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Portland Observador
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Civil Rights Journal
Not In Our town
bv B ernice P owell J ackson
Q7"* ast year this tim e a
grassroots campaign
C
against racism and hate
violence occurred in cities and
towns across the nation.
Spawned by the actions ofeitizens
in billings, MT who refused to allow
their Jewish neighbors to be terror
ized by local w hite suprem acist
groups, the campaign was named
Not In Our Town anil culminated in
a documentary aired on the Public
Broadcasting system.
As blac k churches continue to burn
in 1996, Not In O urTow n once again
is taking place in communities which
are saying no to racism and arc re
sponding with a commitment to end
racially-motivated violence ami in
tolerance. This year's campaign be
gan on International Human Rights
Day, December 10 anil ends with
Martin Luther King Jr.’s birthday
celebration in January. Once again, it
will include a documentary, to air on
December 23 which will tell the sto
ries of what communities across the
nation are doing.
Stories like that of St. John Baptist
Church in south Carolina, which was
one of the black churches which
burned.
For a decade St John had been the
target of racially-m otivated hale
crimes, including desecrations of the
church, its contents and its cemetery
on several occasions Now, mem
r ¿ j
Ì
Editorial Articles Do Not Necessarily
Reflect Or Represent The Views O f
l
ök
’
1
¡JlJortlanh ODbseruer
here was an interesting
a rtic le
by Richard
Harwood of the Wash
ington Post recently, analyzing
voting behavior In the last elec
tion by class status.
His conclusion was that big mon
ey not only buys special interest in
fluence in election campaigns, but
also demonstrates its power at the
polls.
We quote from Harwood: "We all
know that m oney talk s in
polities...But since there are fewer
rich people than there are ordinary
citizens, it s all supposed to equal
out: You have the money, we have
the votes. We can always throw the
rascals out. The trouble with this
formulation is that it isn't necessarily
true. The influence of money shows
up in the ballot boxes as well. Voting
behavior is heavily influenced by
social class, meaning our place at the
top or bottom of the income and
education ladders.”
Two groups—people with college
degrees, anti people with less than a
high school education -each make
up about 20% of the adult population
in America. People with college de
grees, though, not only pull in a far
have been released by Senior analyst
David Bosilis of the Joint Center for
Political and Economic studies. From
his analysis of voter News Service
exit polls and estimates from the
Committee for the Study of the A m er
ican Electorate, Bositis concludes
that African American turnout rose
to a 10% share of the 1996 electorate
(up from 7% in 1992, with a large
increase among African American
males(; and that Latino/Hispanic vote
share increased to 5% in 1996 (up
from 3% in 1992, and earlier report
ed as 4%). Combine Harwood’s anal
ysis with that of Bositis, and one
conclusion is very clear: million and
millions of lower-middle-class and
poor whites stayed home on election
day, allowing upper-and middle-class
voters to dominate the voting. (Since
union voting also went up in 1996,
this means these non-voters were
largely non-union, most likely peo
ple who once were considered "blue
collar" workers in the days when the
U.S. manufacturing base was strong.)
Do these skewed voting patterns
affect public policy ? O f course, and
in ways distinctly unfavorable to
wards the poor and lower-income
classes.
31?
p e r
C O A L IT IO N
Voting Top-Down
greater share of income; they also
east 7 times as many votes as people
with less than high school educa
tions.
♦People with less than a high
school education east only 5.5 mil
lion votes, a mere 6% of the total
(favoring Clinton 2 -1 ).
Jaxfax's conclusion: hail people
with less than a high school educa
tion voted at anywhere near the rates
that people with college degrees did.
the U.S. Congress would look a lot
different today.
*14% of families earn more than
$75,000 a year—they east 25 million
votes, with a large majority for Dole).
*16% of families, almost the same
share of the population, earn less
s p
than $15.000 dollars a year-they
east about 10 million votes, with 2/3
for Clinton.
The obvious conclusion: had fam
ilies at the low end of the income
scale voted in equal numbers with
families at the high end, speaker
Gingrich would have been replaced.
Harwood makes another interest
ing point: “The most ardent Demo
crats were single women, who, in
financial terms, are the poorest class
of people in the country. They fa
vored Clinton by more than 2 to I -
62% to 28%. Their median income in
1992 was less than $ 18,000. For sin
gle women with children, the median
was $13,445,”
Related voter turnout numbers
e c
t
i
r
e s
Who Told You That You Were Naked, P art II
W
ell “sure and begorra and
blessed indeed are the
saints” as the Irish would
say.
Parents and grand parents were
calling me like com m unications
would soon be out of style - seems
that last w eek's column provoked a
bit of activity aimed at retaining some
of the terra firma to which African
Americans still hold title.
T hat’s cool, a little late (about 35
million late), but a step in the right
direction. One "exasperated” wom
an wrote that even before my more
recent disclosures of how well black
people of all ages, religions and so
cial persuasions understood and man
aged their urban infrastructure ("Ev
idences of progress among Colored
People" 1908), I had detailed nota
ble economic progress early on in
Northeast Portland.
This reference was to a piece I
wrote almost a decade ago on the
urban real estate development cor
porations form ed by the black
pullman porters, red caps and dining
car waiters, during the 1930's and
1940’s. These ‘non-university’ en
trepreneurs did not fall under the
mantra of Carter G. W oodson's “The
Mis-Education O f the Negro” - but
rather, pooling their paltry salaries
and their tips, pursued a prais worthy
tradition which unfortunately did not
‘take’ with the succeeding genera
tions.
They built and/or took over apart
ment houses and commercial units
By
Professor
Mcklnley
Burt
w hieh they either leased or operated
themselves Since these firms were
among my very first public account
ing clients (1946-1954), I can per
sonally attest to both their financial
viability and their solid social inte
gration into the community; support
ing many societal functions, charita
ble or recreational.
I he facilities either housed, oper
ated or incubated by these progres
sive entrepreneurial spirits included
contractors, retail stores, restaurants,
dry cleaners, billiard parlors, night
clubs, record stores, coin-operated
amusement device distributors (joke
boxes and cigarette machines), dance
halls, hotels, grocery, haberdashery,
pharmacy, moving and storage.
After the grim reaper of Urban
Renewal swept all of this away, with
no prescience, intervention or relo-
e a tio n fu n c tio n s in stitu te d by
W oodson's "helpless generation of
superbly educated sons and daugh
ters”. And now, of course, th e ’third’
generation is for the most part em
ployed by or agents of the ’ newcom
ers' on this feverish northeast stage -
- where the actors now are federally-
lunded and are ’pale’ imitators of
what was or could have been (pun
intended).
This is what happens when the
‘social engineers’ are placed in con
trol of the destiny of a people, when
the shrewd, smooth, neo-carpet bag
gers (or “co rruptionists” as Dr.
Woodson called them) ally them
selves with the establishment media
and are enabled to control the leader
ship Iront lar off academic or bank-
ing/economie enclaves. As several
parents said last week; “It worked in
Africa, it worked in India, it worked
in Central America, and for a long
while in China, Russia and IndoChi
na. Why not in Albina?"
and, of course, other bitter and
disillusioned residents point to these
situations and make the connection
to the urban terroron the mean streets.
They, too, deplore the resulting soci
etal and cultural vacuum where there
are no individual or cultural role
models, no sign posts and no bench
marks I've known Rev Willie Banks
for over twenty-years and remember
seeing his "Junior" as an infant. Mr.
Banks, a U.S. Forest Service 'c o m
puterized map-making technician’
worked with me during the 1970’son
the programs I developed for the
agency’s out-reach programs to m i
nority youth. I grieve with him over
the recent senseless killing of his son.
But I must grieve too for the name
less child who took away his life-- as
I must for the many youth on either
side of this frightening human equa
tion. Who told those who are in the
roles of power and leadership “that
(hey were naked?” Who told them
that it is no longer the ease that know
ing who you are and what you have
accomplished last decade, last cen
tury or in past millenniums forms a
key element of your education as
well your culture?
But there are some of us who have
more than adequately demonstrated
that African Americans are a far cry
from being naked and we have done
so in the community, in the class
room, on television, on the lecture
circuit and by practical real time dem
onstration.
Parents are asking is it too late to
take back the leadership from the TV
spin doctors, the poseurs, the sub
stance abusers, the tired and the so
cial engineers?
V o l t a g e P o in t : “Campaign For A New Tomorrow” continues
-.....«
in R un D A. aniels
More than 200 people from 10
cities across the country recently
gathered in Philadelphia to assess
the 1996 presidential election and
consider the idea of forming a new
political party . Noted author and lec
turer Cornel West, Mike Albert, Ed
itor ol Z Magazine, Don Rojas, former
Director of Communications for the
NAACP, and nationally syndicated
talk show host Bob I.aw were among
those who addressed (he conference.
Convened by the Campaign for a
New Tomorrow (CNT), a Black and
people of color led multi-racial Inde
pendent Political Organization which
is an outgrowth of the 1992 Ron
Daniels for president Campaign, the
bers of that community, along with
labor union members and church
members from other parts of the coun
try, are rebuilding St. John.
Stories like two women in Ohio
who began a “Not In Our Agency"
education campaign for thousands of
stale employees after an annual Ku
Klux Kian cross burning on the state
house lawn. Or the follow-up to the
original Not In OurTown Story, which
occurred in Billings, Montana and in
cludes a look at the quality of life in the
Jewish community there today.
Not In Our Town is being used by
town and city governm ents, by
schools anil ministerial associations.
Many programs will focus on young
by A skia M uhammad
people, helping them to understand
t the Aberdeen Army
the impact of racially-motivated vio
Proving Ground, north of
lence. Many cities will use the video
Baltimore, Maryland, and
tape as a part of (heir Martin Luther
at the Fort Leonard Wood Base in
King, Jr. celebrations.
Missouri, several commissioned
In this year o f black church
and non-commissioned officers
burnings, in this year where we see
have been placed on leave, while
the continuing racism of the criminal
they are investigated in a nation
justice system and other incidents of
al probe of sexual misconduct in
racism all across our nation, Not In
the military.
Our Town is one way to get every
W e now have w o rse -th a n -
community to talk about what racism
Tialhook-2, a widening investiga
means in 1996 and the responsibility
tion o f abuse of authority by all-
that all people of good will have to
powerful army drill sergeants and
light it wherever and whenever we
recruit company commanders forc
confront it. We must all say loudly
ing female trainees to have sex with
and firmly, "Not In Our Town."
them ...or else!
For more information on Not In
T here’s no question about it, the
Our Town, call (510) 547-8484 or
guilty should be punished and will be
fa x (510) 547-8844.
punished. In military life, unlike ci
.
goal ol the conference was to review
the progress of CNT since 1992 and
to discuss the Principles of Unity,
Platform and Program for a new po
litical party
The meeting was characterized by
a lively and productive exchange of
views about the challenges and pros
pects o f organizing a new political
party. Time and time again activists
from around the country rose to ex
press their displeasure with the "less
er evil polities” of the Democrats and
Republicans which largely ignores
the interests and aspirations of Black
people and people of color. Hence
the critical question debated at the
meeting was not if there should be a
new political party, but what kind of
party is needed and the timetable for
organizing a new parly. There was a
thought provoking discussion over
whether the party should be a Black
political party, Black led. or Black
and people of color led multi-racial
party as CNT had originally envi
sioned it.
There was strong sentiment, how
ever, that whatever the raeial/ethnic
composition of the party, the objec
tive of the party must be to promote
fundamental change and social trans
formation.
J he CNT chapter reports from
New York, Washington D.C. and
Pittsburgh gave a clear indication
that (he groundwork is being laid for
an independent political party. Ac-
cordingly, the National Coordinat
ing Committee of Campaign for a
New Tomorrow resolved to move
forward with the idea of creating the
Independent Progressive Party. How
ever, there was a clear consensus that
much more work is needed to sharp
en the Principles of Unity, Platform
and Program of CNT and a much
stronger organizational and member
ship base is required as pre-condi
tions lor actually creating the Inde
pendent progressive Party.
Consistent with that consensus,
the National Coordinating Commit
tee agreed that CNT would become
the National Organizing Committee
lor the Independent Progressive
Party.
The Army Sex Scandal: Is It More Than ‘Skin Deep?’
vilian life, soldiers can still be pros
ecuted for sex crimes like "adultery,"
and “conduct unbecoming an offic
er.”
So far, all 3 men who have been
brought up on charges at Aberdeen
are Black. At Ft. Leonard Wood, 7 or
8 African-American drill sergeants
arc under investigation. Therein lies
“the rub.”
W hile Pentagon spokeswoman
Maj. Natalie Perkins told me: “As far
as the Army is concerned, this is not
a racial issue," the circumstances
smell mighty fishy, even if they don’t
“look" like they are race-related
At least one drill sergeant at Ft.
Leonard Wood told this reporter that
he has been suspended while the Army
investigates 10 charges against him,
all brought by white females. This
Sergeant insists that at least 7 other
colleagues are in the same situation.
Black male soldiers have been charged
with harassing white female recruits,
while no Black females have com
plained about these same officers.
The sergeant also informed us that
before this current outbreak of sexual
harassment complaints, he had been
charged with 5 sexual incidents, inves
tigated, and cleared of all allegations.
Now, he says, all 5 have been re
opened and added to 5 new charges as
a part of this house-eleaning effort.
In one of the incidents where he
was beening investigated and cleared,
the woman said he offered to lend her
money. He said when he learned that
she was having a financial problem,
he told her that there were facilities
on the base where she could borrow
money in an emergency. The other
incident, he said, like the first, is a
matter of two different interpreta
tions of a situation that in fact hap
pened.
The sergeant said training officers
often use the expression: “You owe
me," referring to push-ups, or other
punitive assignments, when recruits
make mistakes. He said a white fe
male learned that she was not going
to graduate from basic training and
told his commander he threatened
her with "You owe me," referring to
sex. When asked, the sergeant said,
'Ol course, I said it. Everyone says
it .” But he insists he did not mean she
owed him sex. He also informed
that the recruit had already heen trans
ferred out of his platoon, and was
using the incident to get revenge.
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