Page 2 Portland Observer SEPTEM BER 7,1 9 8 9
EDITORIAL 7 “ “OPINION
“The Legacy of Huey P. Newton ”
Vantage point
Along The Color Line
Dr. Manning Marable
R O N DANIELS
Educator * Organizer *
Leader
REVERSE ROBINHOOD:
THE MULTI-BILLION
DOLLAR
H.U.D. SCANDAL
During the 1988 presidential campaign Jesse L. Jackson characterized
Reaganomics as “ reverse Robinhood, robbing the poor to give to the rich” .
There is ample evidence that the essence of Reaganomics was prosperity for
some and misery for the masses. Budget allocations for social service
progams serving minorities, the poor and the disadvantaged were cut to the
bone while the defense establishment received multi-billion dollar increases.
Under Reagan aid to education was slashed by 20% across the board, and
despite a growing crisis of homelessness in America allocations for low
income housing for African-American communities was cut by an estimated
77%. No question Reagan, Rcaganism, and Reaganomics was clearly and
unapologetically for the rich and the famous.
But even more damaging, particularly in terms of housing was the
manner in which the inadequate pool of funds that was appropriated was
abused and misused by Reagan’s rich and influential Republican buddies.
While exhorting the poor to work hard and make do with what they have, in
effect a den of influential thieves were pimping of the poor by using the
Department of Housing and Urban Development as their lucrative little play
ground. While an adoring public was mismerized by Reagan’s academy
award winning performance of the century, his administration reeked with
the stench of influence peddling and corruption. The stars and stripes,
patroitism, motherhood and apple pie for the masses, and allegiance to
personal enrichment for Reagan’s pals. God knows how many of these rich
hyocrites had their hands in the H.U.D. cookie jar.
Some individuals reaped hundreds of thousands even millions of dollars
at the public trough. Fortunately the pigs got sloppy, and the rip off was
uncovered. Though the enormity of the scandal is still coming into full view,
in excess of 8 billion dollars of public dollars may have been stolen; dollars
which should have been destined to provide disparately needed assistance
for the growing number of impoverished victims of Reaganomics.
According to a recent article in Newsweek (8/7/89) the number of low
income households who receive no housing assistance increased by 1.4
million households from 1979 to 1987. Aid to low income housing was
sharply reduced from 34.2 billion to 14.9 billion, and the federal government
is not even meeting half of the demand for low income housing. Long
waiting lists of anywhere from 3-7 years are not uncommon. Recently in
Youngstown, Ohio a near riot erupted when thousands of people showed up
to apply for a modest number of low income housing units. While America’s
poor suffered, rich thieves thrived off of public welfare. It was reverse
Robinhood.
From the African-American perspective there are many lessons to be
learned from this scandal. One major lesson is that Black faces in old places
(or new ones for that matter) will not necessarily promote and protect the
interests o f African-Americans,minorities and poor people. H.U.D. was
presided over by a man with a Black face, “ Secretary” Samuel Pierce,
otherwise known as “ Silent Sam” . It is interesting to note that this is the
same Samuel Pierce that the F.B.I. targeted in the 60’s to replace Martin
Luther King as our new leader.
He was perceived as the right type of ‘ ‘Negro’ ’ to provide ‘ ‘responsible
direction for African-Americans. AFRICAN-AMERICANS MUST ALWAYS
PICK THEIR OWN LEADERS! And we must select leaders based on their
values, principles, and commitment to the African-American agenda,
human rights, and human liberation, not just skin color. Obviously the F.B.I.
knew what it was doing when they selected Samuel Pierce to be of service
to America. They knew he would be the “ Spook who Sat by the Door” .
Finally it all comes down to values,principles, philosophy, and ideology
if you will. African-Americans must remain at the cutting edge of the
movement for a social justice, and social transformation in America. For
beyond the blatant excesses of Reaganism and Reaganomics there is a basic
“ American value system” that produces the Reagans of the world. A value
system that places priority and a premium on materialism, profit, property,
individualism and fosters greed. Unless African-Americans are rooted in a
different kind of value system and are committed to a different set of ideals
then our Black faces will be right there with white faces-robbing the poor to
give to the rich with no pangs of conscience. If we’re not conscious and
careful we too can get caught up in the reverse Robinhood syndrome.
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The recent brutal murder of Huey P. Newton in Oakland has been used
as a metaphor for the nihilism and ultimate futility of Black militancy. In a
predictable editorial, the New Y ork Tim es pontificated that the co-founder
and leader of the Black Panther Party was a self-destructive “ prisoner of the
Oakland ghetto streets where he grew up.” Other Black Panther leaders had
successfully made the transition to the middle class and political confor
mity, but not the “ melancholy” Newton. “ He was in and out of prison, in
and out of court, in and out of drugs and alcohol abuse.” The message Ls
clear: Newton, and not the system he struggled against, was responsible for
his demise.
Nearly a quarter of a century has passed since two young, militant Black
men, influenced by the uncompromising example of Malcolm X, discussed
creating a political formation for self-defense in an antipoverty office
located in East Oakland. Huey P. Newton was five years younger than his
friend Bobby Seale, yet the charismatic Newton developed as the principal
leader and spokesperson for the Black Panthers and their youthful cadre.
Their black leather jackets, outlandish rhetoric and tendency to parade with
guns gave them an image of urban guerrillas. But an analysis of their origi
nal “ Ten Point Program” reveals that their immediate objectives were
reformist, rather than revolutionary.
The Black Panthers called for self-determination, the right of any people
or nation which has been historically oppressed or politically dominated.
They insisted upon full employment, decent housing, an end to police
brutality and violations of civil rights, educational reforms, and “ freedom
for all Black men held in federal, state, county, and city prisons and jails.”
With the exception of the last statement, nothing demanded by the Panthers
really represented a cry for the violent overthrow of the American legal
system, political economy or the powerful elite of white males who control
the wealth and property within this society. The Black Panthers did not
attack policemen patrolling the Black community without cause, and did
nothing to provoke armed assaults against white individuals or white-owned
property within the Black community.
By late 1967, the Black Panthers had initiated a free breakfast program
for Black children, and were offering medical services to ghetto residents
without charge. And unlike many Black Power-inspired groups, which took
the simplisitc view that all whites regardless of their social class or political
ideology were the enemy, the Panthers took direct steps to link their struggle
for Black self-determination to the broader currents of social change within
American society and throughout the world. They coalesced with white
student and community activists who opposed America’s illegal and im
moral war in Vietnam, and called for the development of a progressive
united front between all oppressed peoples of color and reform-minded
whites to transform this country’s economic and political system.
The Panthers consisted of several thousand idealistic and dedicated
young men and women. Some within this activist formation had political
experience in previous organizations-for instance, the leader of the Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Stokely Carmaichael, became the
Panthers’ Prime Minister in 1968: SNCC organizer James Forman and
activist H. Rap Brown also briefly worked with the Panthers. But most of
these young Black militants, still in their teens and twenties, had little
grounding in political strategy and tactics, organizational and technical
expertise. Errors were inevitable. Women were too frequently relegated to
secondary-level tasks, and sexism within the ranks was a serious problem.
The internal structure of the party didn’t adequately permit full democratic
discussion and participation of the members, which created a near cult-like
allegiance surrounding Huey. The Party never encouraged fully a good
comprehension of political education, so members could be confused and
alienated with shifts in the formation’s political line. The tight, autocratic
structure actually assisted the police and governmental agencies to infiltrate
and manipulate Panther locals.
No error ever committed by Newton and the Black Panthers, however,
can begin to equal the massive crimes carried out by the U.S. government
in the name of law-and-order. By July 1969, the Black Panthers had been
targeted by 233 separate actions under the FBI’s Counter-Intelligence
Program. In 1969 alone, twenty seven Panthers were killed by the police,
and 749 were jailed or arrested. The FBI deliberately manipulated Black
nationalist groups to assault the Panthers, sometimes with murderous
consequences. In Chicago, Panther leaders Fred Hampton and Mark Clark
were murdered by police in a planned raid. And in early 1970, the FBI
ordered its Field offices to “ ¡counteract any favorable support in publicity
to the Panthers” by placing anti-Panther propaganda in the media. During
these years, Newton was shot, imprisoned, and in exile. That he survived at
all, despite this massive conspiracy, is remarkable.
Huey Newton was no saint. A decade before his death, he had acquired
a reputation in Oakland as violent and unpredictable. Like all political
visionaries, he was a part of his political environment, and was hardened by
his government. B ut Newton offered a path of liberation to his generation of
young African-Americans, especially young Black men. Instead of falling
victim to gangs and Black-against-Black violence, Newton encouraged
young people to organize for justice and community control. While Black
elected officials told African-American youth that the system was inher
ently just, if only given a chance to work, Newton correctly called for the
transformation of power relationships within society. Poverty, ignorance,
homelessness and hunger could not be destroyed, Newton argued, unless the
oppressed seized the reins of power. Despite his personal shortcomings and
weaknesses, Newton’s control insight still remains correct. Huey P. Newton
should be remembered as a contributor to the struggle for Black freedom.
There’s an old saying on Wall Street that when virtually everyone moves
in the same direction by cither buying or selling stocks, the crowd is almost
always wrong. As autumn approaches, the investors and stock brokers are
once again forming a near unanimous opinion about the future direction of
the stock market, and in turn, the prospects of the U.S. economy during the
next twelve months. And the crowd is declaring that the only direction for
the market is “ up” .
In late August, the Dow industrial average surged to 2734.64, breaking
its previous peak of 2722-which was, if some of us might forget, the peak
of the famous 1987 bull market. The Dow has soared nearly one thousand
points since the gloomy days of October, 1987, when the stock market crash
destroyed billions of dollars in equities and dropped an unprecedented 507
points in a single day.
Given the profits which have been made since the 1987 crash, why are so
many investors going back into the market with such optimism? There are
several fundamental reasons. First, international investors are just begin
ning to get back into the U.S. stock market, after being burned badly in the
1987 crash. Billions in foreign investment could drive up the price of slocks.
Second, there appears to be greater confidence that inflation is under
control. Two years ago, the Federal Reserve Board was beginning to tighten
interest rates to reduce inflation. Today, interest rates have declined sharply
since the beginnning of this year. For several months, retail sales figures
have also increased, indicating consumer confidence in the future. Unem
ployment figures have leveled off below six percent for adults in the labor
force.
A third factor is technical. Stocks analysts believe that the real value of
stocks, the price to earnings ratio, is not reflected in the actual market price
of many stocks. Elaine Garzarelli, a strategist at Shcarson Lehman Hutton
who accurately predicted the 1987 crash, now claims that a “ reasonable”
price for the Dow would be at 2,850 to 3,000, an increase o f more than one
PERSPECTIVES
by McKinley Burt
I had planned this week to return
to a discussion of issues in contem
porary education, and to reserve fur
ther comments on urban economics
for The O b server’s Special Busi
ness Issues on October 5. However,
it proves exceedingly difficult, if not
impossible, to separate the two con
cepts, so we will examine them as the
one issue they are.
In recent months there has been a
flurry of media comment on the
African-American Baseline Essays’
component of the Portland School
District’s Desegregation Program. We
have a recent headline, “ Portland
Becoming National Model for Cam
paigns to Improve Schools” . An ac
companying article details promis
ing developments in a number of
cities; we do hope th a t, unlike Port
land parents, they will not have to
wait about eight years for the tooth
fairy (lesson plans).
In that article several pertinent
comments are given in bold type: (a)
“ The Porltand model represents a
long-term battle to challenge the
American public schools and their
racist notions.” (b) “ Theecstasy is it
originated here. The agony is it has
not been implemented here to the
degree w e’d like.” They certainly
have that last right-and could have
added the expenditures of millions of
dollars and many years of activity;
while some of the original curricu
lum contractors like myself cannot
find a single lesson plan of our own
use.
How do I know? Easy, I have
employed myself as a detailer (the
term explained later), and have gained
the assistance of some parents and
teachers. Here is the case where my
aforementioned dovetailing of busi
ness and education occurs. The real
w orld of commerce, for which stu
dents must be educated, also offers
some very useful models for the ad
m inistrative side of the education
establishment.
Several months ago I cited as “ best
in its field” a book written by a
Black female economist: W hat Ever
H appened to M inority Business?
A specific case study is closely re
lated to matters here-a complicated
plan by Blacks to manufacture and
distribute a new detergent in the huge
market defined as the “ Greater De
troit Metropolitan Statistical Area”
(5 cities and 3 states at the time). The
project was initiated when Blacks
stormed a major supermarket chain
with pickets led by community ac
tivists, social agencies, local politi-
cians-all backed by considerable
pressure from the minority press.
Sound good: It shouldn’t for soap
powders are among the most com
petitive merchandise on supermar
ket shelves. The Star system seldom
works.
Now, when you shop at your maiket
have you noticed the smartly dressed
men with $30 ties-moving up and
down the aisles armed with note
books, electronic pads and feather
dusters? Surely you didn’t think they
were employed by the store. These
are the detailers I spoke of; they
shed their expensive coats and go
back to the storeroom with hand trucks,
bringing up fresh stock where store
employees have not had time (or in
clination). After all, when you are
competing with Tide, Oxydol,
Cheer,etc.(Registered Trademarks),
you try to keep your b ran d promi
nently up front
The manufacturers or distributors
who employ detailers to monitor
individual stores know that the ulti
mate goal of the master plan (the
only goal) is to place the p ro d u ct in
the hands of the consum er. Tens of
millions of dollars of work and plan
ning would be thrown away if, unbe
lievably, this final operation were
not funded or promplty implemented
at the right time. The educational
parallel would be the delivery phase
of placing lesson plans on a teacher’s
desk. Unfortunately.it turned out that
our Black Entrepreneurs of soap
powder in detroil had never heard of
detailing and were soon out of busi
ness. Nobody could find their prod
uct on the shelves.
The principal parallel between the
Detroit project and Portland’s edu
cational program-in the parlacne of
commerce-is that they were both
heavily “ front-end loaded; that is
both concentration on a Star-studded
launch phase (Baseline Essays in
Portland), with little structure to the
detail function of product delivery.
The lesson plan designers, selected
for experience and know how, were
effectively divorced from the final
(and only) goal-monitoring and
implementing the delivery system.
No industry in America would spend
millions of dollars to develop a new
product and then leave out the final
step or designers.
Next week I will expand on these
issues, and explain how I deal with
school system contracts in other cit
ies. Unlike the 1970’s when I stayed
on airplanes trying to fulfill con
tracts anywhere and everywhere.
Today I use die technology avail-
able-such as placing a fax lesson
plan on a B irmingham teacher’s desk
hours after a special request. At pres
ent I use the facilities of a former
white student who owns a fast-grow
ing computer company in Beaver
ton. He has nation-wide WATS Lines
and Televideo Conferencing facili
ties, but this time next year I should
have my own plant again, servicing
California, Eastern and Southern
School districts-including 800 num
bers to market my Video Cassettes
on Black History. Practice what you
preach!
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thousand points. Fourth, a growing sense of “ speculation fever” is als
behind the recent drive in stock prices on Wall Street A T & T stock ha
increased nearly 40 percent in 1989-but there arc plenty of investors wh
thinx that the price is still undervalued. Like Pete Rose, thousands of peopl
will continue to place speculative bets until they are pulled involuntaril
from the betting table.
The trouble with Wall Street’s speculative fever for profits is that rca
economic dangers may lurk just around the comer. The greatest potentia
danger is the massive debt structure in this country. The Federal govern
ment s debt exceeds $2.1 trillion. Even a modest downturn in consume
spending could trigger an avalanche, with businesses laying off severs
million workers, who in turn could not pay off their credit card debts ant
their mortgage notes.
A small recession, it set into motion ny inc federal Reserve io squeezi
inflation, could panic foreign investors, who could pull their money out o
the U.S. market. Foreign private holdings now amount to $178 billion ii
corporate bonds, and $172 billion in equities.
The Federal Reserve s strategy is to stall a recession as long as possible
But despite the glowing news on Wall Street, a closer examination reveal:
that economic danger may be only months away.
I
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