43
THE SUNDAY OEEGOMAX. PORTLAND, MAY 6, 1906.
.
Franklin P. Rice in the Worcester Magazine.
THE. circumstances'" attending the ef
fort of Oregon to attain statehood,
ani i'-T success, ' form one of the
most Interesting episodes' in the political
history of the country. Strangely, an
event which stirred .the public mind so
deeply and was the subject of general
commrnt at the time, a narrative In de
tail of which furnishes so much curious
Information with regard to the first
strictly partisan demonstration by the
Republican Representatives In Congress,
has been overlooked. Ignored or slightly
treated by -historians and political writ
ers. Even In works which refer especially
to Oregon, nothing more than mere men
tion that the state was admitted to the
Union appears. A full account has never
been given, and the facts are to be found
only in the pages of the Congressional
Globe and in the files of the newspapers
of that period. .
A particular interest attaches locally
1o this matter. But for the prompt and
determined action of the Representative
In Congress from the Worcester district
in 1859, Oregon would not have been ad
mitted as. state at that time; would not
have been represented in the National
Republican- Convention of 1860, in which
her delegates had an Important If not
controlling part in the nomination of
Abraham Lincoln; would not have cast
her electoral vote for Lincoln in the en
Suing election, or formed one In the
phalanx of Vyal states during the Civil
AVar; and, according to Governor Cham
berlain, In his address on Massachusetts
day .at the Lewis and Clark Exposition,
Oregon might not have been admitted to
rhe Union until tlSSS. ' Later Governor
Chamberlain wrote: "I sincerely trust
that every man, woman and child In the
Slate of Oregon may learn how deeply
they are Indebted to Eli Thayer, and that
his memory may serve to-stimulate the
present generation to higher and nobler
ambitions."
The consummation of ..s purpose of
injustice ifowards a worthy and enterpris
ing community would have carried with
It a greater and as lasting reproach to
the Republican party as that which rests
upon xthp Democratic party for so long
keeping Kansas out of the Union. For
tunately, the new party was saved that
dishonor, and today, no one with a clear
knowledge of the circumstances ' doubts
that KM Thayer was right in combating
n policy so mistaken and mischievous. Yet
no other act ot ms public life brought
upon him as sharp condemnation from a
large portion of his constituency, and the
body or his political associates in the
House of Representatives, as this; and
it tuay be added that no other experience
of his Congressional service gave him
' greater satisfaction in his later years.
Faulty Constitution. v
Organized as a territory in 1&4S, and
with the example of California, with an
independent local government in opera
tion, it is not strange that Oregon was
Impatient for a condition of equality, and
that a strong desire was cherished by her
inhabitants to become tne second of the
great Pacific commonwealths at . the
. earliest moment that Congress could be
t . influenced to admit her into the Union
as a slate. The outcome of this desire
snd effort was the- passage by the House
of Representatives f we 34th Congress,
in lis last session (1857), oi an act author-
- 1lng the people of Oregon to form a
state constitution, but the bill did not
reach the Senate before the final adjourn
ment of that Congress. A constitution
was. however, adopted by a convention.
- and this was ratified by the vote of the
qualified citizens of the territory. This
document assured a republican form of
' government in accordance with the Con
stitution of the United States, and proT
hlbited slavery, but it contained certain'
provisions excluding negroes and mulat
toes from the state and depriving them
of the right to bring or maintain suits
in its courts, and other objectionable
clauses, which were In conflict with the
sentiment and practice of some other por
tions of the country, 'i he restrictions
upon ' persons of color had been allowed
as a comromlse with a large element. In
Oregon that would favor a free state
government if negroes were excluded en
tirely, but would vote to have a slave
state If they were to be allowed there.
The vote in favor of this policy was 8640
and Rgalnst it 10S1. "ivin.ny of those who
voted for exclusion of free negroes were
at heart opposed to the policy, but it was
considered necessary to throw this tub
1o the whale of the pro-slavery party to
secure the success of the free state clause
of this constitution," said the Hon.
Oeorge II. Williams, In his address at
the -Wth anniversary of tne admission
of the state. The negro exclusion clause
still remains in the constitution of Ore
gon, and a recent attempt to expunge it
failed, showing that the sentiment on the
subject of negro equality has not changed
In that locality In w years. This clause
is. of course, inoperative under the
amendments to the Constitution of the
United States. In ISM this sentiment was
. In accordance with that of the people of
. Indiana and Illinois, in which states it
.was enforced by stringent regulations.
. Not a Strict Party Question.
During the first session of the 3oth Con
gress a bill to admit Oregon, with the
constitution above referreu to, was pre
sented by the committee on territories
of the Senate, and was brought to its
passage in that body on the 19th of May,
ISiS. by a vole of 36 to IT. with ten Sen
ators absent or not voting. Jileven Re
publican Senators voted with the ma
' Jorlty, and six Fessenden, Hale. Hamlin.
Durkee, Trumbull and ' Wade voted
against admission. But with these lat
ter in opposition we find Jefferson Davis.
Jo Dies H. Hammond. Alfred Iverson and
James M. Mason; while foremost In ad-
- ' vocacy of the measure, although he ex
pressed his disapproval of the negro ex
clusion clause in the Oregon constitu
tion, was William H. Seward; and he
was sustained by ten Republicans who
followed his lead Cameron. Chandler,
I'ollamer. Dixon. Dooliltle, Foot, Foster.
Harlan. King and Simmons. ' Charles
Sumner was absent on account of dls
. ability, and Henry Wilson, as he after
wards told Mr.- Thayer, not wishing to
vote either for or against admission,
walked Into the cloak room. Mr. Wilson
had previously characterized negro ex
clusion as inhuman, unchristian and un
worthy of a free state, but he evidently
was-not sufficiently Impressed with this
feeling to vote- in accordance with it. The
only other Republican absentee was Daniel-Clark,
of New Hampshire.
It is thus clearly Indicated that the ad
mission of - Oregon was not at first re
garded as a strictly party question, and
it probably did not become such until,
at the beginning of the next session, it
was discovered that the administration
forcea in the House could not command
- - their usual strength in its support. It
became known that a certain number of
Democrats of extreme Southern senti
ment who opposed the erection of any
more Northern States would vote against
the bill. This gave advantage for once
to the minority, and the Republican man
agers were quick to see and avail them
selves of an opportunity to not only re
taliate upon the Democrats for the
wrongs In Kansas, but also to exhibit the
party strength and discipline. This in
tention was thwarted by Mr. Thayer.
There was a contingent of Republicans
which, with the feeling that Oregon was
likely to be a Democratic state, and the
apprehension that its representatives in
the next House might decide the question
of the Presidency in 1860, in case of fail
ure to elect in the usual way, would vote
against its admission; and , there were
several with, the absurd fear that it might
become a slave state. Mr. Thayer had
no sympathy with these sentiments, and
believed it to be the duty of a represent
ative of the sovereignty of a great peo
ple to vote according to the implication
of the provisions made for such instances
without reference to " the political ten
dencies of the state to be admitted. But
he believed that Oregon would become a
Republican state, especially If it should
be admitted by Republican votes; and he
had no fear whatever that slavery would
be established there or in any otfier place
where it did not exist, convinced as he
was that the institution had received its
death blow In the Kansas struggle. .In
this he proved a true prophet, for, al
though Oregon was admitted in the face
of Republican opposition and predictions.
It soon became Republican, and has with
few exceptions remained so.
Their sense of justice with regard to
Oregon's right to' enter the Union opera
ted strongly wlth both Mr. Seward and
Mr. Thayer in Influencing their action end
vote; and in this the difference between
statesmanship and mere politics was dem
onstrated. Aside from this, however, a
stronger motive was apparent in the gain
ing of another free state, an advantage
vastly more important at that juncture
than the recognition of an abstraction, as
negro equality in that Instance turned
out to be; or a temporary triumph over
political opponents. Thayer and Seward
stood upon precisely the same ground in
regard to this matter, but while the Mas
sachusetts politicians had no censure for
the New York statesman, who was their
favorite Presidential candidate, they bit
terly denounced Thayer for his success
ful revolt against party discipline, and his
Oregon vote was one of the principal
causes, of his defeat in November 1860.
Horace Greeley's Adverse Influence.
Early In January, 1859, Alexander H.
Stephens, chairman of the committee on
territories in the House, announced that
he had the bill for the admission of Ore
gon ready to be reported. In the issue
of the New York Tribune of January 11
the policy of the Republicans In the
House under the peculiar circumstances
of the case was indicated and rwas sub
stantially followed as it developed. . It
would appear that Mr. Greeley and
others, leaders of opinion in the party,
had formulated this course, and expected
thereby to compel the Democratic ma
jority to recede, or In some way to yield,
In the matter of the restrictions upon the
admission of Kansas; or. failing in this,
they would be able at least to punish
their opponents and the administration by
applying the power of the Republican or
ganization in a way that would be felt.
So the dictum went out that the minor
ity in the House, now having its first op
portunity to control, was to act aa a unit
and vote to' a man against the admission
of the new state. Mr. Thayer had early
Intimation of this, and it aroused in him
that spirit of resistance to partisan dic
tation which he so fully manifested from
that time. He resolved to take his own
course in what he regarded the right
direction, and to abide the consequences,
whatever they might be.
Bvery effort was now put forth and all
possible pressure exerted by those inter
ested to enforce party discipline, creating
a condition in the new organization with
which its members had not been familiar.
Horace Greeley and Thurlow Weed ap
peared in Washington, though not to
gether, to use their influence and persuas
ion with the Congressmen, and, in con
nection with the arguments and implora
tion of Mr. Greeley, was the Implication
that the censure of the influential journal
of which he was the editor would fall
upon those who should have the temerity
to oppose Its direction.
Thayer's Personal Efforts.
In a statement to the writer Mr. Thayer
said in regard to the caucus action:
"I protested against this policy, saying
that Oregon had been a territory for ten
years, that the House had passed an
enabling act with which she had com
plied, and that the Senate had voted to
admit her with the aid of Republican
votes: that she now asks admission into
the Union as a state, presenting for our
acceptance a free-state constitution. That
I would not be bound by the decision of
the caucus: that I was strongly in favor
of the admission of the new state, and
that I should work for It, and induce
other members of the party to vote for it,
but that I should vote in favor of It even
if no other Republican could be found to
do so. '
"As soon as the caucus was over I
went to Mr. Stephens and told him that
I would work night and day in favor of
his report. He was much pleased with
the promise of my support.
"I began at once to urge upon Republic
ans the duty and good policy of admitting
Oregon. By persistent effort I secured
sixteen who promised to vote for admis
sion, and should have had others, but
Greeley nd Weed frightened some of
these away and weakened my support.
But on the day of the vote we retained
fifteen, who. with the Democrats, were
able to admit the state by a majority of
eleven.
"On the day of the passage of the bill
I gave my reasons very fully for the
course I had pursued. It was well known
at that time that it was due to my work
that Oregon became a state, and for a
few days I was roundly abused by some
of the inferior Republican journals and
the Tribune. Soon, however, under the
lead of the New York Evening Post and
the National Era, nearly all the Repub
lican papers defended my position. ,
"Among those whose confidence in their
own judgment Greeley had seriously im
paired was Schuyler Colfax, who re
mained undecided to the day of voting.
That morning I walked to the Capitol
with him. On the way he said: 'I was
never In such perplexity about my duty
as I am in this Oregon matter.' We
were just then passing the office of the
National Era. and I suggested that he
get Dr. Bailey's opinion. Accordingly we
went in, and he eald: 'Dr. Bailey, I do
not know what to do about Oregon.
Thayer wants me to vote for admission,
while Greeley is just as earnest the other
way. Now I have come to you for a de
cision. I shall vote upon this question as
you advise.' Bailey at once replied: 'Vote
with Thayer, for he is right.' We pro
ceeded to the Capitol and Mr. Colfax
cast his vote In favor of the bill.
"I had felt sure of John Sherman's
vote, but he did not appear In the House
at all that day, and so did not vote either
way."
Why Republicans Opposed.
The grounds of Republican opposition
to the Oregon constitution. In addition
to those above stated, were that aliens
not naturalized but who had made oath
of their intention to become citizens were
allowed to vote (certain Democrats joined
in this objection) ; that the population
was less than the number required In a
representative district In other states, and
that the English bill made an invidious
distinction in requiring that Kansas
should' wait until such number was
reached. These were public reasons upon
which to make speeches .for the ears -of
the country. But the private reason
which had much greater weight with
many Republican members, was, as Mr.
Thayer discovered, the fear that Oregon
? Our Debt to a Wise and Braye Massachusetts
Congressman for Early
would be a Democratic state and would
increase the majority of that party in
Congress "a very silly reason." he said,
"but most silly for Republicans, as the
result has shown. ..Had. this reason pre
vailed if. would have .been even more pow
erful In the Thirty-sixth Congress, and
Oregon would not have been represented
In the Chicago Convention in 1860."
The debate began on the 10th of Feb
ruary, and was participated in by
Messrs. Davis of Indiana. Maynard of
Tennessee, Bingham of Ohio. Hughes of
Indiana. Grow of Pennsylvania and
others. Mr. Grow presented the minor
ity report, and this contained the burden
of Republican opposition. The debate
was resumed the next day.' Mr. Clark,
of Missouri, advocated the right of every
State to confer the privilege of suffrage
on whom she pleased. New York re
quired a negro to be worth $250 before
he could vote, but any white man could
vote.
Mr.- Lane, the delegate from Oregon,
said if she were kept out now she might
remain with only one representative
until her population was 300,000.
Mr. Dawes, of Massachusetts, said that
his objections were in the Oregon consti
tution, which was not only not Republi
can, but was not a free constitution.
He concluded:
"I cannot be driven from my opposi
tion because there are other provisions
of this constitution which incline some
to call It a free State, or because If I re
mand it back to a territorial government
under the Dred Scott decision, slavery
exists there. I demand something more
than a free State in name. I want the
reality. If slavery exists in Oregon
while a territory it is because the people
want it, and If they ' want it,', they will
make it a slave State in name as in fact
within a twelvemonth if admitted.
"I speak for no individual but myself,
and for no" constituency but my own.
I think I know their sentiments: and
should I vote for this bill, I should ex
pect to be burnt In efngy at every cioss
road In my district.. I do not intend to
disappoint, in this respect, the just ex
pectations of those who sent me here."
Thayer'sPowerful Speech.
None of the reasons or arguments of
those who opposed the bill to admit Ore
gon had weight with the Representative
from the Worcester district; some of
them he considered unworthy of a great
reform party which the Republicans
claimed to be. But he did not question
the honesty of those who were governed
by them, and exhibited more charity to
ward those from whom he differed than
they extended to him. His argument was
presented with his usual clearness, and
force. Some parts of his speech are
here given.
"Mr. Speaker: My colleague , (Mr.
Dawes), who has just addressed - the
House, Is unable to see how an honest
Representative of the State of Massachu
setts can vote for the admission of Ore
gon. Well, in the exercise of charity, I
can see how a Massachusetts Represent
ative both honest and-patriotic, can vote
against the admission of Oregon. He
can do it by not comprehending the ques
tion, or he may do it in obedience to
party dictation. I will now show my
colleague how an honest Representative
can vote for the -admission, if he will lis
ten to my argument and the 'reasons
which I shall give' In defense of my posi
tion. i.
"Mr. Speaker, I think this is a strange
necessity that compels the Northern Rep
resentatives upon this floor to give their
reasons for their i-otes for the admission
of another free state into this confed-
eracy. Bir, i snail vote lor tne admission
of the State of Oregon without hesita
tion, without reluctance, and without re
serve. So far as my vote and my voice
can go, I would extend to her such a wel
come as becomes her history, as becomes
her promise for the future, and such as
becomes our-own high renown for Jus
tice and magnanimity, a welcome not
based on " contemptible political, calcula
tion, or still more contemptible- partisan
expediency; but such a welcome1 as sym
pathy and friendship and patriotism
should extend to another new state; such,
sir, as becomes the birthday of a nation.
"This people comes before us in accord
ance wth the forms of law, and upon the
Invitation of this House; and it is too
late to apply a party test upon this ques
tion. On the 19th of May last a vote
was taken in the Senate upon the admis
sion of Oregon, and 11 Republican Sen
ators voted for her admission, while six
Republican Senators only voted against
her admission; and, sir, I have not heard
of any attempt, on the part of the six
Senators who voted for the rejection of
Oregon, to read out of the Republican
party the 11 Senators who voted for her
admission-; and even if that attempt is
now to be made, we will see whether it
Is in the power of a minority to read a
majority out of the party."
After a tribute to the courage, enter
prise and sterling qualities of the early
settlers and the people of Oregon, he con
tinued: "In the territory they have established
our free institutions. There." sir, strong
and 4cep, they have laid the foundations
of a free state, and they come here, like
the wise men of the East, not asking
gifts, but bringing gifts. What do they
bring? Why, sir, the trophies of their
own labor, the evidences of their own
worth. They present schools, churches
and workshops. . , And what are we
doinj? here? Why, sir, quibbling about
things which are comparatively unes
sential, and which pertain exclusii-ely
to the people of Oregon, and not to
us or our duties here; quibbling about
points which, if New York or Massa
chusetts were In the place of Oregon,
would secure some votes on this side
of the House against their admission.
Massachusetts, . which you know, sir,
I never defend anywhere, even Massa
chusetts does not allow the negro to
be enrolled in Tier militia,
"What law of reformation is this? It
is the pharasaical law of distance, dis
trust and derision. It is not the Chris
tian law of contact, confidence and com.
munion. The Pharisees denounced the
founder of Christianity as 'the friend
of publicans and sinners.' That class
would repel all who do not agree with
them to the fullest extent. Shall we
pursue a similar course in relation to
the people of Oregon? Is it wise to do
so? Is- it expedient to reject their ap
plication on such grounds?
"What objections do Republicans pre
sent to this application? They say
there is not sufficient population, and
they claim that it is their mission to
see that the Democratic party shall re
cover its consistency. At whose ex
pense? At the expense of the consist
ency of the Republican party. I submit
that It is better for the Republican
party to preserve for Itself the consist
ency which it possesses rather than
attempt to recover for the Democratic
party the consistency which it has
lost.
"The Republican party in the House,
without one exception, so far as I
know. Voted for the enabling act, in
viting Oregon to come here with a
constitution to be admitted a8 a state.
I have no disposition, and there is no
need, to inquire here what is the
population of Oregon; for, as a Repub
lican, I um pledged to no rule on this
subject. 1 opposed, as did my colleague,
and my friends on this side of the
House, the restriction which was put
upen the territory of Kansas. We pro
tested against it then, and protest
against it now. 'We' have no sympathy
whatever with that restriction, and are
ready, at any time to give an honest
vote for fts repeal.
"Another objection is urged against
the clause in the constitution of Oregon
which excludes negroes and mulattoes
from that territory; and. In addition,
provides that they shall not bring any
suit therein. It is said that this is in
contravention of the Constitution of
the United States. This I do not admit.
But what if it is? The constitution of
the people of Oregon is not submitted
to our vote. , We cannot amend it; all
we have to do about it is to see that it
is republican in form. If it is uncon
stitutional, it is not In the power of
Congress to impart to it the least vi
tality, and it will fall by Its own
weight. But gentlemen argue here, as
if we could by our votes give life and
power to an Instrument in violation
of the Constitution of the United
States. Sir, this argument is weak and
futile.
"But, sir. this provision is no more
hostile to the United States Constitu-.
tion than are the laws of Indiana and
Illinois which exclude free negroes
from their boundaries."
Then, after detailing the reasons
which inclined the people of Oregon to
exclude negroes, he said:
"It is proved, by the official record,
that the Republican party In Oregon
combined with the Free-State Demo
cratic party sanctions and ratifies this
provision which is here called in ques
tion. What Republican, or what friend
of the free states, is justified under
these circumstances. In voting to ex
clude the people of Oregon from this
confederacy on account of this provi
sion, which is only an expedient and
not a thing for practical use?"
He then justified the clause in rela
tion to alien suffrage in consideration
of the high rate of wages for labor In
Oregon, and said it was a wise policy
to attract emigration. The Kansas ar
gument next claimed his attention.
"There is another argument that
Kansas has been excluded by the Dem
ocratic party, and that, therefore. Re
publicans ought to exclude Oregon. The
argument amounts to this: that we
should abuso Oregon because the Dem--acratic
party has abused Kansas. Now
I, for one, am content that the record
of the Republicans in respect to Ore
gon should be better than the record of
the Democrats in respect to Kan
sas." ...
He quoted Senator Seward's remarks
at the close of his speech in favor of
the admission of Oregon, made In the
Senate the previous May, as follows:
"It seems to me, therefore, to be trifling
with the State of Oregon, trifling with the
people of that community, and to be un
necessary, and calculated to produce an
unfavorable Impression on the public
mind, in regard to the consistency of the
policy of admitting states into the Union,
to delay or deny this application. For
one, sir. I think that the sooner a terri
tory emerges from its provincial condi
tion, the better; the sooner the people are
left to manage their own affairs, and ad
mitted to participation in the responsibili
ties of the Government, the more vigor
ous the states which these people will
form will be. I trust, therefore, that the
question will be taken, and that the state
will be admitted without delay."
In reference to the characterization of
the people of Oregon as inferior, by the
Republicans, Mr. Thayer said:
"They may be inferior to us In educa
tion, in refinement and in etiquette; they
may not appear as well in the drawing
room as some of our Eastern exquisites:
but in the sturdy virtues of honesty, of
fidelity, of industry and of endurance they
are above the average of the people of
this Confederacy. They have my sym
pathy, and never will I oppress them by
my vote or my voice.
"You may send them away from the
doors of the Capitol, but they will go
thinking less of you. and less subject
thereafter to your Influence. They may
come again with a hypocritical constitu
tion, trusting to effect by statute law
what you would not allow in organic law.
They may not come at all, or they may
come with a constitution tolerating sla
very. Discouraged and repulsed by north
ern votes, finding no sympathy where they
had most right to expect it, they might
not be able longer to resist the slave
state party in the territory, acting under
the Dred Scott decision. Is it not right,
therefore, for the lovers of freedom to
advocate the immediate transition of Ore
gon from the condition of a territory in
which slavery is lawful to the condition
of a state In which It Is forbidden? Which
do we choose, a slave territory or a free
state?
"By this act which I now advocate we
shall bind firmly to the old states, by
indissoluble bonds, the remotest portions
of our possessions."
He closed with a strong protest against
nonresident control; and he emphasized
the' value, importance and permanency
of the Union, declaring that It was and
would be.
Greeley's Strictures.
A writer of that period says:
"With the promulgation of this liberal
and statesmanlike speech, which was
characterized by all its author's usual en
ergy, clearness and practical force, was
opened upon him an opposition by a por
tion of the press of his own party, that
has not ceased till the present time (1860.
It is against these very assaults that he
is defending .himself today. Oregon was
admitted by the votes of 15 Republicans
in the House of Representatives, Ell Thay
er leading the column." -
Mr. Greeley, who had set his heart on
the defeat of the Oregon bill, was In
censed at the result, and under the Irri
tation induced by it, expressed himself
In the Tribune of February 14 as follows:
"We hold that the great body of Re
publicans voted Just right on this ques
tion, and of course that the 15 who separ
ated from, opposed and defeated them, did
a grievous wrong. . . If Oregon in 1860,
unbalanced by Kansas, shall' elect a pro
slavery president, then woe to those Re
publicans whose votes shall have enabled
her to do so. It is said that Oregon is a
free State, but it would vote for pro
slavery Interests. By the express terms
of the constitution (of Oregon), any of
Mr. Eli- Thayer's, constituents and sup
porters guilty of having African blood
in his veins who should visit Oregon with
intent to settle therein, is guilty of a
grave offense against the majesty of that
State, and will be treated like an outlaw
and a felon. . . . That' border ruffian
Democrats should sanction and give effect
to such cruel Injustice is but natural; that
a few Republicans should be induced, no
matter on what specious grounds, to aid
them, is deplorable."
This was wrong-headed: the sting of
disappointment was too plain and the
personal bias too clear In these resentful
strictures to secure the support of the
other prominent Republican journals, al
though less influential ones, including
those in the Worcester district, under the
mistaken assumption that it was safe to
follow the lead of the Tribune, kept up
the attack for a few days, when, discov
ering their error, they became silent.
Mr. Greeley, whose nature, in spite of
his foibles and occasional eccentricities,
was a noble and magnanimous one. and
whose mental grasp in public matters
Statehood.
was generally comprehensive, soon re
covered his better sense, and saw if he
did not-acknowledge his mistake. As a
Bequel we find him a few months later a
fellow delegate with Mr. Thayer to rep
resent Oregon- in the National Republi
can Convention of 1860, where they both
worked in harmony to secure the nomi
nation of. Abraham Lincoln.
Comment by Influential Papers. -
The Tribune editorial drew from Dr.
Bailey the sharp reproof in the National
Era of February 27:
"Why was the Tribune silent when the
Senate passed the bill?' Why did it not
arraign the 11 Republican Senators and
admonish representatives not to follow
their example? Waiting until-Oregon Is
admitted, it passes in silence over the
first offenders In the Senate and blazes
away at the IS Republicans who only fol
lowed a nigh example. Such Intolerance
Is not' to be tolerated.- We rejoice that
Oregon is in the Union, and that it stands
there by the aid of 11 Republican Sena
tors and 15 Republican Representatives."
Dr.. Bailey further declared that while
he considered the negro exclusion clause
in the constitution of Oregon detestable,
the question should be dealt with prac
tically, and Oregon would send true rep
resentatives to -Washington after -a little
time. This proved sound prophecy.
In the New York Evening Post of Feb
ruary 14 William Cullen Bryant ex
pressed his view of the matter as fol
lows: "That different members of the Repub
lican party should have entertained dif
ferent opinions as to their duty in this
matter does not surprise us. but it seems
to us that those who voted to admit Ore
gon took a larger and more statesman
like view than those who voted to exclude
her. . . We are glad for our part that
Oregon is a State. That question Is now
taken out of the sphere of controversy,
and the way is all the clearer for the
admission of Kansas on the same' terms."
Henry J. Raymond, In the New York
Times of the same date:
"Oregon's population is, probably, not
half enough to entitle her to admission
into the Union under the principle- in
corporated into the Kansas bill last Win
ter. But the Democrats, the very men
who voted then that no State should
thereafter come Into the Union without
population enough to entitle her to a
representative, -voted now to admit Ore
gon; and the Republicans who voted then
against any such ' requisition and de
clared their purpose to pay no attention
to It, voted against the admission of
Oregon now. Mr. El Thayer and several
other Republicans had the courage and
independence to disregard the decree of
the caucus and voted for the bill."
The Springfield Republican In the issue
of February 16 printed the speeches of
Dawes and Thayer, against and for - the
Oregon bill, and in later issues, probably
greatly to Mr. Dawes' surprise, the fol
lowing appeared:
"Some Republican papers incline to be
miserable over the admission of Oregon,
and to deal savagely with the Republi
can embers of Congress who voted for it.
But we cannot sympathize with any such
feeling. . . The exclusion of Oregon, if
it could have been accomplished, would
have been a great mistake, on any other
grounds than the application to her of
the same rule which was applied to Kan
sas at the last session.
"The anti-negro articles in the Oregon
constitution do not differ substantially
from the provisions in several of the
Western States' constitutions. (There
was a negro exclusion clause In the To
peka, Kansas, .constitution for which the
Republicans in the House voted the pre
vious session.)
"Those who voted for the admission
simply declared the constitution Repub
lican In form, and containing no pro
vision violative of the Federal constitu
tion. Wo do not hesitate to say that this
is as far as Congress has a right to go in
the matter.
"Some of our Republican friends ob
ject to this broad doctrine of state
sovereignty, that it limits their field of
operations against the institution of
slavery. If the limitations are just
and inevitable they must be submitted
to. There can be nothing gained by
raising issues that cannot be logically
maintained, and upon which we are
sure to be beaten. We not only frit
ter away our strength by such contro
versies, but we destrdy public confi
dence in the discretion of the party
and the nationality of our principles.
What we can do under the Constitu
tion is to put the general government
Into the hands of the supporters of
freedom and free labor. . . . Free
dom is making distinguished triumphs
in the territories, with the most de
termined and Inveterate efforts of the
general government against it. . . .
Let us have practical questions to con
tend for, and not mere abstractions and
impossibilities."
The Boston Journal had the follow
ing: "We should have preferred to see
Oregon and Kansas placed In the same
position, before the former was ad
mitted to the Union. But as that was
not done, we do not see but that a
precedent has now been established
which will inure decidedly to the ad
vantage of Kansas, whenever she
shall legitimately apply for admission.
As to Oregon herself we welcome her
into the Union. She is one more in
the phalanx of free states. Hitherto
she has been- .rather freely - colonized
and ruled by Democratic officeholders
and off lceseekers; but that day will
soon pass over. By virtue- of he? po
sition, her interests and the principles
of her thronging emigrants, she will
ultimately become the New England of
the Pacific."
These opinions from the Republican
press show that there was a large pre
ponderance of. sentiment - in favor of
Mr. Thayer's course, though. in Massa
chusetts, and especially . in his own
district, there was less agreement with
him than elsewhere.
Thayer's Tribute to Oregon.
The admission of Oregon was cele
brated on the evening of the day of
the passage of the bill by a large con
course of citizens of Washington with
the Marine Band to serenade the dis
tinguished friends of the measure, in
cluding Mr. Thayer. President Bu
chanan appeared at a window of the
White House, and said that expansion
was in future the policy -of our coun
try, and that cowards alone feared and
opposed 'it. He then called for the
playing of "Yankee Doodle" by the
band. It was the irony of fate that he
was compelled to affix his signature a
few months later to the bill which ad
mitted Kansas into the Union as an
other free state.
Mr. Thayer was visited by the pro
cession next after the President, at
his rooms at the west end of Pennsyl
vania avenue. After the salutatory
music and vociferous calls, he made
his appearance at a window. When
the cheering had subsided he said:
"Friends and Fellow Citizens: I
know not with what words to express
to you my gratitude for the honor of
this call, for you have taken me
wholly by surprise. I am told that
this is a demonstration in honor of
the grand event of the day the birth
of a new and sovereign state. The
humble vote which I hav had tba
pleasure to give, contributing to the
result, has., been: given in accordance
with my convictions of dufy, without
hope of approbation, without fear of
condemnation. I have merely followed
the lead of my principles, and adher
ing to them, as I have done, and as I
intend to do. I stand ready to take
their legitimate ronsequences as they
come whether they be tokens of fa
vor or of .disfavor. (Cheers.) With
you I rejoice to welcome to this con
federacy the heroic men who, more
than 20 years ago, in the dim and dis
mal solitudes away beyond the Rocky
Mountains .
Where rolled the Oregon, and heard
no sound save its own dashings,'
founded' our own Institutions, and es
tablished -the arts and occupations of
peace. With my whole heart do I wel
come to our embrace these pioneers of
our own material progress, not as
aliens or strangers,' but as friends and
brothers, 'bone of our bone, and flesh
of our flesh.' (Cheers.) Another
pledge, have we now . of the. perma
nency of this Union, for having firmly
bound to .the republic our remotest
possessions, we have hemmed in and
firmly secured all intermediate parts
of our National domain. But, gentle
men, I have no respect -for assurances
of the permanency of this Union. The
Union is and will - be! (Prolonged
cheers.) It is not a thing to be advo
cated and, argued, for; it is a : thing
fixed, settled and determined. Far
transcending in importance the tem
porary convenience of one state or of
all the states, it is a trust which we
hold, not for our posterity only,, but
for the world! That ' trust we are
bound to deliver unimpaired ' to suc
ceeding generations, and we will so
deliver It. (Cheers.) Again thanking
you for this honor, with the. pest
wishes for yourselves, for Oregon and
the Republic, I bid you .good-night."
In commenting on this. speech in the
Liberator. Mr. Garrison significantly
remarked: "The people of Massachu
setts will settle scores with Mr. Thay
er hereafter." But it will be difficult
to Indicate in this patriotic and Union
loving speech rwhat there is that any
citizen of Massachusetts should not
thoroughly commend and be proud of.
Tarty "Discipline." ,
It was . not, however, so much the
people of Massachusetts as the ' poli
ticians and party managers with whom
Mr. Thayer came in conflict by His
course In Congress, which was entirely
consistent with his announced princi
ples at the time he entered into the
Kansas Crusade in March, 1854. He
then declared his belief In the practical
application of popular sovereignty in
saving the territories to freedom and
preventing the spread of slavery, and
he proceeded with this method in fill
ing Kansas with free-state emigrants,
and gaining so large a majority there
that the efforts of the slave power
were unable to overcome it. Mr. Thay
er advocated this method to popular
audiences throughout the free North,
from the beginning of the time of his
election to Congress in 1856, at which
time he was particularly outspoken,
yet he was elected by a great majority.
Popular sovereignty opposed to the
Wilniot Proviso doctrine, or non-intervention
against Congressional control,
were as much the Issues In 1856 as in
1860, when Mr. Thayer was defeated,
and It was about these measures that
the great clamor was made by the
politicians, from whom the strength of
opposition to him came. With the
people directly Mr. Thayer would have
had no difficulty.
From 1856 to 1860 the Republican
party was rapidly rising to power, and
In the Thirty-sixth Congress it gained
control of the House. In their elation
its Representatives were disposed to
be high-handed, and to demand strict
party allegiance in whatever measures,
sound or unsound, Its managers or Its
majority dictated. To this Mr. Thayer
would not submit. On more than one
occasion the. Republican organization
was led into Injudicious action which
party zeal at the time Justified, but
which mature judgment has con
demned. Such was the attempt to pre
vent -the admission of Oregon, while
another instance was the Intention to
form new territorial governments by
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the Thirty-sixth Congress, thus giving
their control to the Democratic ap
pointees of President Buchanan. Ell
Thayer prevented both mistakes, and
in this grim, earnest and determined
man of power was discovered a force
against which numbers lould not pre
vail, for he was successful in thwart
ing schemes which he did not approve
after his party had the majority in the
House. His presence was subversive
of all the canons of party manage
ment. ..
The politicians' creed my party,
right or. wrong was -well expressed by
a Massachusetts editor at the time,
writing with reference to Mr. Thayer's
independent course:
"Discipline, order, regularity, are as
necessary for a political party as for
an army. Subordinates must receive
and obey the orders of the commander-in-chief.
...
"If a case like this should present
itself in the Army, where one of the
number was found acting with the en
emy, openly and without concealment,
and refusing all obedience to the or
ganization, the order would be proper
ly given, -Shoot the traitor!" He would
certainly, as the least that could be ex
pected, be drummed out of camp to the
tune of the Rogue's March."
. Later, when Mr. Thayer, in a public
meeting in Worcester, referring to the
statement of Mr. Dawes, that he would
expect .to be burned in effigy in his
district if he voted for the admission
of Oregon, said that when a matter of
such grave interest was at stake, he
would- have voted for it if he had
known that his constituents would
have burned him in person, the same
editor characterized his position as
"cheap effrontery which passes with
many for high moral courage." This
shows how a man's Judgment may be
affected by. political feeling.
FRANKLIN P. RICE.
'A Surprise in Art. ,
American Art News. .
John W. Beatty, of the Carnegie Insti
tute of Pittsburg. Pa., tells an amusing
story at the expense of those well-known
artists, Frank Duveneck and Winslow
Homer. Some time ago both artists were
Invited to serve on the jury for the insti
tute exhibition. Mr. Homer had wired
that he would come from New York on
the day express, and Mr. Beatty went to
the Pittsburg depot to meet him. He
had not expected Mr. Duveneck until the
next day from Cincinnati. When the
train rolled in. there were no signs of Mr.
Homer, but to Mr. Beatty's surprise Du
veneck alighted and welcomed hjm. A
they were exchanging greetings. Beatty
asked Duveneck if he had come on the
train to New York. "No," was the reply.
They started to leave, when Beatty
espied "Homer in the distance, coming
down the long platform carrying a huge
bag. "Why, there he is." he said.
"Who?" said Duveneck." "Why, Wins
low Homer." replied Beatty. -"Do you
mean to tell me." said Duveneck. "(hat
this is Winslow Homer? Why, this chap
and I talked art all day all the way from
New York, and I never knew who he
was."
The Rebuilding of Cities.
Philadelphia Record.
Some ancient cities have disappeared.
Tho archeologist digs through r the -
sands of the desert, the accumulations
of vegetable mold and the debris of
human habitation in a search for the
palaces of great Kings, the markets of
wealthy traders, and the homes of a
once numerous people. The massacres
of ancient warfare may explain some
of these dead and buried cities. The
Inability of people in early history
to deal with the sanitary problems of
a congested population may have been
a contributing cause to their destruc
tion. Cities may have died because
their people could not live. But in
most cases a change in the routes of
commerce will be found to have di
verted the stream of nourishment from
a city and left it to die of starvation.
Yet the "Eternal City" and Athens.
Byzantium, Jerusalem, Antloch and
Damascus illustrate the tenacity of
municipal vitality, even .though a
long succession of centuries brings
great changes in the methods and sub
Jectg and courses of traffic. '
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-v.j j m. :
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I HI i f iiii
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C. GEE WO
The Great Chinese Doctor
Entrance 162V2 FIRST STREET
Corner Morrison