J une 15, 1994 • T he P ortland O bserver
P age A2
Civil Rights
Journal
NATIONAL’
Free America’s Political
Prisoners
by
C O A L IT IO N
day, roll purges, gerrymandered po
litical lines, poll taxes, literacy tests,
grandfather clauses and, o f course,
violence.
W hat makes politics so im por
tant? The political order is the distri
bution system for the economic order.
Politics determ ines who, gets what,
when, where and how. Thus, it is
neither an accident nor apathy that
leads Americans NOT to vote. Vested
economic and political interests at the
top have worked long and hard, and
in sophisticated ways, to keep those at
the bottom from voting!
W hat, then, are som eof the SY S
TEM IC differences that took place in
the South African election as com
pared to U.S. elections?
1. the first difference between
South African and U.S. democracy is
that in South A frica the governm ent
INTENDED for the masses o f their
people to participate in the dem o
cratic process. In the U.S. our govern
ment INTENDS FOR THE MASSES
of the American people NOT to par
ticipate in the democratic process.
How do we know that?
2. G ood “ intentions” are trans
lated into good and effective govern
ment policies and procedures. The
South African governm ent spent $70
m illion ($35 m illion from the U.S.)
on voter education and voting proce
dures for 40 m illion people and 23
m illion eligible voters. A sim ilar pro
gram for 260 million Americans and
180 m illion eligible voters in the U.S.
would cost $500 million. In south
Africa, the day prior toofficial voting,
the governm ent took the polls to the
infirm in hospitals, to the incarcer
ated in jail and to soldiers in the
military. In the U.S., the initiation for
voting is left totally up to the indi
vidual.
In South Africa, the election was
conducted over two days, which were
national holidays, and everyone was
off from work. They even extended it
into a third day in the middle o f the
election to accommodate everyone
who wanted to vote. The U .S. election
is held on Tuesday, a work day, be
tween 6 AM and u PM . This is really
an aristocratic notion, carried over
from another day, which still has the
effect o f disproportionately disenfran
chising w orkers, minorities and the
poor. To simplify voting for the less
educated. South African voters sim
ply placed an “X ” next to the PIC
TU RE, not just the name, on the
ballot for the candidate o f their choice-
-technically, in south Africa, they
actually voted for the party.
South Africa had some-day, on
site, universal voting. They could vote
anywhere in the country by just show
ing up at an election poll on the days)
o f the election. Fraud was prevented
by dipping a voter’s thumb in invis
ible ink which would not wash off for
a week. Ultraviolet light would reveal
whether one had voted before or not.
In the U.S., the problem of voter voted
before or not. In the U.S., the problem
of voter fraud i overwhelmingly re
lated to those who RUN AND CO N
TROL THE VOTING SYSTEM, not
INDIVIDUALS who cheat. Despite
the fact that voter interest rises as the
election approaches, with voter inter
est being highest on election day, in
the U .S. voter registration is cut-off in
different states between 10 and 45
days before an election.
Finally, in South Africa, the white
minority was protected. Any party
that got 5% or more of the vote was
included in the governm ent in pro
portion to their vote total. Thus, a l
most everyone had an INTEREST in
voting, in the U.S., the winner takes
all. Buthelezi got 5% and DeKlerk
THIS WAY FOR BLACK FMPOWFRMFNÏ
The New Black Unity
t has become apparent over
the last year that Black lead
ership in America is achiev
ing an unprecedented level of unity.
The NAACP, the nation’s oldest,
most influential and prestigious civil
rights organization, is in the final stages
of organizing an African American sum
mit which for the first time in American
history will include Black nationalists
such as Minister Louis Farrakhan, Black
socialists such as myself. Black insur
gent Democrats such as the Reverends
A1 Sharpton and Jesse Jackson, a wide
range of Black religious leaders, and
numerous Black elected officials, in
cluding many members of the Congres
sional Black Caucus.
The NAACP’s planned summit is
part of an ongoing effort among African
American leaders-evident since at least
1992 - to find ways of working with and
supporting each other despite our differ
ences. It can be seen in the cooperation
between members of the Congressional
Black Caucus and the Nation of Islam. It
can be seen in the joint electoral efforts
of Reverend Sharpton and myself in the
state of New York, where we are running
in the Democratic Party Primary for U.S.
Senate and governor, respectively. It can
be seen in the refusal of Black leaders -
- who, as always, have serious political
differences - to denounce, renounce or
pounce on each other, despite tremen
dous pressure from the liberal white es
tablishment to do so.
This level of Black unity has never
before been achieved. Not in the 1930s,
when Black leftists associated with the
Communist Party denounced the NAACP
as a bunch of middle class sellouts and
the NAACP attacked the Black commu
nists as dupes of Moscow. Not in the
1960s, when pro-integrationist civil
rights leaders denounced Black nation
alists like Malcolm X as “hate mongers”
and the nationalists, in turn, attacked the
integrationist for their “naive” commit
ment to non-violent tactics and reliance
on white money. Not in the late 1960s,
when “cultural nationalists” and “revo
lutionary nationalists” were literally kill
ing each other over who were the genu
ine nationalists. Not in the early 1970s,
when Black liberals joined their white
comrades in denouncing the Black Pan
ther Party as “adventurist” and “crimi
nal,” and then sat on their hands while
the cops gunned them down. Not in the
1980s when acceptance into the “politi
cal mainstream” required Black leaders
to denounce Minister Farrakhan, ridi
cule Reverend Sharpton and cult-and/or
red-bait me.
But in 1994, a rough sketch of a
Black Agenda has been drawn and Black
leaders, with few exceptions, have not
only stopped publicly attacking each
other, we have actually found ways of
talking together and supporting and
working with each other despite our
differences.
Not surprisingly, the white estab-
lishmcnt-particularly the liberals, who
are the establishment’s official emissar
ies to the Black community-are not
pleased. In an article entitled “ Identity
Crisis” that appeared on the op-ed page
of the New York Times on May 23, Jack
Greenberg, a law professor at Columbia
University who served as the director-
counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense
and Educational Fund from 1961 to 1984,
articulates the white liberal’s anxiety
about Black unity.
Focusing on the NAACP’s recent
efforts to broaden its base in the African
American community and build bridges
to a wide range of Black leaders,
Greenberg writes; “Mr. [Benjamin]
Chavis [executive director of the
NAACP] has been reaching in various
d irections to try to expand the
N.A.A.C.P’s influence. Unfortunately
he has turned to such separatists as the
Nation of Islam and Kwamc Tourc (for
merly Stokely Carmichael).
“After a decline, the organization’s
membership may have grown a startling
24 percent, as it claims. But Mr. Chavis’s
courtship of the black community’s
fringes-militants and leftists-and their
attacks on many groups (particularly
Jews) that had contributed significantly
to N.A.A.CP. victories are of course
driving those groups away.”
Greenberg’s threat, which has been
repeated many times and in many ways
over the last year, is explicit: “I hope the
N.A. A.C.P. will resume its old, honored
role...It will be not only unprincipled but
also impractical for the N.A.A.CB. to
keep hitching itse lf to low -road
dcmagogues...lt should reconstitute its
old friendships; otherwise, it may not
survive and prosper in the new political
he
United
States
government denies the
existence of political
prisoners -
Lakota native American who was one of
the leaders of the American Indian Move
ment, which was also targeted by the
FBI’s COINTELPRO operation. Like
Geronimo Pratt, Peltier claims that he
was framed on false murder charges,
which are the result of an encounter
between FBI agents and Indians on the
Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South
Dakota in 1975 in which two agents and
a native American were killed. Peltier
was convicted of killing the two agents
on circumstantial evidence and is now
serving his 18th year of two consecutive
life sentences. Like Pratt, Peltier had
been singled out by the FBI, according to
its own documents. Believing that he
had no chance of a fair hearing, Peltier
left the country and went to Canada
seeking political asylum. While there,
the U.S. government presented an affi
davit signed by anative American woman
who claimed she had seen the murders.
She later admitted that she had never
seen Peltier before in her life.
Since his conviction Peltier has
appealed his case four times and while
the Eighth Circui t Court of Appeals found
that the previous trials had been riddled
with misconduct and improprieties, it
refused to grant a new trial. However,
Peltier’s appeal for Executive Clemency
no w sits on the desk of the Deputy Attor
ney General of the U.S. Department of
Justice and a Leonard Peltier Freedom
Week-end is planned in Washington
D.C. for June 25-26.
ALEJANDRIN A TORRES
Alejandrina Torres is the wife of a
clergyman and mother of two daughters
and was arrested in 1983. Like a number
of other Puerto Rican political prisoners,
she has been accused by the government
of conspiring to use force against the
lawful authority of the U.S. government
over Puerto Rico. She spent two years of
her imprisonment in the Women’s High
Security Unit at Lexington, KY, an un
derground unit where lights are kept on
24 hours a day and which has been
condemned by Amnesty International
and other human rights groups. She is
not scheduled for release until 2004.
Abuse of political power is wrong
anywhere, but it is especially wrong in
the United States of America. Tnose
who label dissent a crime and then sub
vert the law themselves are the real of
fenders. Our country was founded by
those who were dissenters. To be a voice
for the voiceless, write:
On behalf of a new trial for
Geronimoji Jaga(Pratt); Mr.GilGarcetti,
Los Angeles County District Attorney,
210 W. Temple, Room 18-1000, Los
Angeles, CA 90012.
On behalf of executive clemency
for Leonard Peltier: President Clinton,
White House, Washington D.C. 20500
and to The Hon. Jamie S. Gorecik, Deputy
Attorney General, U.S. Department of
Justice, Washington, D.C. 20530.
On behalf of the Puerto Rican po
litical prisoners, also write to President
Clinton.
people who are in prison because of
their ideas or beliefs. But the world
recognizes that the United States does
imprison people for their political be
liefs.
Amnesty International, the human
rights group, defines apolitical prisoner
as “any prisoner whose case has a sig
got 20% and they were included in
nificant political element...” The Prison
the cabinet and as Vice President
ers of Conscience Project has already
respectively, even though Mandela
identified more than 100 such prisoners
got 63% o f the vote. In the U.S.,
in the U.S. today and according to the
Clinton got 43% and he won it all
National Conference of Black Lawyers,
with no (political) obligation to the
75 of them are African American or
57% who voted for someone else. It
Puerto Rican.
is not a shared pow er “w in-w in” for
Most of the U.S. political prisoners
Everyone, but a “w inner-take-all”
share two things in common—they were
and a “win-for-somc. LOSS-FOR-
subjects of the FBI’s COINTELPRO
M O ST” situation. The U.S. system
operation, which targeted activists in
is a disincentive to mass participa
racial/ethnic communities in the 1970’s
tion.
and 80’s and they have remained in
3. R E C O M M E N D A T IO N S :
prison longer than those convicted of
Following the 11 day, 7 state, 18 city
similar crimes but who are not politically
Southern Voting Rights Tour, Rev.
active. Many of them have been impris
Jesse L. Jackson met with Attorney
oned in very harsh conditions and in the
G eneral Janet Reno and made the
nation’s highest security prisons.
following recommendations: (a) na
These are only three of their sto
tional elections should be held on
ries:
Saturdays with polls being open from
G ERONIM O JI JAG A (PRATT)
6 AM to 12 Midnight; (b) that Presi
Geronimo Pratt served two tours of
dent Clinton should educate the pub
duty in Viet Nam, ultimately earning
lic on the threat o f Shaw V. Reno to
two Purple Hearts and both the Bronze
minority rights; (c) that the federal
and Silver stars. After returning home,
governm ent monitor the states to
he went to California, where he became
make sure that they pass and im ple
active in the Black Panther Party, one of
ment the National Voting Rights Act
the groups targeted by J. Edgar Hoover’s
of 1993 (e.g., most o f the southern
counterintelligence program.
states we visited had not even intro
In 1968 a white Santa Monicacouple
duced such legislation, much less
was gunned down while playing tennis
passed it); (d) that the next step in
and the wife was killed. Geronimo Pratt
voting legislation would be to pass
was arrested as the murderer. But Pratt,
same-day, on-site, universal voter
now called ji Jaga, denies that he was
registration; (e) that the 3.5 million
even in Los Angeles or that he has ever
high school seniors come across the
killed anyone other than in Viet Nam
stage each year at graduation with a
and charges that the FBI had targeted
diplom a in one hand sym bolizing
him under their COINTEFLPRO pro
know ledge and wisdom, and a voter
gram. The FBI’s own evidence agrees.
registration card in the other sym
Pratt’s lawyers claim that, in fact,
bolizing knowledge and wisdom, and
he was framed for this murder, with the
a voter registration card in the other
government using evidence provided by
symbolizing power and responsibil
an FBI paid informer who had his own
ity; and (f) that the U.S. set up a
vendetta against Pratt and suppressing
commission to study the South Afri
other key evidence which was crucial to
can election, and m ake recom m en
Pratt’s defense. Moreover, there is evi
dations on how the U.S. can improve
dence that during the trial the FBI infil
its voting system.
trated Pratt’s legal team so that his de
fense was compromised at every level.
In the 24 years since Pratt’s impris
onment, he has seen men who have mur
dered two or three people released after
serving 17 or 18 years. Yet, Pratt’s 12
parole hearings and numerous attempts
to get a new trial have all failed and he
remains incarcerated.
environment.”
Because of new evidence and sup
The white media and the political
pressed evidence, the Los Angeles dis
establishment used to dismiss me as a
trict attorney agreed to review Pratt’s
“cull leader’ and a “fringe candidate.”
case.
Having found these charges to be inef
LEONARD PELTIER
fective in driving a wedge between me
Leonard Peltier is an Anishinabe-
and the Black community, they’ve
switched to this “ambulance chasing”
routine. In turn, I have exposed them for
being “vote chasers” who come into our
communities only on election day.
(USPS 959-680)
Frankly, it would be a step forward for
OREGON’S OLDEST AFRICAN AMERICAN PUBLICATION
them to become ambulance chasers. It
Established In 1970 by Alfred L. Henderson
would mean that at least they would
Joyce Washington
know what’s going on with our people.
P ublisher
The liberals and their newspapers
The PORTLAND OBSERVER Is located at
are sounding a bit hysterical these days.
4747 NE Martin Luther King, Jr. Blvd.
They don’t have the same control over
Portland, Oregon 97211
the Black community (or anything else)
503-288-0033 * Fax 503-288-0015
that they used to. They lost City Hall in
Deadline for all submitted materials:
both Los Angeles and New York, the
Articles:Friday, 5:00 pm Ads: Monday Noon
country’s two largest cities, toright wing
POSTMASTER: Send Address Changes to: Portland Observer,
Republicans. They can’t get anyone im
P.O. Box 3137, Portland, OR 97208.
portant to repudiate Louis Farrakhan.
Second
Class postage paid at Portland, Oregon.
Theycan’tgettheN A A CPto“actright,”
The Portland Observer welcomes freelance submissions. Manuscripts and
The Congressional Black Caucus is be
photographs should be clearly labeled and will be returned. If accompanied by
coming powerful in its own right. Black
a self addressed envelope. All created design display ads become the sole
Democrats and the Black independents
property of the newspaper and can not be used in other publications or personal
are sitting down at the same table and
usage, without the written consent of the general manager, unless the client has
talking turkey.
purchased the composition of such ad. © 1994 THE PORTLAND O B
SERVER. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. REPRODUCTION IN WHOLE OR IN
The political stock of the white lib
erals is going down. They’re on the
PART WITHOUT PERMISSION IS PROHIBITED.
Subscrip lions: $30.00 per year.
defensive. That’s why they’re being so
The Portland O bserver-O regon’s Oldest African-American Publication-is a
vicious to Ben Chavis, to Louis Farra
member of the National Newspaper Association-Founded in 1885, and The
khan and to me. They’ve been stung by
National Advertising Representative Amalgamated Publishers, Inc, New
our unity, which they can’t control and
York, NY, and The West Coast Black Publishers Association • Serving
can’tdestroy. And they’re trying desper
Portland and Vancouver
ately to sting back.
Voting In The U.S. & S.A. Southern Tour
Report: A Comparison
hy was there nearly 100%
voter participation in the
recent South African elec
tions, while in the “cradle o f dem oc
racy” , the U .S., we rank near the
bottom in voter participation among
the industrialized dem ocracies with
slightly more than 50% o f the eli
gible voters voting? Is it genetic or
systemic? The difference is clearly
systemic, rooted in political will and
governm ent policies!
Slightly more than a century
ago there was no such thing as voter
registration. People who were eli
gible to vote by age, citizenship and
residency were allow ed to vote on
election day. W hat undemocratic
politics changed this dem ocratic
policy?
A century ago, the U.S. was
prim arily rural. The em erging in
dustrial revolution, however, was
changing that dram atically. U rban
ized industry was attracting large
num bers of, prim arily, European
ethnic im m igrants to jobs in the
cities. Such growing m ass m igra
tion to the cities was a direct threat to
Rural Pow er w hich, at that time,
dominated both the U.S. Congress
and state legislatures. A t the same
time, the w om en’s suffrage m ove
ment was growing, finally coming to
fru itio n w ith a C o n s titu tio n a l
A m endm ent in 1919; w hile the re
cently freed slaves (1863) w ere
em erging as apolitical force. Som e
thing had to be done to stymie the
potential political pow er o f workers,
women and blacks. Thus, voter reg
istration was introduced as a barrier
and obstacle to mass democratic par
ticipation.
Along with voter registration,
especially in the South, came addi
tional b arriers-early cut-off dates
for registration, voting on a work-
B ernice P owell J ackson
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