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But conservative lawmakers would quickly reject FDR's plan. Four months later, Roosevelt tried again. He repeated his $25,000 "supertax" income cap call in his Labor Day message. Congress shrugged that request off, too. FDR still didn't back down. In early October, he issued an executive order that limited top corpo­ rate salaries to $25,000 after taxes. The move would "provide for greater equality in contrib- How much can a U.S. p resid en t com m itted to greater equality hope to ac­ complish when lawmakers devoted to helping the rich hold the upper hand? Advocacy for equality must take a backseat, Obama administration insiders in­ sist, when fanatical friends The debt ceiling "solution " that White House u m e fortunate loriunaie in congress • . of i the Congress recklessly endanger our na- Tind congressional leaders bargained does not tion. ask these top 400 — or any other rich Americans B utin 1943 a U ^ p r e s j- _ t o p a y a p e n n y m o r e t a x e s t fra n j dent confronted a debt ceil- . . . ... , . ing crisis just like Obama's ¡he 2011 debt ceiling struggle, inequality — and came up with adiffer- has clearly triumphed. ent answer. Facing rabid law- — -------- --------------------------- makers every bit as opposed to taxing the rich as uting to the war effort," Roosevelt declared, ours today, Franklin D. Roosevelt didn't let up Infuriated conservatives saw red, literally, on the struggle for a more equal America. He The "only logical stopping place for this move- doubled down. ment," fumed Princeton economist Harley Lutz, Roosevelts debt ceiling battle actually be- would be "a completely communistic equaliza- gan right after Pearl Harbor. The nation needed tion of incomes." a revenue boost to wage and win the war. Lawmakers sympathetic to the rich vowed to FDR and his New Dealers wanted to finance kill FDR's executive order by any legislative the war equitably, with stiff tax rates on high means necessary. They ended up attaching a incomes. How stiff? FDR proposed a 100 per- rider repealing the order to a bill that would give cent top tax rate. At a time of grave national the wartime debt ceiling a desperately needed danger," Roosevelt told Congress in April 1942, lift. FDR tried and failed to get that rider axed, "no American citizen ought to have a net in- then let the bill with it become law without his come, after he has paid his taxes, of more than signature. He had no choice. Our troops needed $25,000 a year." That would be about $350,000 financing. in today's dollars. Roosevelt had definitely lost the debt ceiling The year before, steel exec Eugene Grace had battle over the salary cap, as he no doubt knew à he would. But sometimes a leader can win by "losing." FDR didn't prevail on the cap. He did prevail in his far broader struggle to shape the wartime finance debate. Roosevelt's relentless campaign to cap top incomes kept that debate focused on taxing the rich. Conservatives didn't want to do that taxing. They wanted a national sales tax, as do many conservatives today. But FDR's aggressive advocacy for equity never let that regressive sales tax notion get traction. The war revenue debate would be fought on Roosevelt's terms — not on whether to tax the rich, but on how much. And, in the end, that "how much" would turn out to be quite a great deal. By the war's end, America's wealthy would be paying taxes on income over $200,000 at a 94 percent statutory rate. Americans making over $250,000 in 1944— over $3.2 million today— paid 69 percent of their total incomes in federal income taxes, after ex­ ploiting every loophole they could find. In 2007, by contrast, America's 400 highest earners paid just 18.1 percent of their total incomes, after loopholes, in federal taxes. The debt ceiling "solution" that White House and congressional leaders bargained does not ask these top400— or any other rich Americans — to pay a penny more in taxes than they do now. In the 2011 debt ceiling struggle, inequality has clearly triumphed. So what does FDR's debt ceiling battle teach us? Maybe this: We really can have a more equal America. We just need to fight for it. Sam Pizzigati edits Too Much, an online weekly on excess and inequality published by the Washington, D.C.-based Institute for Policy Studies.