THE SUNDAY OREGONLAN, POTtTLAND, NOVEMBER 17, 1901.
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i i
PORTLAND, SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 17.
DRIFT OF THE CENTURY.
The drift of the century Is clearly In
the direction of the extension of utili
tarian civilization through the explora
tion and occupation of new lines of
diffusion for the world's trade. The
leading books of the time are those- de
voted to exact information concerning
physical features, the undeveloped or
unoccupied commercial opportunities in
the great continents of Asia, Africa and
South America. The leading magazines
are full of articles concerning the future
of China, "the South Africa of tomor
row"; "The Development of Africa,"
"The Political and Commercial Future
of Asia." It is of small consequence
who reads "trash" fiction or sentimental
verses for moonstruck lovers, but the
increasing interest in precise books of
history and travel concerning the great
unexplolted countries of the globe de
notes the drift of the practical, purpose
ful brains of our century, which Is sure
to be a period distinguished by the
reclamation of vast districts of Asia,
Africa and South America from their
present condition of listless unpro
ductiveness and immobility. The ener
gies of the century are sure to be en
grossed by the commercial exploitation
of Asia, Africa and South America, be
cause it is the best outlook for men of
far-seeing commercial genius and ex
ceptional passion for adventure.
The beginning of the British Empire
in India was made not by a passion
for conquest or discovery, but by the
English aptitude for trade. An English
factory was the first English fort in
India; the English trader hired soldiers
to protect his line of trade and extend
it, and out of this small beginning
came the occupation and conquest of
what is known today as British India.
The Englishman circumvented the
Frenchman in the domination of North
America and India, because the English
man was first of all an eager, far-seeing
trader, while the Frenchman was first
a military adventurer, soldier, discov
erer, voyager, then a missionary, and
last of all a trader. The Englishman,
whose sole purpose was that of a
trader, who fought only to establish
and extend the circle of his trade, and
did not worry about the extension of
the kingdom of Christian souls among
painted savages, conquered North
America and "froze" the French speed
ily out of India. The exploitation of
Africa, Asia and South America will
be undertaken and accomplished dur
ing the present century by Europe by
the unleashed, highly equipped forces
of trade.
" When England's merchants began
their trading adventur.es in America
and India they were not armed as the
trading forces of Europe are today,
with the forces of steam and electricity
applied to the work of quick commer
cial and military transportation, so that
their work was comparatively slow,
and yet it was fairly well accomplished
in less than a century and a half of
effort. With the present forces of
steam and electricity applied to the
problems of quick commercial transpor
tation and military defense, we may
fairly expect before the present century
Is completed to see Asia, Africa and
South America, not highly civilized, but
at least highly commercialized, In the
sense that their great rivers, made nav
igable by modern science, will bear on
their bosoms fleets of steamers laden
with riohes that today are left ungath
ered, either for the lack of intelligence
or because of distance from remunerat
ive markets. In Asia it Is not easy to
forecast whether the forces of trade will
do their work chiefly through Russia,
Great Britain or Germany, for all of
these great powers are pushing railway
projects to completion, whose purpose
is to absorb and market the trade of
Asia. Ultimately Russia ought to dom
inate Asia with Its influence, not be
cause of its superior material resources,
but because of the -great powers of Eu
rope Russia Is most Asiatic In racial
instinct; Russia understands and han
dles the average Asiatic better than
Great Britain, Germany or France.
This fct Is exhibited In Russia's tact
ful dealings with China. Napoleon
spoke the truth when he said, "Scratch
a Russian and you will find a Tartar,"
and it is because she is at bottom still
largely a Tartar, an Asiatic, that Rus
sia makes such astounding progress in
China and Persia.
In Africa, however, rather than in
Asia, will be witnessed the most as
tounding commercial progress of the
century. Its day of exploration is over,
and is to be succeeded by that of ex
ploitation in a continent so enormously
rich in a vast variety of undeveloped
resources that Africa is Justly today
defined as "the land of golden oppor
tunity." To this country today go
the trade forces of commercial Europe
and America carrying the railway, the
steamboat, the telegraph, the telephone.
fhe ice machine, the improved machin
ery of agriculture, the Improved weap
ons of modern warfare. So rapid has
been the march of the forces of trade
and commercialism since 1884 in Africa
that today steamboats ply the waters
of the rivers, railways are being built
in every part, commercial companies
operate all over Africa, the natives
are workers on the railways and in
the mines, and "men who chased Stan
ley down the Congo are now piloting
steamboats up." In the Congo "Valley,
where twenty years ago there was not
a white resident, there are thousands
now engaged In peaceful and lucrative
trades and pursuits. Some of the busi
ness companies have already made
enormous fortunea Gold; diamonds,
rubber, palm oil, timber, hides, ivory,
copper and coal are included in the vast
wealth of Africa.
The price of land in Central Africa
for agricultural purposes is but 40 cents
an acre, and the heart oC Airtea is now
but twenty-five days' travel from New
York City. Even today the wage of
ordinary labor is but 3 cents a day.
There areHfty steamboats on the Congo
today. A railway line is building across
the Sahara, a railway has already been
built around the cataracts of the Congo.
The British line from the seacoast to
Uganda is nearly completed. An eas-and-west
'transcontinental telegraph is
in course of construction, and the tele-'
phone has reached the far interior.
There will be in the near future an im
mense demand from Africa for rails
and all sorts of railway equipment. The
Caucasian caii live on the high grounds
of Africa and labor, just as the white
man can live and labor on the high
ground at the South, who would perish
on the bottom lands of the Mississippi,
where the negro alone can thrive. Af
rica in its exploitation is o be the gold
mine of the forces of trade and com
mercialism of the century.
NO GREAT MATTER, EITHER WAY.
Close readers of The Oregonlan have
observed in its advertising columns for
some time a notice, issued from the
proper officers of the state government
at Salem, calling attention of voters to
a constitutional amendment to be
passed upon at next June's election.
Decision is to be rendered upon the
"initiative and referendum," that dar
ling device of populism, and of some
optimists who are forever finding some
panacea that will in the twinkling of
an eye settle all Ills to which politics
is heir.
Comparatively speaking, the Initiative
and referendum both are means of
grace. That is to say, compared with
free silver or "antl-imperiallsm," the
initiative and referendum are power
ful engines of progress and reforma
tion. The most that can be said against
the proposed "reform" is that it Is use
less and expensive, and even this is
hardly proven. The referendum we al
ready have in limited form, and noth
ing vicious or revolutionary has been
charged against its operation or effects.
The initiative Is more visionary, and of
doubtful availability.
Nearly every election testifies to the
superfluous character the referendum
tends to assume. For example, consti
tutional amendments have just been
voted on in a number of states. In
Pennsylvania three constitutional
amendments were submitted. The vote
cast for and against them in Philadel
phia is an index of the Interest mani
fested in Important constitutional
changes. In round numbers the city
cast 240,000 votes, while the vote on the
first amendment submitted, for and
against, was 80,000. On the second
amendment the Vote was 70,000, and on
the third 52,000. This last amendment
was one Intended to open the way for
the use of voting machines, a matter
that comes home to every voter. Yet
only about two voters In nine cared
enough about constitution-making to
mark on either side of the question
propounded on the ballots before them.
This is the general experience of Ore
gon in matters of legislation that are
referred to the people. In June, 1900,
the vote cast on the amendments was
but a fraction of those cast for mem
bers of Congress. Yet this apathy does
not in Itself prove that the referendum
Is unwise. Our institutions are full of
"palladiums" of one sort and another
that are maintained not so much for
constant use as for Insurance. Trial
by jury is a great' nuisance ordinarily,
and justly parodied by the librettist's
wit; but he would be unwise as well as
reckless who should propose Its aboli
tion. We try to do without grand 'juries
and capital punishment, and hosts of
things that seem malapropos the most
of the time, but which upon frequent
occasion are clearly seen to be the one
thing fit to do the required service.
The referendum is a necessary device
of practical politics, and just how it
should be extended is a question of not
very pressing expediency. The initiative
is not nearly so necessary. No meas
ure that can command a considerable
pledged support from voters need ever
lack for introduction and advocacy in
the Legislature.
HOW TO WRITE HISTORY.
The late General Peter S. MIchie, for
more than thirty years professor of
natural and experimental philosophy at
West Point, is the author of the latest
and best life of General McClellan.
General Mlchle was a native of Scot
land, was graduated at the head of his
class at West Point in 1863. Before the
close of the Civil War he was Chief
Engineer of the Army of the James,
and was brevetted Brigadier-General of
Volunteers. He has analyzed the mili
tary stature of McClellan with the cold
neutrality of an impartial judge. Like
his illustrious countryman, Napier, who
praised or criticised friend or foe with
equal candor, General Mlchle does equal
justice to Union or Confederate com
mander. He does not hesitate to de
nounce McClellan when Incompetent for
his work nor withhold enthusiastic
praise when he thinks General Lee de
served it by the superior ability of his
military conduct. From the very out
set of his career In West Virginia, Gen
eral Michie discovers McClellan's con
stitutional timidity and tendency to
magnify a molehill in his path until It
looked like a mountain. He officially
represented the enemy's force before
Washington as early as September, 1861,
at from 100,000 to 130,000 men, when they
were not 40,000 strong until the first
week of October. The last week of No
vember McClellan reported the enemy
at not less than 150,000 strong, when
their forces were but 47,000.
Between the first of October and the
first of December President Lincoln en
deavored to get McClellan to advance
with his Army and give battle to the
enemy, but in vain, To use his own
expression: "If something 1b not done
soon, the bottom will drop out of the
whole ffalr; and i Geueral McClellan
did not want to use the Army, I should
like to borrow it." General Mlchie's
conclusion is that in none of McClelland
three campaigns did he manifest any
ready adaptation of means to the end in
view, or celerity of movement to gain
strategical advantage. He holds that
McClellan was constitutionally weak in
that comprehensive mental grasp and
range by which every detail for suc
cess has been antecedently studied out
and adapted in Its justification to the
general 'plan. - Professor Michie finds no
illustrative example of decided tactical
ability on the part of McClellan. In
none of his battles was he Inferior to
the enemy In strength on the field of
battle; yet in every Instance the enemy
reached the point of attack "first with
the most men." His salient character
istics were his constant tendency to
overestimate the enemy, timidity on the
eve of battle, and lack of aggressive
ness. The surprising thing is that an
educated soldier should not have seen
clearly how utterly Impossible it was
for the Confederate Government to arm
and equip armies of the magnitude he
assumed it to have, when the United
States Government, with all its "bounti
ful sources of supply, could do no more.
McClellan's constitutional military
weakness was so quickly detected by
Lee that he took extra-hazardous
chances at the opening of the Seven
days' Battles, and In so widely sep
arating the component parts of his
army In the beginning of the Maryland
campaign. Unlike Lee, whose heroic
presence and personal exposure at the
critical period of a battle more than
once restored his yielding line, McClel
lan never appeared on the fighting line,
never was near enough to It to assume
timely direction and control in event of
disaster. Stated In plain English, Mc
Clellan was a vastly overrated man,
and by nobody more than by himself,
and unfortunately he greatly under
rated Lincoln, who was great and mag
nanimous enough to forgive him when
In the bitterness of defeat he charged
"the Administration with having done
its best to sacrifice this Army." The
man who twenty years after the Civil
War could write the following charge
of political conspiracy against Lincoln,
Stanton and Chase must have been a
weak man: "They determined I should
not succeed, and certainly carried out
their determination only too well, and
at a fearful sacrifice of blood and treas
ure." The best that this able, astute West
Point historian can see In this child of
West Point Is that he was an amiable,
vain, sanguine person, cursed with the
temperament of self-delusion, who was
fitted for the duties of a Quartermaster,
an Inspector-General, perhaps for those
of a Chief of Staff, but utterly incom
petent both as a strategist and as a
tactician for the command of an army
in the field. The Southern Generals
opposed to him always explained Mc
Clellan as too much of a natural-bom
non-combatant to make a good soldier.
The truth is that military learning and
military training can no more make a
man a fighting General than the study
of navigation will make a man a bold
and competent sailor in the hour of
storm or the day of battle. McClellan
was nothing but a well-read military
student, who proved to be an utterly
Incompetent soldier.
A RELIC OF SAVAGERY.
The apology that Is due the confiding
people of San Francisco from Messrs.
Jeffries and Ruhlln for having pulled
off a fake fight Is not more probable
and not less due than Is an apology
from each'' of them for not having
knocked the other Into kingdom come.
That either of the principals remains to
cumber the ground Is a fact calling for
sovere reprimand if not for legal in
quiry. If the patrons of the exhibition
were robbed, that is a small affair In
comparison with the barbarous charac
ter of the exhibition Itself. No one who
lays claim to civilization should hold
diplomatic relations with the business
of beating human beings up with hu
man fists.
Savage man delights himself in sports
of cruelty. They used to gather in the
Coliseum to see wild beasts devour each
other and hapless captives thrown to
feed hungry llonsv Matador, gladiator
and toreador belong to an era which we
have outgrown, or fancy we have out
grown, and among persons of sensibili
ties the wholesale slaughter of beasts
or birds, when no purpose of human
need .or adornment Is. subserved, has
come at length to be considered bad
form. The' bull-fight is passing away,
the cock-fight is under the ban, gentle
men would be ashamed to be seen set
ting dogs upon each other, and the
once chivalrous practice of dueling has
lost caste, even in the South.
Yet men who would scorn to draw
steel or level pistol against their fellow
man are free to boast their Interest In
a rattling mill with light gloves, not
withstanding that the prize-ring is
deadlier than the duel, notwithstand
ing that pugilism has become the pro
fession of thugs and dishonest gamblers.
Whether a fight Is on the square or not
depends upon which course will pay
better. The prize-ring is no place to
look for an honest man.
The theory of your pugilism crank is
that the noble art of self-defense Is a
legitimate accomplishment, and that
proficiency in It is a mark of creditable
superiority. But the fact Is that the
prizes of civilized life have long ceased
to fall to the clever dodger and hard
hitter. The day when a blow, whether
from sword or fist, told anything of Its
wielder that we need to know has
passed with the higher stages of bar
barism. There are walks of life where
physical prowess that lays its rival low
in blood and wounds is the entree to
power, pelf and the adoration of
woman, but they are lowest walks, and
beneath the notice of any man who
can enjoy a newspaper or a seat at the
opera, or a stroll In the fields, or a
good book. Hearts of oak do not wield
broadaxe or carry shields today. They
grapple with foes of mind and heart.
Nothing a man's fist can win for him
today Is worth while. His value to so
ciety might as well be reckoned by the
length of his legs, or the quantity of al
cohol which he can carry in his" stomach
without staggering.
This is only one of the multitudinous
tests that come between the higher and
the lower nature. It is the brute part
of us that leads to brutal sports, as to
drunkenness, vice, uncontrolled an
ger or incontinence of any sort. There
is a higher course in all these things,
and he who chooses the lower sella his
birthright as an immortal soul for an
hour's indulgence of sensuality like
that of the brutes who know no higher
law.
A large, number of deaths In St. Louis
within a month, from tetanus, acknowl
edged to have been caused by the pres
ence of that germ in diphtheria anti-
toxin, is not an" impeachment of that
remedy for diphtheria. It simply In
tensifies the necessity of the utmost care
in its preparation. The value of the
anti-toxin remedy has been demon
strated the world over. The mortality
from a disease that practically baffled
medical skill previous to the discovery
of the counteracting serum has been
greatly reduced by Its use. The dis
tressing experience at St. Louis cannot
change this record, nor will it alarm
medical men. It will and should In
spire the most jealous care that none
but animals whose freedom from dis
ease has been subject to the most care
ful and satisfactory inquiry shall be
used in the cultivation of the serum.
It will no doubt, however, inspire in the
public mind a repugnance to the use of
anti-toxin as a remedy and preventive
of diphtheria that it will be difficult for
physicians called upon to treat this
disease to overcome
THB SALT OF TOE STATE.
Among recent deaths is that of Henry
B. Harrison, ex-Governor of Connecti
cut, who has passed away in his 81st
year, leaving behind a fine record for
superior public talents and unsullied
patriotism. Governor Harrison was one
of the old guard of the Republican
party, for he was a "free soller" before
he assisted In the organization of the
Republican party in 1856. As early as
1854 he drafted the "personal liberty
bill" df Connecticut, which sought to
nullify by state law the fugitive slave
law. These old-time "free Rollers" are
confounded by many people with the
impracticable Garrlsonian abolitionists,
but they were really the independent
voters of their day, who drew from
both the Whig and Democratic parties
In the East and prepared the way for
the new departure, whose momentous
victory was the election of Abraham
Lincoln in 1860. These old-time "free
sollers" were a remarkable set of men.
They were all men of superior Intel
lectual ability, and some of them were
men of very high talents, learning and
culture, like Salmon P. Chase and
Charles Francis Adams. There was not
a man among them who was not of
pure life, of stainless reputation in pub
lic and private career. It was a time
when both the great political parties,
even in New England, crushed free
speech, upheld crime, dethroned con
science and enthroned commerce. At
this time rose up James G. Birney and
his little band of the "Liberty Party"
men who were the first "free sollers,"
the first constitutional agitators against
the extension of slavery, as distin
guished from the destructive abolition
ists, who were avowed dlsunionists be
cause they believed the Constitution the
immovable bedrock of slavery.
These old-time "free sollers," men of
acute, vigorous' Intellects, of inflexible
independence and spotless Integrity,
were absolutely fearless and unflinch
ing for the right as God gave them
light to see the right. No sneers could
snuff them out; no weight of public
opinion swerve them from their course.
Compromise was not in their dictionary
nor retreat in their catechism when" the
pro-slavery pall of darkness fell upon
the land and Harvard College's silver
tongued orators and dainty scholars
and silver-topped dough-faces directly
or, indirectly helped catch fugitive
slaves in the streets of Boston and re
turn them to bondage. These old-time
"free sollers" were wise in their time.
They never mobbed the officers of the
law, nor did they seriously attempt to
answer Webster's unanswerable argu
ment for the constitutionality of the
fugitive slave law. But by simple agi
tation against the extension of the
moral enormity 'and anachronism of
slavery they created an atmosphere in
which the law soon became as obso
lete as are prohibition statutes or "re
construction" legislation against an
overwhelmingly hostile public senti
ment. Webster was right as a lawyer
in his view that the fugitive slave law
was only the re-enactment of what the
law had already granted the slave
holder, but he did not foresee that the
enforcement of this constitutional stat
ute would raise a tumult of agitation
which would utterly wreck his own
party and upon the foundation of its
hulk build a far nobler vessel, whose
spars, sails, rigging and pilot would
all be furnished by this little "free soil"
party which Webster derided and sin
cerely repudiated.
Webster was able, honest and sincere
in his action; he hoped first to save
the Union, and, second, he hoped to
save the Whig party. But he was not
a man of popular sympathies or appre
henslveness; his ear was never very
close to the ground, or he would have
foreseen the tempest that followed his
action. He did the worst thing possi
ble, meaning to do the best thing. If
Webster and Clay had simply stood
fast, the Whig party would have had
several years of life; but the compro
mise contained all the seeds of the trou
bles that followed the slave rescue
riots, the Kansas and Nebraska war.
Or if Webster had followed the advice
of some of his friends among the "free
5 oilers" and put himself at their head
or he had formerly voted for the Wll
mot Proviso he, and not Seward, Chase
and Greeley, would have been Its most
conspicuous leader. Webster's failure
to forecast the direful effect of his
"compromise" destroyed the Whig
party, and out of its wreck was built
the Republican party. The steadfast
"free sollers," who had followed their
flag of constitutional agitation against
the extension of a confessed social evil
Into new territory, had Anally come Into
possession of the fruits of their long
years of patient watching and waiting
for 'victory. How much influence for
gooti these old-time "free sollers,"
whose voices were never silent when
anybody sought to gild the crime of
slavery with the brilliant rhetoric of
immoral excuse, exerted against the
organized, aggressive pro-slavery prop
aganda; how much they had to do with
making the Nation welcome the rise of
the Republican party, it Is not easy to
determine. From 1840 to 1854 the "free
soil" party stood for the only constitu
tional opposition to slavery. As late
as 1852, in a total of over 3,000,000 votes
cast, the "free sollers" obtained but
156,000, but four years later the Re
publican party, under the flag which
the "free sollers" had carried since 1840,
polled over 1,341,000 votes.
The party which Webster had de
clined to lead, the party which his-
"compromise" was framed to stifle, had
become the favorite child of .victory.
The great majority of these old "free
sollers," like Governor Harrison of Con
necticut, lived to see the wildest dreams
of their pure and ingenuous youth be
come the enthusiastic faith of the Na
tion, which at last made 'these dreams
the blessed deeds of our later day. They
lived long enough to see the flickering
cause of 1840 at last radiant as a rain
bow with blending colors of complete
and various victory. Not to every man
worthy to be the Moses of a cause is
it vouchsafed even to see "the promised
land," much less enter it in life. But
these, real fighters of the first consti
tutional Insurrection against the exten
sion of slavery lived to see the damned
spot of darkness sponged oft the coun
try's cheek, lived to see slavery through
the rude legislation of the bayonet torn
up, root and branch, and the face of the
Nation firmly and forever set for free
dom. These old "free sollers," like all
men who lead in exceptional times that
try men's souls, would not shine In the
politics of the present generation. Such
men never follow politics as a Vocation;
they lead "forlorn hopes" in the battle
for reform. They ceaselessly ring the
fire bell which will, not suffer political
scoundrels soundly to sleep. They never
pack caucuses for purely personal ends;
never angle for office or distribute pat
ronage where it will do them the most
good. But it is this sort of men, un
puchasable and unterrifled amid the
world's rottenness and riot, that always
saves the state in its worst need; for it
is this old-fashioned type that fights for
the honor and life of the state with
tongue on the sidewalk, with vote at
the ballot-box, and. If need be, with
bayonets in battle.
If President Roosevelt adheres to his
determination to consult the records of
the War Department rather than the
wishes of personal friends of aspirants
for promotion or appointment in the
Army, he will prove the strongest man
who has occupied the White House for
at least a generation. The political pull
Is Inferior in influence to the military
pull at Washington, and when the two
combine it is an exceptionally strong
Executive who does not yield to the
demand of the combination, to the det
riment of the military service and the
Injustice to soldiers who have fairly
won promotion. The records of the
War Department are much more trust
worthy for military purposes than the
family record, even though the latter
may furnish the name of a Grantj a
Blaine or a Harrison.
The Consldlnes, father and sons, are
a tender-hearted lot. Witness the lach
rymose display made by the three of
them at the trial, now In progress at
Seattle, a few days ago. Poor Tom was
so choked by sobs that he found It
difficult to tell how very necessary It
was for hla brother to shoot Mere
dith in order to save his own life; poor
John was visibly affected at his broth
er's recital of his one-time peril, and
the father, not to be outdone In display
of tender emotions, was "moved to
tears." A woman's tears have proverb
ial power over a jury having, It is al
leged, caused the acquittal of many a
man for whom the rope dangled or the
penitentiary yawned. It remains to be
seen whether the tears of men have a
like potency.
The third successive year of notable
prosperity In American shipping is re
ported by the United States Commis
sioner of Navigation. Under it Ameri
can tonnage has attained practically
the maximum of 1861. The figures of
the last-named year, compared with
those of 1901, show an increase in coast
ing trade vessels from 2,704,544 tons to
4,5S2,6o3 tons (two-thirds of this increase
being on the Great Lakes); a decrease
in foreign-trade vessels from 2,496,894
tons to 879,595 tons, and a decrease In
whaling and fishing vessels from 338,375
tons to 61,940 tona These figures are
suggestive as showing the trend of our
industries as well as the growth of our
commerce and the ability of our ship
ping interests to take care of them
selves. It is believed that President Roose
velt, In his forthcoming message to
Congress, will present an earnest re
quest for legislation to compel trusts
and great industrial combinations to
change their attitude toward the public.
The President desires, for one thing, to
safeguard the Interests of investors by
requiring great companies like the
United States Steel Corporation, that
does an interstate business, to make
known all the essential facts as to the
intrinsic value of their securities. This
is desired as a basis for judgment as
to the extent of stock inflation and data
for prices to consumers. The President
believes that many remedies lie in pub
licity. In dealing with great aggrega
tions of capital this is found generally
true.
The people of Zatapa County Tex.,
have been reduced to the verge of fam
ine by drouth. Of course, the great
State of Texas Is able to take care of
her own, and will do so. In evfdence of
this fact, Governor Skyers sent a check
for $500 to be used in the purchase of
provisions for these baplesg citizens of
his state, as soon as apprised of their
needs, and systematic relief measures
will at once be organized for their ben
efit. These people are industrious and
.frugal, but the climate of Southern
Texas Is against them. In a country
where there Is "no chance to raise any
kind of food" Industry and frugality
do not count.
All freight records on the Great
Lakes have been broken this season,
during which time 9,500,000 bushels of
wheat have passed through the Sault
Ste. Marie Canal. This stupendous bulk
Is only a small part of the great freight
total. This traffic shows extraordinary
productiveness and an enormous de
mand, and It Is still pouring through
the canal In undiminished volume.
Prosperity will continue as long as these
two factors remain unchecked, and
there Is certainly no sign of abatement
in either, while the signs of continued
growth are abundant.
The cost of strikes and lockouts for
the twenty years ending December 31,
1900, is computed by Carroll D. Wright,
United States Commissioner of Statis
tics, at $468,968,581. This sum, enor
mous as it Is, is not all, nor yet the
greater part, of the cost of these con
tests. In bitterness and heartburning;
In spite and hatred, the contention in
the labor world that is thus represent
ed 'is of far greater magnitude, and
has a much wider scope than the finan
cial loss represented by these figures.
Every man designated for service on
the organizing committees for raising
the fund for the Lewis and Clark Cen
tennial Is expected to be present at the
rooms of the Chamber of Commerce, 246
Washington street, tomorrow (Monday)
evening at 8 o'clock.
The Irish plan of putting Kruger In
Parliament is about as feasible 'as the
scheme of the authorities in the opera
of "Mikado" -When they took Ko Ko
from the County Jail and made him
Lord High Executioner.
A FALLACY GONE WRONG.
Man does not live to produce wealth;
he produces wealth to live. And social
phenomena are so closely bound up in
turning Nature's raw materials that the
process Is typical of all social life.
"All men are created equal." It Is
dinned Into our ears as youngsters by the
school teacher, and as voters by the poli
tician. We are told, for a corollary to
this principle, that all thlng3 are pro
duced by the community as a whole, and
by equal units of the community In equal
measure. "All things are due to labor,
therefore, to labor are all things due. '
A second corollary, more Insidious in Its
fallacy. Is that all persons are capable
of equal enjoyment; that as poor and rich
are equally human, luxuries, thererore,
are symbolical ot injustice and cruelty.
But It Is false that all persons have the
same capacity for enjoyment, just as
false as that all persons have the same
capacity for work. If It were true, all
men would have the same likes and dis
likes, and there would be no variety of
choice. All men would be attracted to the
samo woman. Everybody would rellsn
shrimp salad, iced cream or bananas In
equal degree. Nobody would find more
pleasure than another In a horse, a yacnt
or a bicycle. Nor Is it true that all
wealth Is produced by members of a com
munity In equal proportion. If this were
true, the organizer of an Industry would
have no more brains or efficiency than
Its humblest workman; there would be
no need of leaders of labor, for all men
would be on the same level of Intelli
gence. But a third and greater fallacy perme
ates the thought of the day. Disappoint
ed ambition, failure of poor men to gain
the dream of their youth, is popularly
held to be the fault of a bad social sys
tem; whereas the fault almost always
rests in the individual. Zealous youth fol
lowed by dispirited middle age Is not
necessarily due to Morgan or Carnegie.
Our educational system gives plastic youth
false Impressions, wrong notions ot what
it can do, and aspirations which It never
can meet. Morgan or Carnegie probably
do not bear down, an aspiring young me
chanic or lawyer any more than they bear
down a young poet who desires to be a
Milton or a young painter who desires to
be an Angelo. The common advice to a
youth to hitch his ambition to a star
ends In great disappointment, and often
in strenuous indictment of our social
system.
These three errors are the life of a
great part of the present discontent. They
aro the substance, more or loss, of haran
gues of labor leaders and inciters of the
public mind.
Thegood things of this world, Indeed are
monopolized by the few. But so are the
brains. It may be unfortunate that good
things' and brains go together, but It
must be so, ever has been so, and ever
will be so. The socialist sees the effect, but
Ignores the cause. He does not tell how
exceptional recompense can be taken
away frcra the exceptional few. To do
this the multitude must dispense with the
direction of the few, the strongest, the
moat intellectual. The evils of our in
dustrial system are to be condemned, but
they are not always condemned in the
right spirit.
It Is often said that the source of all
power Is the multitude. This is not true.
The real source Is the minority. With
out direction by the minority, the major
ity could not do anything that calls for
complicated effort. In industry there
would be no great enterprises, no prog
ress. In government there would be no
great acts of policy or statesmanship.
Neither would there be popular crazes
without a quick-witted few to formulate
them. Several years ago a mass of citi
zens did not know what they wanted un
til a Bryan gave expression to their
dumbness.
If all men were alike In their Intellectual
cravings, as they are in their physical
needs, unequal distribution of wealth
might cause unhapplness. Up to a cer
tain physiological point, that is, until de
mands of nature for food and shelter are
satisfied, all men are Inherently the
same. But as to that part of wealth not
classed as necessaries, wants of men are
as varied as there are men. Physical man
has one desire, physiological man an In
finite variety. Imagination and intellect
are the most varied things In the world,
and they give rise to all kinds of desires.
To say, therefore, that all persons enjoy
things In the game way or In equal de
gree Is not only false, but manifestly
absurd.
Luxury exists apart from the material
thing itself. It is a creation of the mind.
It depends on habits of thought, breed
ing, culture and methods of life. To a
healthy person a pound of chocolate
candy might be a luxury; to a dispeptlc
or sick person, nausea. A commercial
newspaper Is a luxury to a business man
and a bore to his wife; a mode paper is
Just the reverse. A Latin or Greek text
is the dryest kind of stuff to a person
who cannot read it, but a most positive
enjoyment to a scholar. A vase may be
a luxury to one person and hardly worth
looking at to another. A man with a
fine house finds luxury in its rich furnish
ings; not In a physical way, but in a way
which satisfies his senses, by recalling as
sociations in his life or his study. Queen
Victoria took great pleasure in a large
collection of relics, which King Edward
cleared away. An apartment on a sleeping-car
on wheels is a luxury, but any
where else would be a close box. If poor
people like beautiful mansions, the City
Hall is the finest building in the city. The
luxury exists, however. In an intellectual
gratification. It is a subtle creation of the
mind, apart from material enjoyment.
Desire for wealth Is as subtle as the
gratification It affords. Intellect and
Imagination give desire its power. Pri
vation is felt only when the imagination
Is vivid or the conviction is strong that
wealth Is attainable. Gold in Alaska, Si
beria and the moon excite respectively
lessening desire. The riches of Croesus
or Aladdin's lamp arouse no envy. An
automobile, fine pictures or costly bric-a-brac
are craved only as wc feel we can
own the one or the other, and the value
of each Is separate from the power to
satisfy bodily craving.
To the ordinary man, wealth Is the
name of something indefinite, which docs
not worry him or assume shape until he
thinks it is attainable. This belief and
Imagination react upon each other. When
one is weak the other may be strong. Both
stimulate the powers of talent or genius.
But the average man Is moved by these
motives in very small degree, until they
are artificially aroused in him. They are
aroused by politicians, socialists and in
great part by labor organizers.
The chief doctrine of these "friends" of
the people Is that as all men are equal
and as wealth is produced equally by all.
deficient talents may be overcome by
legislation. Desire is stimulated In men
for wealth who would not otherwise even
hope to get it. Socialism offers the ap
parent means. This way not only are
unhapplness and disappointment multi
plied, but an unreasoning, impracticable
temper. This neither helps the dispute
nor remedies the evil, but encrusts the
evil. Herein we are victims of a fallacy,
of a grevious fallacy gone wrong.
SLINGS AND ARROWS
No 3Iorc Pull.
(The Secretary of War and tha President
have decided to abolish pull In the Army.
News Dispatch.)
Oh, Mlahael J. Mulcahy, straight descended
from the sod.
And whose father earns hla living with the
meek and lowly hod;
Do you thirst to wear the shoulder straps and
bear a tinseled sword.
And taste the many pleasures no Lieutenant
can afford?
Then read up on Upton's tactics, memorize the
Art of War;
For the chance to rise awaits you as it never
did before.
The cup of opportunity la at your elbow, full;
For know the War Department has at last
abolished pull.
Oh, A. deVere Van Astor, who are In tha
swellest zcz,
Tou must mourn for the commission which you
stand no chance to get.
If you're pining for brass buttons, you must
wear them on your yacht.
On the list of new appointments you will And
your name Is net.
Papa's name is good for millions, and position.
don't you know.
But with Messrs. Root and Roosevelt, papa's
letters do not go.
Tou must let your high ambition to be called
"Lef tenant" lag.
For our worthy War Department has at last
abolished drag.
Oh, William Henry Thompson, gently nurtured
only son
Of some influential Senator, who's strong In
Washington.
Tou must put youf expectations full rcgetfully
away.
And take up with the Idea that you'll have to
work some day.
Tou would like to be a Major, with a gold-
laeed uniform.
And calmly walk abroad and take society by
storm.
But, although you think their action Is devoid
of common sense.
Know that Mpssrs. Root and Roosevelt havo
abolished Influence. ,
Oh, gentle politician, you whose counsels hold
such sway
Tn the making of appointments, all of you
have had your dsy.
No more Army Quartermasters who have con
tracts to award.
Which are fat for speculation, will owe to you
their sword.
No mere defeated candidates who've been d-
nled the joys
Of office will be satisfied with straps for their
dear boys.
It's a mighty Innovation in the Army, Heaven
knows.
But it comes from Root and Roosevelt, and
you can bet It goes.
Repartee In Constantinople.
"Your Highness," said the American en
gineer, "I have completed the fortress,
and I assure you that no French battle
ship will ever be able to raze lu My bill
Is 5t67U 02. Please pay at the desk."
"But," said the Sultan, angrily, "the
fortress fell of its own weight yesterday.
Then," pursued the engineer, "my
promise that no French warship will ever
be able to destroy It is fulfilled. My bill
remains the same. Please pay tho
waiter."
"Look at here," thundered the Sultan,
"I hired you for an engineer. I can get
plonty of eon Sultan engineers In Europe."
Which rejoinder shows that wrath does
not always dull the wire edge of wit.
Asleep nt the Switch.
I patiently stood in tho telephone booth.
And shouted again and again.
But although I politely appealed for a switch,
I politely appealed all In vain.
At last a strange murmur came over the phone,
A sort of a guttural, which
Convinced me I might as well give up the
quest.
For the girl was Asleep at the Switch.
In pro Shows His Hand.
It was one of the nights when Othello
was sitting up with Desdamona after the
family went to bed, and he got down to
the slip just as the last gondola was
pulling out for his hotel. Imagine his
chagrin and horror when he saw that It
was crowded to the guards. He was
about to turn back and make a few re
marks appropriate to the occasion when
Iago, who was sitting on tho after deck
and ,, smoking a large black perfecto,
caught sight of him.
"Come on Othello," he shouted, "there is
always room for one Moor."
It was frcm that time that Othello's
suspicions of the black-hearted villain be
gan to be aroused.
3Yo Complaint.
Ralnln', ralnln. ralnln.
All tho dreary day.
Still we ain't complalnln,
"Cause the skies is gray.
If the sun was shlntn'
All the livelong time.
We would all be plnln'
Fur a rainy clime.
Everything looks newer
When the clouds go 'way.
Skies Is all the bluer.
When they've Just been gray.
Tronble In the Local Room.
"Tho train was wrecked," said the rail
road reporter, "because the conductor
made a bad brake."
"Look at here," interposed the police
reporter," that makes my head light."
"A man who would talk like that," cut
in the sporting reporter, "ought to bo
fired."
"When are you fellows going to stop
railing at one another?" inquired the ho
tel reporter.
"I was going to butt In with that ex
press purpose," called the bulldog re
porter from across the room.
"I was going to say," muttered the re
ligious reporter, "that this Journal will be
hot"
But just then the city editor Interrupt
ed the conversation on the ground that
It disturbed his train of thought.
Ye Gallery God.
Te Crltlok may writo with satirical Fenne,
An pick quite to Pieces ye Plays;
He may saye It b Rotten again and again,
Yt he knowes It will live but a Daye;
He may say ye Construction Is notably weak.
Yt ye Lines ar-s ye veriest Rotte.
Its Faults with ye keenest of Eyes he may
seek.
And declare It Is Lacking In Plotte.
And yt though ye Player ye Crltlck much
fears;
When he makes to ye People his Nodde,
He knows ye play "goes" as soon as he hears
Ye Voice of ye Gallery God.
Te Crltlck may say yt ye Playe Is a Blrde.
Tt ye Partes are most strikingly drawn.
Tt ye Lines are ye Brightest he ever has heard,
- Tt ye drama is grandly putte on.
He may Are Bouquets at ye Author full oft.
Awl say yt ye Players are great,
Tet ye Player looks up to ye Gallerye Loft,
And listens to hear of his Fate.
For he knows yt ye Play Is a failure forsooth.
Before he tenn minutes has trod
On ye Stage if ho hear not a Sound from ye
Touth
Who Is known as ye Gallery God.
J. J. MONTAGUE.
Sacrament.
Who holds the untouched Hp-J of her he loves
More sacred than the sacramental wine.
The smile ot these sweet eyes that droop ot
shine
As blessed bread who honestly removes
All taint of earthlness and oft reproves
His eagerness to win. lest more divine
Be her sweet state alone he bultds a shrine
Whose sure foundations year b7 year shaP
prove
Ilia right to worship. Tho he never guess
AH he has bullded, to this holy place
She, too. will steal to -rest and oft to pray
Half to her God, half to her happiness.
And grow to be as pure In heart and face
As Is his angel reverenced each day.
Nora Barnhart la the Independent.