
in some educational quarters, and es
pecially among and by teachers who
are growing toward middle age.
It is a .fact iwell known that public
schoolteachers,- except in relatively
few instances, receive salaries for but
ten months in the year, upon which
they are compelled to live for the en
tire twelve months; it is also well
known that very many teachers who
continue long In the service nave otn-
fvT . . .v. A t lipeo re almost never used in reading mat
that to maintain themselves and these . , , . ,
in lodgings among people who are
congenial and up to their simple so
cial standing requires careful, pains
taking economy. Naturally the sav
ings of these teachers are little or
nothing. Their investments are usually
of the most unproductive kind, being
necessarily on the installment plan,
which eats up in interest their small
margins. They are, moreover", shad
owed by a constant menace of sickness
or loss of position. There are excep
tions, it is true, but this is the general
rule and hence the anxiety of those
grown old or who are growing old in
the work for an assurance of shejter
and subsistence in their coming re
tirement. x The plan as elaborated asks that
two per cent of the irreducible school
fund of the state be segregated for
this purpose; that each teacher in the
beneficiary' list (which is optional)
pay into the fund one dollar per
month for the first ten years of serv
ice; two dollars per month for the
second and three dollars a month for
the third period. When thirty years'
service has expired, each contributor
to the fund is eligible to retirement
upon an annuity of $500.
. The scheme of which this is a brief
outline has been elaborated with con
siderable painstaking, and its success
is very close to the hearts of many
women, the best years of whose lives
have been spent In the teachers' voca
tion, and who are approaching the
age of retirement with trepidation,
from a material point of view. The
plan for the retirement of these faith
ful, weary public servants upon an an
nuity that will suffice to make com
fortable their later and latest years
is worthy of careful consideration. It
will be noted that a teacher, when she
becomes a full beneficiary of the
fund, will have paid into it $600; that
the state is asked to pay 6ut two per
cent of the irreducible school fund to
an endowment fund from which these
annuities are to be drawn, and that
contribution to the fund, thereby en
titling a teacher to the annuity, is not
obligatory upon any one. An effort
will be made to induce 500 teachers of
the public school corps in this city to
Join in the undertaking.
The plan Is upon the' whole a feas
ible and worthy one. -
LET FELS FIRST REFORM HIMSELF.
Mr. Fels, rich soap capitalist, "wage
slaver," protective tariff "baron," is
following his "big sack" to Oregon to
continue the "good work" for single
tax. His followers say he spent $16,
000 in this stata last Fall nromoHnir
his "reform," and they gleefully ihink
their over-rich patron will make an
other big allowance for the "next bat
tle." Mr. Fels adheres to a tax doctrine
that would strip landowners of their
possessions and bestow this property
upon "all of the people." He needs to
be reminded that there is kindred doc
trine that would strip capitalists,
manufacturers and all rich men' of
their profits and wealth and bestow
them upon all the people the doctrine
of socialism.
Here is a reform brother, grown rich
out of a system of so-called "wage
slavery" and tariff spoils. He has "ex
ploited" the cleanly needs of the peo
ple and .the labor of his employes to
make himself overplus wealth. He
has worked the capitalist system to a
finish also against producers of the
raw products (Which he uses In his
soap.
Meanwhile tens of thousands of
hard-working and honest persons in
Oregon have been toiling and strug
gling to improve their acres in the
country and their lots In the city, hop
ing that the "increment" would , be
theirs for reward and for old age.
But now comes this "reformer,"
plethoric with wealth, - acquired
through sharp wits and special privi
lege, telling these citizens of Oregon
they are not entitled to own this in
crement for their own and that they
should give it up for benefit of the
thriftless.
It would be more honest and con
sistent for this soap baron to let these
hard-working people of Oregon keep
what they have striven for and himself
to give up to producers and consumers
what he is roling up In excess profits.
It may be set down that before land
shall be "socialized" the processes of
production and distribution will so be
treated first. This means that the
business of making soap will belong to
all the people before the toilsome fruits
of clearing land, fencing, draining and
otherwise improving It; of paving
streets, building sidewalks and sewers
and paying taxes year after year for
support of devouring officialdom.
Mr. Fels has got the cart before the
horse. The people of Oregon do not
need reforming so much as he himself.
But he has money to spend on his
hobby and recipient politicians in this
state regard him as welcome benefac
tor. "SOLON" AND THE HEAD WRITER.
Comment on, the use of the word
"solon" Is the inspiration of a letter
written to The Oregonian by Mr. J.
W. Crew, who suggests that Portland
newspapers are old-fashioned.
"You ask In an editorial," says Mr.
Crew, " 'Why should members of the
Legislature always be called solons?'
They certainly should not. Tou hint
as mrfch. Then why, oh, why, do the
Portland papers keep on calling them
that?"
Mr. Crew, we infer, has not often
attempted to make an intelligible sen
tence with fifteen letters and spaces.
He knows nothing of the exigencies in
technical construction of modern
newspapers. Readers of newspapers
demand that the main features of the
news be presented succinctly in large i
type at the Jieads of columns. Columns
cannot be widened to get in long words,
and type cannot be contracted to meet
the needs of every article. Hence a
vocabulary of word contractions, short
synonyms and abreviated appella
tions is a requirement of the headline
writer.
Almost without doubt, some of the
most unapproprlate terms In use by
newspapers today are kept alive by
the necessities of the "copy desk,"
where headlines are written.
"Legislator" has just twice as many
letters as "solon." The (word "Law
maker" is shorter than "legislator,"
but at times it is impossible to get
either into a headline. Some years
ago the name "Theodore Roosevelt"
was the bane of the headline writer.
"Teddy" was the contraction for a
while, but it savored too much of fa
miliarity when applied to the Presi
dent of the United States. Finally
some genius on the copy desk hit on
the letters "T. R." It was a happy
thought. Everybody now knows who
is meant when the headline tells that
T. R. did this or that. The initials
ter referring to the ex-President. It
Is a headline appellation, not extreme
ly dignified, perhaps, but not derisive.
No one yet has evolved a satisfac
tory substitute for the word "Thanks
giving." In the latter part of Novem
ber, every year, the headline writer
is confronted by this almost impos
slble head word, and he always has
something to be thankful for when the
day is well passed. The survival of
the odious "Xmas" as a way of spell
ing unristmas can bo charged in
part to thg newspaper headlin
writer.
Numerous other examples of ques
tionable uso of words In news head-
ings might be cited, but enough has
been told to explain the use of the
word "solon" in designation of a mem
ber- of the Legislature, a representa
tive in Congress or a City Councilman
Truly it is a poorly applied term, bu
observation will show that it is rarely
used in the narrative of the doings o
lawmakers as found in the body o
the newspaper.
One thing which should furnish
food for thought by Senator Kellaher
and others who insist that the Legis
lature shall give an unqualified in
dorsement of the Oregon plan of gov
ernment was said by Theodore Roose
velt In his editorial in The Outlook
for January 21. The particular state
ment by the . ex-President was not
quoted in the extracts given in The
Oregonian Saturday, , but follows:
On the other hand, the advocate, of the
initiative and referendum should. In their
turn, remember that those measures are in
themselves merely means and not ends
that their success or failure is to be Ue
termlned not on a priori reasoning but by
actually testing now tney worK uiyler vary
ing conditions: and. above all. that It is
foolish to treat these or any other devices
for obtaining good government and popu
lar rule as Justifying sweeping condemna
tion of all men and communities where
other governmental methods are preferred.
"Lese majeste" is, it seems, pun
ishable by fine and imprisonment in
Seattle, the same as in Berlin. An ar
dent socialist who cursed the name of
Taft, adding: "Where I came from
they kill such tyrants, was sen
tenced to fifteen days in Jail in that
city a day or two ago, a sentence that
was commuted later to a fine of 910
Measures of this Jtind, if applied to
the right persons, might have saved
the lives of two of our Presidents who
were slain by anarchists for no reason
except that they were at the time at
the head of the Government.
Idaho is the potato state, with the
record of 645 bushels to the acre. This
tremendous yield was produced in
competition for the prize offered by
the Oregon Shot Line, on a tract in
the Twin Falls district. The state
ment that the rows were 33 inches
apart, with nine inches between the
hills, figures down to about two quarts
of potatoes to the hill. Many men in
Oregon can get as good a yield, only
they do not.
It would be worth while to go to
Oregon City today just to see the Wil
lamette Falls in the glory of which
they were shorn by the demands
made upon them by applied elec
tricity. Not once a year, nor once In
many years, do the waters of Beauti
ful Willamette have a chance thus to
disport themselves in the grandeur of
the days of old.
If the "Oregon method" is "best
on earth" because Bourne holds the
highest office, then the proof is a
poor one to boast of. Whatever di
vergence of opinion there may be on
the "Oregon method," there is no
doubt about the scrubby fruits in se
lection of United States Senator.
"Jackson" Democrats in Baltimore
and in Portland failed to agree on
"protective" tariff. So it has always
been, nor is there prospect it will soon
be different. However, it devolves
upon the new political winners to
show the people a way out of tariff
discontent. That Is what they prom
ised. What literary and musical supreme
court arrogates the power to decide
which twenty-five words in the Eng
lish language are the most beautiful?
In a list that won a prize of a New
Tork branch. T. M. C. A., conspicuous
by their absence,' were the words
"beauty" and "mother."-
If Congress turns down San Fran
cisco's claim to National recognition
for the Panama Canal fair, it will
arouse every red-blooded man on the
Pacific Coast into active partisanship
on behalf of the Bay City enterprise.
New Orleans had one world's fair
and made a good showing- consider
ing the time and place. It will be em
inently Just and fitting to let San
Francisco take her turn when the Pan
ama Canal is opened.
When the financial features are ar
ranged in advance so that lawyers can
not smash the deal, marriage to act
ors of loose morals is sometimes very
profitable. x
Still it may be doubted whether the
lower rate will conduce to more rest
ful sleep' on lumpy mattresses in the
lower or springs in the upper berths.
What's this? All the express com
panies in the country joining in pro
posed reduction of rates? Do they
read the handwriting on the wall?
Not California alone, but the whole
Pacific X!oast to -a man, asks Con
gress to recognize the Panama fair
at San Francisco.
Punished by being fined $T0 for
cursing President Taft, does not put
that Seattle Socialist into the ranks, of
martyr ,
TOPICAL VERSE
A Hobble Psalm.
Tell me not in "mournful mumbles,
Hobble skirts are here to stay;
For the maid, each time she stumbles,
Vows she'll throw the thing away.
Judge.
Between Seasons. '
Now goes the final welcome guest,
And mortal man J
Gets time to take a little rest
In Jan. 1
Before a fire that brightly gleams
The loyal fan
Reposing dreams his pennant dreams
In Jan.
.In Spring we plant: in Fall we reap.
So runs life s plan.
We only get a chance to sleep
In Jan. 1
No thoughts of toil may now Intrude,
All cares we ban.
Enjoy a pleasant interlude - i
In Jan.
Washington, D. C, Herald.
A Boy's Wants.
Man wants but little here below.
His pleasures never cloy: '
But many are the things that go .
To satisfy a boy.
He wants a turtle and a knife,
A fiddle and a goat,
A kit of tools, a squeaky fife,
A rasor and a boat.
j
He wants a jerky printing press,
A gun that loudly pops, 1
A million tin tags, more or less,
And seven pecks of tops.
Man easily acquires enough
To yield him endless Joy,
But it does take a lot of stuff
To satisfy a boy.
Exchange.
An Offended Sense of Humor.
Of all the tiresome people In a world
which at its best
Has trouble in evolving things that
really Interest,
The worst is one who takes his pen in
hand to boldly write
Some words that long ago became fa
miliar to my sight
Occasionally he adopts the laziest of
ways
And works a rubber stamp to circulate
his favorite phrase.
He never seems to realize that it is time
to quit;
He exhausts his sense of humor on the
sentence, "Please remit!."
I've listened to the stories that they've
told for years and years;
I know just when to laugh; I do not
have to use my ears.
I love the gentle anecdotes, all of them
far from new;
The gay comedian's repartee l patiently
pursue. ,
Some of the quips that reappear in
prose as well as rhyme.
Grow closer to affection with the ruth
less hand of time.
But I wlsh someone would tell him
that the lowest form of wit
Is that feeble, played-out epigram, his
constant "Please remit."
Washington, L. C, Star.
A Microbe's Serenade.
A lovelorn microbe met by chance ,
At a swagger bacteroidul dance
A proud bacillian belle, and she
Was first of the antmalculaa
Or organism saccharine.
She was the protoplasmic queen.
The microscopical pride and pet
Of the biological smartest set.
And so this infinitesimal swain
Evolved a pleading low refrain:
"O lovely metamorphlc germ.
What futile scientific term
Can well describe your many charms?
Come to these embryonic arms,
Then hie away to my cellular home
And be my little diatom!"
His epithelium burned with love,
He swore by molecules aoove
She'd be his own precarious mate.
Or else he would disintegrate.
This amorous mite of a parasite
Pursued the germ both day ana nignt.
And 'neath her window often piayea
This Darwin-Huxley serenade
He'd warble to her every day
This rhizopodical roundelay:
"O most primordial type of spore,
I never met your like before.
And though a microbe has no heart.
From you sweet germ, I'll never part.
We'll sit beneath some fungus growth
Till dissolution claims us both!"
George Ade, In New York Sun.
On tins Way Home.
S'posin' you do stub yo' toe,
Emmie
Lou
'T ain't .nothin' if you do!
T ain't no use to yell like you
1 nought 'at it would come
two!
in
Goodness me! If I wuz you
I'd laugh an' 'is say -foo-.
'T ain't nothln'!
S'posin' you do see a cow what hollers
"Moo!"
'T ain't nothln' if she do!
T ain't no use to run like you
Wuz mo scared to aeatn. &ay
"Shoo!" ,
That' 's the way I alius do
Stan' right still ana nouer
"Shoo!"-
"T ain't nothin'!
S'posjn' you do hear a lion, cmmia
J-.OU ,
'T ain't nothin' real-for-true!
Jist a shadder! Gee! I shu
eard sumptn then, hmmia
Lou. d-dldn't you?
L-l-less try and see which one
C-can beat: Lome on, i-ies
run!
'T-t-t ain't nothin'!
i Lippincott's.
Handicapped.
The people in the flat next door
Are kindly, but
They harbor that, decided bore,
A barking mutt. f
Rut little neace arc we enjoying;
A barking dog is most annoying. '
The rules forbid it, as they know;
So says the lease.
If we complained, he'd have to go.
And we'd set peace.
The landlord would uphold us, maybe.
But we can't kick: we have a baby.
Louisville Courier-journal.
A Sequestrated Rosary.
The hours I spent with you, dear heart.
Were like a string ot pearls to me
That's corralled by the Custom House
And made to pay tlie duty see.',
Town Topics.
The Gum-Shoe Artist.
The gum shoe man all softly goes.
He never treads on people's toes;
And he turns up, you must agree.
Where no one ever thought he'd be.
And when he finds he's out of place
His footsteps soft he must retrace.
No constant goal is his to win.
He gum shoes out as he came in.
A little while, perchance, he'll stand
On lofty heights and view the land.
But soon upon his sight must dawn
The admonition stern, "Move on.
The man who plants his banner fair
Aloft and cries defiance there
May hold a place. But nothing can
Be certain for the gum shoe man.
i Washington, D. C, Star,