Page 2...The Portland Observer...October 28, 1992
CIVIL RIGHTS JOURNAL
p e r s p e c tiv e s
By Benjamin F. Chavis, Jr.
Civil Rights Journal #566
Step The Violence In The U.S.A
The fatal shooting of seven year
old Dantrell Davis as he walked to
school through C hicago’s Cabrini-
Green housing project has stirred a
renewed demand to stop the spiral of
death and violence that has increas
ingly engulfed many ot the centers of
urban America. Some of the violence is
gang related. Some of the violence
conies as a result of the drug epidemic.
Yet, some of the violence finds inno
cent victims being caught in the cross
fires of this nation’s economic exploi
tation and social neglect.
The fact that there are many con
tributing factors to the violent social
condition of the United S tates is in itself
no excuse for local, regional and na
tional leaders to avoid addressing this
critical issue. The new national focus
on violence in public housing projects
like Cabrini-Green is necessary and
long overdue. But we believe it would
be a mistake to see the tragic death of
little Dantrell Davis as an isolated inci
dent that is only pertinent to the infa
mous public housing projects in the city
of Chicago.
Chicago’s M ayor, Richard M.
Daily, views the situation as needing
primarily a law enforcement solution.
Mayor Daily quickly ordered a massive
police search and seizure operation in
the 7,000-person housing complex. The
resident population in Cabrini-Green is
nearly 100 percent African American.
The man arrested as the confessed sniper
in the senseless shooting of Davis should
be swiftly tried and sentenced for his
awful criminal act.
We believe, however, that to view
the urban crisis solely as an issue of law
and order is grossly insufficient and
irresponsible. Until the social and eco
nomic conditions that drive persons to
crime and violence are changed the
tragic murders of our children in the
streets of America will continue to in
crease.
How is it in a racially diverse large
city like Chicago that a 7,000-person
public housing project has only African
American residents? Residential segre
gation by race and socioeconomic con
dition has not been challenged to any
tangible degree during the last 40 years.
In fact, racial segregation in housing is
worst in 1992 than it was in 1952
throughout the country.
In Philadelphia, Newark, Detroit,
Kansas City and in many other cities the
violence in public housing projects rep
licates the situation in Chicago. But the
problem is not the existence of public
housing; the problem is the absence of
adequate public housing, the absence
of employment, the absence of a com
munity economic empowerment for
people of color communities, and the
absence of show of priority concern for
the plight of urban America by the
federal government during the last 12
years.
In particular the federal retreat from
helping to finance public housing has
both expanded the ranks of the home
less and deteriorated the physical and
human conditions of the existing units
of public housing. The devastating rise
in violence is symptomatic oflhe deeper
problem of racism and this nation’s
reluctance to demand equal access to
employment, education, health care and
overall economic empowerment.
As the international community
has correctly focused worldwide atten
tion to the violence and injustice of
places such as Bosnia and Herzegovina
or in south Africa, the violence of the
socioeconomic and racial condition of
the United States also needs more inter
national scrutiny. Yes we are saying
that the United Nations Commission on
Human Rights needs to urgently review
the systemic violations of human rights
in the United States.
Again the current 1992 Presiden
tial Campaign has all but ignored the
spiral of violence and social disintegra
tion sweeping the country. One way to
begin to stop the violence is to stop
ignoring its existence and stop denying
the causative factors. Traditionally, the
sole strategy of “law and order” only
justifies and blames the victims for
their victimization.
Poverty is violence. Racism is vio
lence. Unemployment is violence. And
as these types of violence are forced
together into the crucibles of urban
America this will produce nothing more
than a greater intensity of horn icide and
hopelessness. For the sake of the thou
sands of children like Dantrell Davis
who are killed senselessly, it is impera
tive that we work harder to stop the
violence.
Guest Editorial
No On 5 & 6
It wasn’t too long ago that here
was a surplus of low-cost power in the
Pacific Northwest Those days are now
gone, and we are faced with increasing
demands for electricity to meet the
needs of our state and region. This is
evidenced by the Bonneville Power
Administration’s recentannouncement
that it was forced to cut the amount of
power it sells to 14 of its largest indus
trial customers by 25 percent because
of the drought and lack of surplus
power. And the future availability of
hydropower remains uncertain as the
drought continues and we face mea
sures to protect endangered salmon
runs on the Columbia River.
And now, at a time that we need
all of our electric generating resources,
there are two measures on November’s
ballot calling for an immediate shut
down of the Trojan plant. At a time of
energy deficits, the actions of the spon
sors of these measures are totally irre
sponsible. that is why tens o f thou
sands of Oregon employers, academic
and civic leaders, environmentalists,
and other citizens have come together
as the No on 5 & 6 Committee to stop
the drastic, immediate shutdown of
Trojan.
We support Portland General Elec
tric co.’s (PGE) four-year phaseout
plan for Trojan. The utility’s plan rec
ognizes the needs of Oregonians to
have low-cost, reliable power in place
before the plant goes off-line for the
last time. We also understand the need
for a transition time to help displaced
workers and the economy of Columbia
County and our state.
PGE’s plan allows four years to
develop alternative power resources.
With new cost-effective and reliable
generating sources in place, the region
is much less likely to face the threat of
brownouts or blackouts in the interim
when Trojan finally shuts down.
Under Oregon’s Least Cost Plan
ning Process, it was found that an
immediate shutdown of Trojan would
cost Oregonians nearly $500 million
(Efje JJurtlanfc (©bseriier
McKinley Burt
Dan Bell
Mattie Ann Callier-Spears
Bill Council
John Phillips
Production Staff
Operations Manager
Dean Babb
Gary Ann Garnett
Rea Washington
Joyce Washington
Accounting Manager
Gary Ann Garnett
Public Relations
more than running Trojan until 1996.
Increased power costs along with the
loss of jobs for more than 1,000 men
and women at trojan is a high price to
pay just to meet the political agenda of
Trojan’s opponents.
We have seen the direct and ripple
effects of plant shutdowns in Oregon.
It is devastating! Four years certainly
gives needed time to lessen the impact
on employees, their families, and lo
cal economies.
The millions of dollars in higher
electric bills along with the potential
for increased taxes to compensate
Trojan ’ s owners for the tak ing of their
property comes at a time when we can
least afford it.
It is time that we work together
for a sane and reliable energy future,
there is no justification for die drastic
steps called for bay Ballot Measures 5
& 6. Please join us in voting No on
both Measures 5 and 6 to stop the
drastic, immediate shutdown of Tro
jan.
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The Portland Observer-Oregon's Oldest African-American Publicatlon-is a member
of the National Newspaper Association-Founded in 1885, and The National
Advertising Representative Amalgamated Publishers, Inc., New Y«rk, NY.
L
ogy.
Since twenty years or more have
passed since the book was written
(1969)-and about as long since the
“Great Society” with all its new educa
tional and economic opportunities for
minorities got in high gear-som e very
serious questions about th$ precarious
situation of millionsof black people are
being raised in many quarters other
than here. Some of these issues were
highlighted last seek when I noted that
BY JAMES L. POSEY
Publisher
Alfred Henderson
As I suggested last week, several
readers became quite angry that I would
state that in the case of the black middle-
class it wasn’t “be all you can be”. But
on the other hand there were many
readers like the one who became a
statistician: “In Portland, can you be
lieve over 2000 years of education be
yond high school which translates into
over 60,000 credit hours of “advanced
education” for a select group of our
middle class African Americans?”
(300). “Where’s the b eeP ”, this black
woman asked.
The lady raved on, extrapolating
these figures to “national” parameters
that defined the black middle class in 20
key Standard Metropolitan Statistical
Areas where the urban black popula
tion is concentrated. The tens of mil
lions of university “credit hours were
simply mind-boggling and this educa
tor went to make her case as I have often
done-questioning the “cost-effective
ness” of all that incredible sacrifice by
so many black parents. This is the same
data base I employed in the latter half of
my book, Black Inventors of America,
where I made hopeful projections of the
future of African Americans in technol
you can “flip through Jet and Ebony
magazines on a regular basis” and note
all those mid-level black corporate ex
ecutives on ‘Soft Money”. It should be
obvious to anyone at all knowledge
able about business that this is no
progress at all for these “staff people
will be the first laid off in any eco
nomic downturn. But in the meantime
they have been role models.
Earlier this year a columnist in a
Milwaukee black news-paper com
mented that “ the editors should be
ashamed to portray these naive new
additions to the middle class as having
[made it], and often posing them be
fore quarter-million dollar homes and
fifty thousand dollar cars, with a glass
o f Johnny W alker Red in their
hand...white folks think we’re crazy.”
That’s the pointTony Brown is making
when I quoted him questioning leader
ship by people who build no economic
institutions (relying on the feds, but
“spend tens of millions on hundreds of
conventions, related travel, lodging and
entertainment, scotch and chicken
wings.”
What was ironic last week (or
pitiful), the major black publisher’s
group put in a special color insert into
most black newspapers in this country,
“Exclusive 1993 Auto Preview,” The
cover featured an inset showing two
expensively dressed, partying black
males with glasses of liquor in their
hands. Naturally, the autos shown are
not the cheapest and opposite a full
page ad for cigarettes we have some
“encouraging(?)” statistics, “ Blacks
spend annually for all vehicles 12.6
billion; for new cars 4.1 billion; for
new trucks 1.3 billion.” I don’t get the
point...are we supposed to have an or
gasm or what? Are we supposed to get
off, being reminded that a ridiculous
amount of our income goes for liquor,
tobacco and overpriced automobiles as
opposed to investments, business en
terprise and economic organizations
owned and operated by African Ameri
cans rather than the federal govern
ment?
There is nothing new at all about
these “Role Model Specials” directed
at both young and older blacks which
are designed to shape and manipulate
that African American middle c lass-
“quite successful”, wouldn’t you say?
As 1 pointed out years ago in my “Black
Economic Experience” class at Port
land State University, the tobacco, li
quor and au to m o b ile co m panies
launched their frightening campaign to
capture and control the black middle
class. Do you wish to argue about the
measure of success that they have
had?...as each week you see black lead
ers of our organizations accepting huge
checks from these companies (usually
4x3 feet for effect). They began with
contributions (of our money) to educa
tional and youth organizations. Now I
see the “churches” in the act.
Next week, “where it all began in
Los Angeles”, promoted by the “ Black
Market Men,” black economists and
psychologists who went to these com
panies and said “we’ve’ got a winner.”
1 saw it all happen in the 1950’s...what
do we tell “gang youth” about role
models? What leadership should they
expect from the black middle class?
What about Portland?
Are Portland Blacks Different?
(USPS 959-680)
OREGON’S OLDEST AFRICAN AMERICAN PUBLICATION
Established in 1970
Contributing Writers
The Thrill Is Gone, Part II
Name
Address____________________
city, State
zip-code
T hank Y ou F or R eading
T he P ortland O bserver
You can bet your boots they are
different! It doesn’t take long for other
Blacks who arrive on the scene to dis
cover that there are special characteris
tics akin to the average Black who is
bom in Portland or is a long-time resi
dent. Time and time again Blacks who
visit our city from such places as At
lanta, Chicago, Memphis, New York,
Dallas and D.C., can’t help but com
ment about how differently Blacks seem
to operate in this city. These visiting
Blacks are quick to make the contrast
between the beauty of the city and what
they find to be a disgusting lack of
Black consciousness and progressive
Black activism. One historian describes
Portland and Oregon, as far as Blacks
arc concerned, as a “peculiar paradise.”
Some say Portland Blacks simply sec
themselves as better off than Blacks in
the rest of the country. Therefore, there
is no need to rock the boat in this land
of milk and honey.
Somehow Portland Blacks are
viewed as being more complacent, more
apathetic, etc., than Blacks in other
parts of the country. In other words,
Portland Blacks have a reputation for
consenting rather than demanding to
live as equals in this “paradise.” What
is probably more accurate is the accusa
tion that, in contrast to Seattle, Oakland
or San Francisco, Portland Blacks are
relatively more content to accept the
products of rac ism and oppression. Even
worse is the opinion that there seems to
be a less cohesive energy to improve the
existence of Blacks in this town. That is
why it is hard to attract progressive
Blacks to Portland and why many tal
ented African-Americans have left for
cities that are more economically, cul-
turally and socially appealing.
Who can explain why there is this
perception? Aside from the fact that
there are relatively few numbers of
Blacks, some theorize that Portland is
geographically isolated, more so than
even Seattle. Nestled between Seattle
and San Francisco on the conservative
northwest coastline, there is virtually
no Black cultural roots to hold on to.
Nearly everything is Euro-centric,
which brushes aside any notion of an
Afro-centric community. And, because
there is no critical mass of Afro-centric
minded Blacks here, Blacks themselves
are often the agents of Afro-centric
cleansing. Portland-born Blacks arc
used to running Afro-centric Blacks out
of town. A prime example is Useni
Perkins, the former executive director
of the Urban League. And don’t forget
Derrick Bell, a Black activist to the
bone and the former University of Or
egon Law School dean. In my judge
ment, Blacks are responsible for letting
him getaway. These Black men brought
more than their skills and talent to their
positions; they brought an African-
American presence of strength, history,
culture and self-respect. Albeit they
were not perfect, they were real role
models and a stark contrast to the grin
ning, conceding “Toms,” who say they
represent Blacks in this town today and
who, by the way, do more damage to the
African-American cause than any Neo-
Nazi or KKK organization could ever
hope to do.
Why is this issue important? It’s
important because it predeterm ines how
Portland Blacks will solve their prob
lems. And, it foretells the future wel
fare of the Black community. For ex
ample, Blacks with a strong Afro-cen-
ant Edmund Heines, who was later to
become the lover of Captain F.mst
To The Editor:
Roehm. The same Rochm whose role in
Just about the time I think the
organizing paramilitary formations in
homosexuals are finished with this busi
post-war Germany was crucial. Pg.31
ness of calling people Nazis, Fascist,
“The list could be extended to cover
and Jew killers, along comes someone
hundreds of names. It is by no means
like Charles Hinkle,, gay activist, and
d ifficu lt to prove that the stam p of
attorney for Fred Meyer, and during his
the F reikorps was indelibly im
debate with Scott Lively uses the Nazi
p rin ted on the SS, which inherited
implication again. Lets lake some past
from its predecessor the sw astika,
and present facts and put the labels
the G erm an salute, or H eil, the
where they belong. The following in
brown shirt, and many other co m
formation can be found in the book
mon featu res” . On June 30, 1934
"The History o f the SS" by G.S. Graber.
H itler and Him m ler killed Rochm
The Freikorps was formed just after the
and his officers in a hotel where they
1st World War, and was the predecessor
were found with naked young boys in
of the SA and SS.
what is known as the Rochm Putsch-
Pg. 30 "There is one other aspect of
they had become an em barrassm ent to
the Freikorps which is so pronounced
the revitalized Nazi party-sec "Inside
that it must be mentioned. Many of the
The Third Reich" by Albert Speer.
leaders were homosexual; indeed ho
In the W ashington Blade, a h o
mosexuality appears to have been wide
m osexual new spaper, m ilitant h o
spread in several volunteer units.
m osexual activ ist Eric M. Pollard
Gerhard Rossback, who founded the
revealed that he and the m em bers
Sturmabteilung Rossback, was an open
of his group, ACT-UP/D.C.,hadstud-
Letter To The Editor
tric mind-set realize that Black people
must be responsible for solving their
own problems. In contrast to Euro-cen
tric Blacks, Afro-centric Blacks won’t
spend a lot of time worrying about other
minorities but will be focused on Black
issues. Afro-centric Blacks will under
stand the logic of this reasoning. They
know that if you improve the Black
condition, the condition of other op
pressed people will be likewise and
proportionally improved. Itdoesn’ttake
a genius to know that in American soci
ety, African-Americans act as a bell
wether group for social/economic con
ditions. We are the barometer, the
baseline, the lowest common denomi
nator. If Blacks tre doing OK, other
minorities will be doing well, and the
rest of the world will be doing great!
Of course, Blacks can’t do it all
entirely by themselves. There is a strong
need for partnerships, coalitions and the
likes. History has proven that Blacks in
Portland are particularly good at stoking
the fires for change to benefit everyone,
only to be left out in the cold themselves.
Just look at who is really benefiting
from the activism of Blacks in this town.
The answer; (1) the few institutional
ized “TOMS” who try to act as reliei
valves when the pressure is on; (2)
women; (3) other minorities; and (4)
Blacks. You guessed it, Blacks get what’s
left.
The issue about whether Blacks in
Portland are different is not just about
who gets what. It’s about pride, respect,
appreciation and love of Black people
for the sake of being African- American,
and all that it denotes.
James Posey is a local, small busi
ness owner with a background in social
work and community activism,
ied Adolf Hitler's 'Mein Karnph' in or
der to gain insight into political strat
egy . Pollard, in an article entitled, “Time
to give up fascist tactics” says, “The
average gay man or women could not
immediately relate to our subversive
tactics, drawn largely from the volumi
nous 'Mein Kamph', which some of us
studied as a working model”.
If you will recall the Nazi party
went into the schools and indoctrinated
the children to the point that they even
reported the actions of their own par
ents to the party.
In San Diego California is a homo
sexual neo-Nazi group called The Na
tional Socialist League. The NSL is
pro-nazi and anti-Jewish, but promotes
the group as “gay Nazis”.
I hope the next time Herr Hinkle
and his cohorts, will clean the skeletons
out of their own closet before they lay
their garbage at the front door of honest
God fearing Americans.
William H. Flohr
Sweet Home