Page 2 Portland Observer NOVEMBER 22, 1989
F d i t ö RIAL '7 OPINION
by Ron Daniels
North Caolina in the 1970s; There, a
dynamic, go-getter of a governor turned
the economic fortunes of the enure state
around by forging a hard-working coali
tion of educators, industrialists, bank
ers, unions, and politicians whose ef
forts brought hundreds of million in new
payrolls to the stale within a lew short
years.
by Professor
McKinley Burt
Education Needs
Structure —
Not Lotteries
by Professor McKinley Hurt
In this continuing saga of the higher
education soap operaa it is not only
necessary to cite the direct and the overt
discrimination of last week's article, but
it is equally appropriate to list the struc
tural disabilities which mitigate against
minorities and poorer whites in the sys
tem. Economics are a priority consid
eration for the student planning a col
lege education and it is a given that most
will have to work to supplment a dimin
ishing availability of grants and loans.
This means that they have no choice but
to attend colleges located within a major
metropolitan area where minorities have
a thousand times better chance of be
come a member of the work force-as
compared with the racist atmospheres of
Salem (Oregon State Univ.), or Eugene
(Univ. of Oregon). This is why I have
been so disturbed by the media reports
that Oregon's high tech industry is advo
cating a shut-down of Portland State
University.
In my years on the faculty of Port
land State I spent many hundreds of
hours interacting with industry and public
agencies in order to secure jobs for my
students. Many of the situations created
not only financial assistance but aca
demic credit where real skills were de
veloped within their discipline; hundreds
of thousands of dollars in resources were
developed through the auspices of the
U.S. Forest Service and the very pro
gressive United Parcel Service. I hope
that there is an individual or a service
there at the school that is still providing
this much needed support.
I am still not disabused of the notion
that what these hi-tech companies in
tend is a rip off of the taxpayer not too
think these firms, instead, would be about
a real unity with the education commu
nity and state government in order to
effect a campaaign similar to that of
These people used their brains and
the natural assets of their slate (material
and human) to build and attract hun
dreds of new plants and a first cflass high
technology learning center. What they
did not do was set up a lottery scheme
which would have acted as a regressive
tax upon the poor, and though purport
ing to be directed at Economic Develop
ment, would have amassed a treasury
open to a free-for-all assault by scores of
bureaucrats and hustlers, (sound famil
iar?).
No w, it is true that in August of 1988
Bill McKenzie of the Oregonian's staff
described a somewhat tentative Science
Council recendy established by Gov
ernor Neil Goldschmidt. Among pro
posed goals were "obtaining science
grants, applied technology institutes,
improvement of science and math edu
cation, innovation awards, science fac
ulty recruitment and so forth. Somewhat
murkey and we do not know at all where
it will lead or if it portends any improve
ment in the equally as murky situation
facing Blacks either economically or in
terms of college aspirations. The North
Carolina Model 1 described may never
come to be here so I suggest that its
going to be up to Black parents, grand
parents and organizations to secure the
tyupe of education for our children that
will enable them to survive-1 mean secure
it right here!
Perhaps an increasing awareness of
this problem will make for some struc
tured efforts toward improvements. On
Nov. 5-7 there was a special conference
on these issues convened by the Ameri
can Council on Education and other higher
education groups in San Francisco
("Educating One-Third of a Nation: What
Works”). The many seminars address
the disabilities I have cited here the past
few weeks, and certainly, I would have
cited here the past few weeks, and cer
tainly, I would like to have attended one
in particular, "Campus Climate." There
is hope but, again, it will take all of us.
Bush insults Ortega,
us intrudes in Nicaragua
Uncle Sam is at it again. At a recent
hemispheric gathering celebrating the his
tory of democracy in Costa Rica, President
George Bush branded President Daniel Onega
of Nicaragua a “ little man” and an “ ani
mal” at a garden party. This pungent reac
tion from die U.s. President came in re
sponse to an announcement that the Nicara
guan government might be forced to aban
don the 19 month old cease-fire because of
chronic violations of the cease-fire by the
U.S. backed C mtras.
President Bush was quick to condemn
Ortega for his .hreat to cancel the cease-fire.
Those who arc anxious to cuny favor with or
otherwise stay in the good graces of their
powerful northern neighbor immediately
followed suit. Lost in the flurry of con
demnations was any serious attempt to evalu
ate the veracity of President Ortega's claim
that hundreds of violations of the cease fire
by the Contras had resulted in more than 700
deaths and nearly 1,200 wounded. To be sure
Ortega’s timing may have been awkward
and somewhat undiplomatic by conventional
standards. But who is to say when and in
what form a beleagued pcople/nation should
cry out in anguish?
In fact the real violation of international
etiquette has been the U.S. intrusion into the
internal affairs of Nicaragua. Afternearly 30
years of backing the despotism of the Samoza
family, the United Stales sought to dictate to
the Sandinista regime what the nature of its
newly won revolution should be. Instead of
providing massive economic aid and techni
cal assistance to help the Sandinistas fulfill
the promise of their revolution, Ronald Reagan
chose to throw down the gaunlet to stop the
“ spread of communism.” the U.S. created
the Contras, financed them and unleashed
them to prosecute Reagan’s war of “ national
liberation."
The impact of Reagan’s war on the
soveriegn nation of Nicaragua was predict
able. Instead of investing resources into
bettering the life of the people in terms of
improving the economy, creating jobs, build
ing housing etc. resources were diverted into
a military build-up to defend the very exis
tence of the revolution itself against the
onslaught of Reagan's warriors. Despite the
staggering difficulties posed by the war,
however, the Sandinistas still managed to
make some impressive gains in literacy,
education and health care.
Unfortunately the tremendous drain of
resources and drag on the economy caused
by Reagan’s war has made it virtually impos
sible for the Sandinistas government to keep
pace with the rising expectations sparked by
the revolution. Though the revolution rid the
nation of the hated Samoza. Reagan's war
coupled with some initial errors by llie Sandin
istas themselves has left the Nicaraguan
economy in shambles. This is precisely the
outcome Reagan and Bush had hoped for.
The Sandinistas are weakened and vulner
able.
It is against this backdrop that “ free”
elections are scheduled to take place in
February. However, these elections will not
be “ free” of U.S. intrusion and interference.
The rampant destabilizing attacks of the U.S.
backed Contras over the duration of the
cease-fire already constitute a U.S. encroach
ment by proxy into the affairs of Nicaragua.
A firm hand from lean, tall George could
have reined in the Contras at anytime during
the last several months. It is clear that Bush
and Co. are dedicated to the demise of the
“ little man” from Managua at all costs.
It is for that reason that Bush is not
taking any chances. The U.S. is planning to
pour 9 million dollars into Nicaragua under
the guise of assisting the election process.
The real intent is t J defeat the Sandinistas.
This fact was betrayed when some officials
within the administration first proposed
funding the Nicaraguan opposition directly.
Apparently this upfront approach w as just a
bit too raw for even George Bush to stomach.
So instead monies will be funneled into
“ neutral' ’ agencies to undertake a variety of
“ services" including a massive door todoor
canvas to insure that every eligible Nicara
guan citizen is registered to vote in the
February election. It is ironic that millions of
dollars can be spent in Nicaragua to do
registration, while legislation to remove
cumbersome barriers to registration within
the United Slates is currently stalled in
Congress.
Nonetheless, the U.S. can “ sponsor”
democracy in Nicaragua. Can you imagine
another nation comtemplaling funding a
political party in America? It is unthinkable,
unconscionable and it would not be toler
ated. But this is precisely what is happening
in Nicaragua. First a U.S. sponsored war,
then a cease fire violated by Reagan's warri
ors and now outright interference in the
election process of another soveriegn nation.
If that’s not arrogance of power, I don’t
know what is. But this is the kind of intrusion
into other peoples affairs that goes on when
U .S. presidents, policy makers and a sizeable
segment of people within this country per
ceive people of color and leaders of develop
ing nations as little boys and girls and
“ animals.”
W ay F or B lack E mpowermen
Hy Dr. I.enora l iilani
Political Science Lesson
On election day more than 11,000 Black
and Puerto Rican working class people in the
11th Councilmanic District of New York
City’s South Bronx rose up against the
Democratic Party to vote independent. An
incredible 42% of the electorate took the
opportunity to * ’jum p' ’ from the Democrats’
Column A, where they pulled the level for
David Dinkins, to Column F so they could
vote for Pedro Espada, a grassroots Puerto
Rican leader and insurgent Democrat who
ran on the independent New Alliance Party
line to challenge the notoriously corrupt and
right wing incumbent. Forty-two percent! It
is almost certainly the highest vote percent
age for an independent candidate in any
jurisdiction in the country.
There is an important lesson to learn
from the difference between Espada’s "lo s
ing” 42% and mayor-elect Dinkins’ win
ning 51%.
Dinkins, a moderate Democrat, won the
Sept. 13 primary on the wave of militant
Black protest against the murder of Yusuf
Hawkins by a Bensonhurst lynch mob last
August—the most recent in succession of
racist murders that has brought tens of thou
sands of working class Black people -many
of them very young-into the streets of New
York, it was this Black upsurge in the streets
that fueled the finally successful drive to
dump the racist bully Ed Koch, who was
looking for an unprecedented fourth term as
mayor.
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T h , PORTLAND OBSERVER m toom M Irw tanc* l u b m , ,i o n , M w iu ttrip 'a tn S photograph, about) bo d o « * ,
But Dinkins, having benefited from the
outpouring of militant Black rage, was terri
fied of being associated with it. Projecting
himself as the political figure who could
"unify ” a racially polarized city, he bragged
of having publicly denounced Minister Louis
Farrakhan when he spoke at Madison Square
Gardens in 1985, openly pandering to the
most racist elements in the Jewish and con
servative white communities. He repudiated
the 25,000 signatures gathered by the New
Alliance Party to put him on the ballot in the
general elections, and-once he had the
Democratic Party nomination in his pocket-
even kept Jesse Jackson at a discreet distance
from his campaign and from New York.
What it got him was a bare 51% of the
vote, to 48% for his Republican opponent, a
right wing cop. Ironically, Dinkins' victory
has only served to expose the enormous gulf
that divides Black (and other people of color)
from whiles in New York. In a city where
registered Democrats outnumber Republi
cans five to one, Dinkins just about kept his
head above water. Conventional (neo con
servative) Democratic Party widsom not
withstanding, it was Dinkin’s distance from
(not his connection to) working class Black
outrage that just missed handing the election
to the vicious Giuliani.
In the South Bronx, another fact of po
litical science was being established -the
Black and Puerto Rican working class would
vote for the candidate of a Black-led, multi
racial, pro gay, pro socialist party ... EVEN
IF he was the underdog, EVEN IF they had
voted Democrat all of their lives. Black and
Puerto Rican working class voters would
stand up to a reactionary IF they were given
the means to do so. NAP was the means.
The Espada results arc very, very thrill
ing. And if NAP can do that outside the
labolod ora) ml* bo rotwnot) I t u o t r e t r M by • I . «
.n ra lo p o * * croolod dapgnod d.aplay od,
boeom o Iho ,o to proport, o) Ih o ro o o p o p w ora) can no) bo
« othor poblcatran, ot poraonal u ia g a wilhoul
Iho written c o n io n t ot Iho gonotal m anager, u n k te Ihn chant h a , purcha,ed lira conpoerlron ol ,uch a rt I sa«
PO RILANO ORSERVER. A l t RIGHTS RESERVED REPRODUCTION IN WHOLE OR IN PART W IIH O U t
PERMISSION IS PROHlQirEO.
Subeoptrona. S20.00 pat f t * In lha TrECbunly u m .
Tha P O R T L A N O O O SE R V E R - O reg o n ', oidasl African Amar rear. Publication - ,a a m e n to r ot lh a Natamal
N e w ip a p a r AeaocuUon - Fawndad in 1M 5. Tha Oregon N o w a p ap « Pubhahara Aaaooai.on. and lh a Nalrunal
Advertising Rapraaenlalnra Am atgam alad Pubhahara. Ina., N aw Ta rt.
Democratic Party, imagine what we can do
from the inside; Challenging hacks and crooks
in the primary as independent Democrats! I
have no doubt that New York’s Democratic
Parly leaders weren’t just celebrating David
Dinkins' victory on election night: 1990,
when New Yorkers elect a new governor, is
a ballot status year in the state: an independ
ent party must get 50,000 votes for its guber
natorial candidate to qualify for permanent
ballot status. Now the Democrats know that
we know how to count! And they know, too!
They’re scared to death of NAP . . . and
rightly so.
The Espada vote is proof that the Black-
led, multi-racial, “ people instead of prof
its" independent NAP, joining forces with a
progressive, grassroots leader who is known
and respected in the community-pcrhaps,
like Pedro Espada, a reform Democrat—has
the know-how, the organizational capacity
and the support to go up against an en
trenched, rich and ruthless local Democratic
Party machine and comes within fighting
distance of victory. The message of that vote
will be heard around the country, where
many more “ Pedro Espadas" are waiting in
the wings for the chance to run winning races
for city, county, and state office.
We are going to begin the process of
identifying electoral jurisdictions where we
can have an impact. W e're looking for lead
ers like Pedro Espada, pntgrcssive local leaders
with name recognition in their communities
who are ready, willing and able to "fight the
power.” NAP is their weapon, a political
tool specifically designed for that purpose.
We don’t have the money, or die patronage
to hand out, that the Democratic Party relies
on. But the Espada campaign proved that
money and patronage are not the only way.
Creed Of The Black Press
rhe Black Press believes that Amenta can best lead the world away from
social and national antagonisms when it accords to every person, regardless of
race, color, or creed, full hitman and legal rights. Hating no person, fearing
no person, the Black Press strives to help every person in the firm belief that
all are hurt as long as anyone is held back.
4
by Dr. Manning Marable
“America’s Military Iron Curtain f t
The Cold War in Europe is at long last
ending. The Iron Curtain dividing Commu
nist Eastern Europe from the capitalist west
has been breached, and entirely destroyed in
Hungary. This year alone, we have wit
nessed the election of a non-Comuiunist
government in Poland, political liberaliza
tion in Hungary, the creation of a democratic
legislature in the Soviet Union, and the de
struction of the Berlin Wall.
The political leader chiefly responsible
for the trend toward world peace is not
President Bush, but Soviet President Mikhail
Gorbachev. It is Gorbaehev who has set the
pace for the radical restructuring of his own
economic and political system, and has
encouraged pluralism and democracy in
Eastern Europe. The Soviets are unilaterally
withdrawing 50,000 troops and 5,000 tanks
from Europe, and are prepared to make even
deeper cuts in conventional and nuclear forces.
The Soviets have agreed to disband the Warsaw
Pact if the U.S. and its allies also agree to
dissolve the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza
tion. But the Bush administration has yet to
respond to these initiatives. The U.S. still has
over 300,000 army and air force troops sta
tioned in Europe, and the Bush administra
tion has rejected talks to eliminate the War
saw Pact or NATO. America’s leadership is
missing a once-in-a-century opportunity to
achieve a permanent peace.
Last month, the House of Representa
tives voted to approve the largest bill for
nuclear and conventional weapons expendi
tures in U.S. history-$305 billion. There
were virtually no debate or discussion, and
the bipartisan vote was 236 to 172. The
Senate is expected to approve the bill.
In some respects, this most recent legis
lation for militarism was even more conser
vative and reactionary than the legislation
sought by Bush. For example, Bush had
previously agreed to terminate ten weapons
programs over the next two years. The
administration had agreed to end construc
tion on new F-14 fighters built by the Grum
man Corporation. But the House continued
the program, calling for the construction of
18 additional F-14 planes that the Pentagon
had not requested. Each F-14 cost $66 mil
lion.
The Pentagon agreed to terminate the V-
22 Osprey airplane program; but the House
authorized continued production at 585 mil
lion. The Bush administration sought to cut
a helicopter program, butCongress asked for
36 more helicopters at $195 million. This is
not to suggest that Bush has become a “ dove”
on defense. The Pentagon wanted 44.7 bil
lion for the B-2 Stealth bomber; Congress
responded with a paultry $4.3 billion.
Why are Congress and the President
proposing billions of dollars for militarism?
The merchants of death, the large military
contractors, spend millions every year in
political action committees to influence the
votes of our Congressional representatives.
Because we exercise the vote, we have the
illusion that our interests genuinely matter.
But the corporate special interests coopt
Democrats and Republicans alike, by pro
viding generous election financing in return
for the continuation of wasteful, destructive
military programs.
What’s the price of this Cold War budget?
In the next five years. Congress is projected
to allocate nearly $1.6 trillion for weapons.
These billions are taken from human needs
and economic development. Two Trident
submarines cut $2.3 billion from food stamps,
plus another $700 million from nutritional
aid to women, infants and children. Forty six
M-l tanks would purchase 500 modem city
buses for mass transportation. One F-16 jet
fighter costs as much as one thousand teach
ers' salaries for one full year. One billion
dollars spend on building guided missiles
creates 20,700 jo b s-b u t one billion dollars
spent for public health care facilities, doc
tors, nurses and staff would create 54,300
jobs. One billion dollars spent for public
education, teachers' salaries and school
construction would generate 71,500 jobs.
Its a question of public need vs. corpo
rate greed. The real wages of American
middle income workers, adjusted for infla
tion, have actually fallen 9 percent since the
election of Reag an in 1980. Nearly two thou
sand teenagers drop out of American high
schools every day. Drugs are destroying our
urban and suburban neighborhoods. Two
million Americans sleep in alleys, aban
doned automobiles and gutters every night.
Thirty seven million have absolutely no type
of health insurance coverage. Yet Pentagon
expenditures have soared 250 percent since
the administration of Jimmy Carter. Both
parties are guilty of criminal neglect of the
real interests of the American people.
The democratic developments in the
Soviet Union and Eastern Europe indicate
that the so-called Iron Curtain no longer
separates east from west. The real Iron Cur
tain is the barrier between the interests of the
American people and the prerogatives of the
military, corporate and political elites which
want to perpetuate militarism and the poli
tics of the Cold War. The Berlin Wall no
longer divides east and west; the real wall is
the barrier which divides the majority of
American working people, African-Ameri
cans, Latinos, the unemployed, the poor and
women from the reality of full employment,
adequate health care, decent public housing,
and quality education, due to military spend
ing.
The Cold War in Europe is collapsing,
but Congress and the Bush administration
must be challenged to imitate Gorbachev's
perestroika. We need a war for social and
economic justice in this country--a war for
full employment, a war to reconstruct our
cities and to end the plague of drugs, a war
against racism, and a war for real democ
racy.
Congressman Denny Smith Tries To Abolish
Civil Rights Commission
WASHINGTON -Congressman Denny
Smith, R OR, refused to protect the rights of
minorities when he voted against funding for
the Civil Rights Commission yesterday.
Current funding for the commission expires
on Nov. 30, 1989.
"It was Congress Smith's responsibility
to stand-up for civil rights and speak-Our for
those minorities struggling for equality,"
said Congressman Beryl Anthony, Jr., D-AR
chairman of theDemocratic Congressional
Campaign Committee. "When he cast his
vote against funding he was saying in es
sence that not everyone is truly equal under
the law."
Despite Congressman Smith's vote, this
bill passed the House of Representatives by
a vote of 278 to 135 on Nov. 15. The bill
extends funding for the commission through
May of j 1990. Every majorcivil rights group
in the country supported this bill.
"This was a simple vote on whether or
not to continue funding the CFivil Rights
Commission," Anthony said. "Surely Con
gressman Smith's constituents must be dis
appointed in his actions today. They deserve
to be represented by someone who will work
to protect civil rights, not endange those
rights."
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