April 13, 1988, Portland Observer, Page 3
NATIONAL NEWS UPDATE
Push-Me Pull-You: A Political Tug-Of-War
What Are You Going to do About Jesse Jackson?
by A. Lee Henderson
i
Political pundits in their usual tug-of-war are vying with each other to
determine how far short of the mark Jesse Jackson will fall. They are
hedging their myopic visions with speculations on the power he might
have as a mainline political figure in either choosing the presidential
nominee, impacting party leadership positions, or influencing the vice-
presidential platform.
How far will you go to vote a losing candidate, joke the pessimists. But
the infectious disease of losing does not appear to infect Jackson s
energetic jousting for the presidency. Unfortunately, it has affected the
intelligentsia to examine the battlefield with dour self-righteousness as
they proclaim, “ You know he’ll never w in !” They may lose votes for
Jackson, but theirs is the critical edge that could also detract, with their
defeatism, from the first Black presidential candidate s statistical
strength. Certainly the lurking White backlash will relish such support.
Whether or not the electors w ill vote wholeheartedly for Jackson or at
tempt to staunch the anti-progressive clinch of the far right, all votes are
counted!
The majority press today agrees that Jackson’s campaign has evolved
into political substance. He is taken seriously by all as a candidate for
thright on national issues. And he has emerged beyond his skin color as
a formidable contender, an advocate for conservative military expen
diture, a foreign policy rooted in humanism vs provinces of power, pro
gressive taxes, childcare planks to add to national health concerns such
as AIDS, and a rallying cry to the poor and the unemployed that crosses
the color line. The rainbow coalition has coalesced. It appears as a unity
of fused political power feeding off its own energy in spite of the an
ticipated bigot backlash that also masquerades as cynicism.
Blacks do not vote “ black” in compliance with hypothetical Cauca
sian m isconceptions that would deliver us all (some screaming in hor
ror!) into Jesse's camp! The sting still exists in Chicago among those
summarily shut out from Jackson's unilateral moves to fill the void of
Harold W ashington's death with a mayoralty replacement. Jackson
generated a tumultuous situation. The inner circles vied for power.
Adversaries, however, can be restored in the strange game of power
politics and stratagems worked out to achieve the common goal. The
question is whether that common goal has been perceived by those who
choose pain above reconciliation. Whether it would be possible for
Jesse Jackson to mend fences among those closest to him rests on a
human enigma: “ To err is human, To forgive divine.” Perhaps that divini
ty is better rooted in Jackson, beyond his inspired rhetoric, than it is in
the least of his detractors.
All of us must overcome the victimization of being in Jackson s words
“ the damned, the despised, and the dispossessed martialed against
unworkable old guard eceonomic and social constrictions. We will
eventually unshackle ourselves from lim iting self-prejudice and
judgments against those we have learned to fear and to hate. The fabric
of our intolerance wears thin as we are exposed to universal matters of
conscience, in the national government or the world community. As we
apply more understanding to ourselves and our origins, we are better
able to project the growth potential inothers. A JesseJacksonemerging
from his own chains assumes greater status and an international
stature. No longer does he embarrass those who ask for credentials. He
has been busy operating, hands-on, in areas of critical economic con
cerns and also on long range foreign objectives.
The Jackson who has apologized for anti-semetic stabs is dressing
the wounds of the peace proponents in Israel with his pro-Palestinian
solutions based on finding a common ground for justice, not hostilities.
Jackson is accountable in action on the scene in Central America, South
Africa and in Washington, D.C.
In the United States there are 2 m illion new black voter registrations;
1.2 m illion in the South in 1984. Democratic victories in four southern
states are tallied for Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and North Carolina,
formerly considered marginal at best. There is meaning in these
statistics for Jackson supporters who credit him, at least in part, for in
On Martin Luther King's birthday CBS-TV commentator Jimmy the
Greek Snyder claimed that blacks were "bred" since the days of slavery
for athletic performance. Later, he apologized for the remarks. Russell
Adams of Howard University Afro-American Studies Department
(quoted in U S. News and World Report 2/1/88 issue) said “ We now have a
climate where people feel less danger. The convert racists feel they can
come from under cover.” However, in defense of the heartfelt apologies
rendered by Snyder, a compassionate Jesse Jackson, himself bearing
the stimga of having erred for remarks construed as anti-semitic, rallied
to broadcast for Snyder, side-by-side with him. Overlooked by the media
was the ability of Jackson to give strength to a human being’s need to to
re-evaluate his thoughts and actions without having to bear the onus of
being a bigot, when in reality, he was simply-and-naively foolhardy
without good intentions.
To strengthen his image as a national political candidate for the
presidency Jackson has tuned himself to responsibilities toward a na
tion of diversity. Whether that new Jackson mold penetrates his
spiritual substance, innoculating his psyche and removing the scars of
early experiences and perceptions that lacked critical evidence, we will
come to know in the future.
The future is too long to wait, however, if Jackson is to make his mark.
Our own prejudices, equivocations, and hyperciticial enmities must
be resolved if we are to be fair to Jesse Jackson.
The sentimental past can crucify Jackson if we fail to de mystify the
Martin Luther King retrospectives and blame Jackson for being less
passive than the 80 s demand.
As Jackson is quoted in the January issue of Vanity Fair Magazine in
an article written on the campaign trail by Gail Sheehy, “ A lot of people
apsire to the presidency. But they don't take the time to think presiden
tial.”
Although Sheehy credits Jackson's charisma beyond its superficial
blush to its motivational sweep with young blacks and fearful whites
who overcome their distance to reach out to touch him, she probed his
psychological scars without anesthesia. Relentlessly pursuing his
antecedents in Greenville, South Carolina, including the myth of father-
who-never-came-home from service: actually home town resident Noah
Robinson, Sr. and his legitimized son Noah Roinson, Jr., Sheehy creates
a sentimentalized vision of the blood father claiming Jesse as his own
with "little nickel” handouts to the boy whose half-brother enjoyed the
privileges . . . the father and the home! Although the soap-opera con
tinuity of the wealthy Noah Robinson, Jr. and his half-brother Jesse
Jackson are used by the media to confuse onlookers with an emotional
subplot, Jesse Jackson has outdistanced his past. The muckrakers will
stir muddy waters in search of smirch. But those of us with clear heads
to contemplate the real issues must stand our ground.
The Los Angeles Times recently reported from the Gallup survey and
found an unusaully high level of education among white Jackson sup
porters. They quoted Frank Watkins, Jackson’s political director as say
ing “ I have absolutely zero faith in any polling.” Noting that the Jackson
campaign is unable to afford voter polls of its own, their people provide
evidence of wide backing among blue collar workers and large numbers
of the less affluent, too.
Watkins is reported to cite a poor, middle-aged white couple, shabbily
dressed and nearly toothless who came into the South Carolina cam
paign headquarters before the March 12 Democratic caucuses. “ The
man leaned over to me and whispered, ‘I don't care if he is a nigger. I m
going to vote for him !’
Says Jackson of his 8 percent share of the white vote dubbed Peugot
proletariat" in Illinois last week, “ My focus is not so much on the color of
votes but the number of votes."
The labor rallies with their chants of thousands of blue collar workers
leaning towards Jackson offer him reason to hope for their growing sup
port.
.
.
In Pittsburg, California, nearly 10,000 people protested to modernize a
steel plant there. Jackson was there offering his solidarity, similar to
what he has done, reports labor writer of he Los Angeles Times Henry
Weinstein, in auto assemblers’ causes in Flint, meatpackers in
Milwaukee, farm laborers in Calexico, hospital orderlies in Philadelphia,
paper workers in Mobile, and firefighters in St. Louis.
Regarding as “ the only candidate speaking for workers, oppressed
people, union or non-union,” said Gene Gifford, a 44-year old steam fitter
from Martinez, California who backed Walter F. Mondale, the AFL-CIO
candidate in 1984, “ He's got my support."
The 10,000 people protesting in Pittsburg, California broke out in cries
of "Win, Jesse, w in!"
The cries seem to be building to a groundswell, although there may be
a counterswell rumbling of threatened restictive reprisal. The backlash
may be out there lurking, but for those of us who are not afraid, our need
to take a Stand again. Somewhere, urges Support.
spiring the rise in voters.
In 1984 Jackson won a solitary victory in Louisiana. On SuperTuesday
he racked up five states. His almost unanimous support was said to
come from Souther blacks. In 1984, for example, Jackson got 55 percent
of the black vote in Georgia and 57 percent in Alabama. In 1988 he won 96
percent of the black vote across the South.
With a banner of “ Economic Democracy" he has waved off the skep
tics decrying his former standard cry of “ Our time has come! as govern
ment for the blacks. Today’s Jesse Jackson is responding to the nation
and to all of its people with a pragmatic concern for constitutional
justice for all.
Jackson’s indefatigable energy has scored heavily among the young,
the "Yuppies" and the celebrity contingent of film, TV, and music
makers. For the anti-apartheid recording of Stetasonic’s Brooklyn Rap
A.F.R.I.C.A., used as a video study guide for classrooms and also media-
theatrical release, Jackson was the inspiration and featured on the pro
Hispanic Named to National
Guard Top Brass
WASHINGTON, D.C. — William A.
Navas, Jr., of Puerto Rico, was
named brigadier general of the Ar
my National Guard on Oct. 5,
1987. The promotion, which had
been recommended to President
Reagan, was announced by the
Secretary of the Army, John O.
Marsh, Jr.
General Navas is currently de
puty director of the Army National
Guard. His career spans over 21
years of active com m issioned
service, including duty as combat
commander in Vietnam. In 1984,
his strong leadership was exem
plified when he commanded the
Combined Task Force M inute
man I, which conducted the first
engineering training exercises in
Latin America. The exercises are
the forerunner of Blazing Trails, a
program adapted for all Army
Reserve units.
As deputy director, General
Navas, 44, an engineer, helps for
mulate and administer all pro
grams, policies and plans affect
ing the Army National Guard of
the U.S. which consists of over
425,000 citize n -so ld ie rs in 54
states and territories. He has
received many military honors in
cluding the Legion of Merit, the
Bronze Star Medal, the Defense
Meritorious Service Medal and
the Vietnam Service Medal.
Born in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico,
Navas attended high school
there, then earned a B.S. in civil
engineering from the University
of Puerto Rico in 1965 and an M S.
Jackson
—Con’t From Page 2
Dr. A. Lee Henderson. Publisher of The Portland Observer (Portland. OR), also the Publisher
of "The A M E. Christian Recorder" and the Connectional A M E Church. Eighth Avenue
South. Nashville. TN 37203.)
duction.
Black Population Has Grown By 11 Percent
Since 1980,
The nation’s Black population
grew by 3.1 m illion or 11 percent
from 1980 to 1987, according to
the Commerce Department's
Census Bureau.
The bureau's latest annual
population estimates by age, sex,
and race indicate that Blacks
totaled 29.9 m illion in 1987 com
pared with 26.8 m illion in the 1980
census. Only 19 percent of the
growth was from immiqration.
The Black population has been
growing faster than the total po
pulation and its proportion of the
total rose from 11.8 percent in
1980 to 12.2 in 1987.
Census Bureau Says
• Black females outnumbered
Black males 15.7 m illion to 14.2
million. Males outnumbered fe
males only through age 18.
• White females totaled 105.3
m illio n com pared w ith 100.9
m illion White males.
Here are other findings from
the report for 1987:
• The Black population's me
dian age was 27.2 years compared
with 33.0 years for Whites. The
six-year difference has remained
fairly constant since the 1970s.
TEN
STATES
W IT H
BLACK
YEAR 2 0 0 0
(n u M b trs in th o u s a n d s )
NF.M Y O R K
C A L I FO RN I A
TEXAS
F L O R ID A
G E O R G IA
IL L 1 N O IS
NORTH
C A R O L IN A
M IC H I G A N
The report shows the White
population grew from 195.1 m il
lion to 206.2 m illion during the
period, an increase of 6 percent.
Most of the gain also came from
natural increase
THE LA R G E S T
M ARYLAND
L O U IS IA N A
SO U R C f :
U .S .
B U RE AU
OF
THF
CENSUS
P O P U L A T IO N :
Civil Rights Restoration Act
Vital to America
Reprinted With Permission From the Ame
rica Jewish Congress.
On the eve of the Senate vote to
override the President’s veto of
the Civil Rights Restoration Act,
delegates to the American Jewish
Congress’ National Biennial Con
vention urged the House and Se
nate to overturn the President’s
veto.
The American Jewish Con
gress, a civil rights and religious
liberties organization, claimed
that "President Reagan’s veto
last week of the Civil Rights
Restoration Act (S. 557/H.R. 1214)
was a major disappointment to all
those committed to the protec
tion and advancement of civil
rights in America."
The resolution also strongly
criticized the Moral Majority for
advancing "m alicious and pro
vocative mistruths . . . in an at
tempt to block the override of
President Reagan's veto.” The
iri management engineering from
the University of Bridgeport.
In addition, General Navas at
tended eight military schools, in
cluding the John F. Kennedy Spe
cial Warfare Center, where he stu
died terrorism in low-intensity
conflicts.
Upon graduation from the Uni
versity of Puerto Rico’s Reserve
Officer Training Corps program,
he became second lieutenant in
the Corps of Engineers in 1965
and in 1966 entered active duty as
an officer in the Regular Army. He
served as commander of the Wer-
theim Subdistrict in the Federal
Republic of Germany, then as
sumed command of Company A,
168th Combat Engineer Battalion,
in Lai Khe, Vietnam in 1968.
In 1970, Navas was appointed
captain in the Puerto Rico Army
National Guard and commander
of Company C, 130th Combat En
gineer Battalion. He became a
major in 1972, a lieutenant colonel
in 1976, and as a full colonel in
1981, he accepted an Active
Guard and Reserve appointment
as director of plans, operations,
training and military support of
the Puerto Rico Army National
Guard State Area Command. He
was promoted to deputy director
of the Army National Guard last
May.
General Navas is married to the
former Wilda Cordova of Maya
güez. They have two children,
Gretchen and William III, and live
in Alexandria, Va.
delegates further noted that the
Moral M ajority’s "characteriza
tion of this most important bill as
a ‘gay rights legislation' is not on
ly a misrepresentation of the act
but also completely overlooks the
importance of this bill for assur
ing the rights of those discrim i
nated against because of age,
race, gender, or disability."
Celebrating its 70th anniver
sary as an advocate of civil rights
in the United States, the American
Jewish Congress called the Civil
Rights Restoration Act “ a reaffir
mation of our nation's com m it
ment to the principles of non
discrimination. It is the protection
of individuals and their access to
institutions receiving federal fun
ding that rem ains the main
issue."
The delegates concluded by
calling for a veto override, descri
bing that action as “ a matter of
simple justice.”
interests which dominate the en
tire legislative and electoral pro
cess. This road would force open
wthin the Democratic Party a long
overdue debate over the future of
American public policy, and il
lustrate that the economic, edu
cational; social arid political inte
rests of Afro-Americans are gene
rally identical to those of a majori
ty of working American people —
Hispanics, Native Americans, the
unemployed, working women, the
homeless, the elderly, and others.
Which road will Jackson take?
Ron Daniels, head of the Rainbow
Coalition, understands full well
these alternatives; others close to
Jackson realize the historic op
portunity, yet still perceive of the
current mobilization in traditional
electoral terms, thinking only of
the kinds of concessions which
might be granted to them at the
Atlanta Convention. But politics
is, in the final analysis, the raw
struggle for power. The Rainbow
can advance the real struggle for
progressive and Black empower
ment only if it is bold and uncom
promising. If it takes the easy road
of compromise and dealmaking, it
w ill betray its own vision of a just,
democratic society.