Page 2, Portland Observer, April 13, 1988
EDITORIAL /
OPINION
Along the Color Line
OPINION
The Long Ride Home
by Nyewusi Askari
Black person was the word 'nigger'
In other words, where I lived, Black
people were defined as niggers."
I felt my jaws tighten. "W hat was
a nigger in your community's esti
mation?" I asked him.
We rode in silence for a long time
before he answered.
"A Nigger was anyone who had
black skin. Someone who was d if
From the moment the cab picked
me up in downtown Portland to
take me to Northeast Portland, I
knew the cab driver was going to
engage me in a conversation about
race.
Adjusting the pay meter, he look
ed straight at me and asked, "W hat
do you people do in Northeast Port
land?”
"W hat do you mean 'you peo
ple'?"
Sensing that his question had
caused me some discomfort, he
backtracked.
"I don't mean to
sound like a racist or anything . . .
When I say 'you people', I mean the
colored people who live in Port
land."
I did not stare back at him. In
fact, I barely heard his answer. I
was too busy recalling the last time
I had heard the words "Colored
People." To make the recollection,
I had to travel back in time and
space — to the old South.
Temporarily, I found myself fac
ing signs that said "For white only,"
"For colored only," "For coloreds,
animals and dogs." I could hear
the voice of the white sheriff who
screamed at my mother, "You
colored people betta make sho y'all
outta town befo sundown." Tem
porarily, I recalled that the words
"colored people" was merely a sub
stitute word that meant "N igger."
Determined to make the cab dri
ver feel my displeasure at his using
the term "colored," I asked him
why did he use it and did he know
that a large majority of Black people
considered the term offensive.
His face turned beet red. Strug
gling to find the right words, he
said, "You know, I've always won
dered about that.
In the town
where I grew up, there were no
Black people living there. The only
thing I knew about 'em was what I
had read and had been told. And,
buddy, believe me, it wasn't too
complimentary."
"The first term I ever heard to
describe a colored, er, I mean a
ferent than us white kids. Some
one we could kick around without
feeling guilty about it. Someone
we treated lowerthanadog. Some
one we were taught to be afraid of.
Someone we were taught not to
tru st."
"A re you afraid of me?" I asked.
"You want an honest answer?
Frankly speaking, yes, I am. I don't
know who you are. You could be a
dope dealer, a pimp, a robber."
"W ell, what about the three-
piece suit I'm wearing and the brief
case I'm carrying?"
"It don't mean nothing," he was
quick to say. "M ost white people
like myself are taught to judge you
by your color.
Right or wrong,
that's the way it goes down. A lotta
white people won't tell you this face
to face. But you watch 'em close
and you'll see their fear. You'll see
it when you meet 'em walking down
the street. Some will cross over to
the other side. I have gotten many
late evening calls from white w o
men, in particular, who were afraid
to walk to a bus stop, because a
group of Black men were standing
there waiting for the bus. Some
white people won't even ride Tri-
Met because they know Black peo
ple will be on the buses. I know
I'm prejudiced, but I ain't that bad.
You go your way. I go mine. I
don't mess with you. You don't
mess with me . . . Don't you think
that's good thinking for an ol' mid
west white boy?"
I didn't answer. I didn't want him
to know how distressed he had
made me feel
He had made me
feel like a nigger.
PORTLAND OBSERVER
"The Eyes and Ears of the Community"
288-0033
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Civil Rights Journal
Beniamin F. Chavis Jr.
M anning M arable
Jesse Jackson at the Crossroads
Part II of a Two Part Series
mocrats’ probable presidential no
Jesse Jackson’s massive victory
minee for 1992. Jackson will be left
in the Michigan caucus late last
out of the primary political "wheel
month has raised the possibility of
ing and dealing" because he Is per
the Country Preacher winning the
ceived as too far to the "left, and
Democratic Presidential nomina
also because he Is Black. We
tion this year. Jackson campaign
should expect some concessions
manager Gerald Austin and Rain
to the Rainbow In terms of the De
bow Coalition leader Ron Daniels
mocratic Party platform, and we
have argued repeatedly that Jesse
should press successfully for the
has a mathematical possibility of
selection of a list of Black, Hispa
winning. But the political powers
nic and progressive leaders who
and corporate interests which exer
would be appointed to high admi
cise decisive influence within the
nistrative office under a Dukakis
Democratic Party did not create a
presidency — such as Dr. Mary
method of electoral participation
Frances Berry as Attorney Gene
which would allow the elevation of
ral, Transafrlca's Randall Robin
a progressive or Black candidate as
son as Undersecretary of State for
presidential nominee, regardless
African Affairs, or Attorney Elea
of the number of popular votes he
nor Holmes to the Supreme Court.
received.
Party leaders have created a
But there Is a second political
“ superdelegates” category, con
road available to Jackson, which
sisting of 640 Congresspersons,
Is filled with potential difficulties,
Governors, and Democratic offi
but would permit him to have a
cials, who are not elected by the
fundamental Impact upon the fu
public, but who will participate at
ture of American politics. Jack-
the convention. Already, Dukakis is
son could tell his voting consti
quitely consolidating his base
tuency what every white political
among the superdelegates, push
pundit knows — that he w ill pro
ing the case that he is the only elec
b a b ly n e v e r be g iv e n th e
table candidate the Democrats
Democratic presidential nomina
have. Austin has counterattacked
tion. He could explain candidly
in e ffe c tiv e ly , c la im in g th a t
that the American political sys
“ fairness" will be a major issue in
tem Is not designed to produce
Atlanta. “ What (Jackson’s) saying
fundamental alternatives In both
is, ‘If I get the most popular votes or
the primaries and the general
most delegate votes and superde
election. Despite an extensive
legates are not voting as a reflec
mobilization of m illions of Black,
tion of those votes, that’s unfair,’ ”
Hispanic and white voters behind
Austin Insists. But there was
the progressive and left populist
nothing fair about the 1984 Demo
economic and social agenda, the
cratic Convention, when Jackson
Democratic party would easily
came In with nearly one fifth of the
deny the nomination to the sole
total popular vote and came out
candidate who represents to a
with only eleven percent of the final
great extent a major departure
delegate vote. This year's rules are
from the sterile, anticommunist,
only marginally more “ democratic"
bipartisan policies and leadership
than those employed four years
who have dominated this country
ago. Austin’s protests will per
since the end of the Second World
suade very few white Democratic
War. Jackson should state unhe-
leaders.
sltantly that even If he somehow
Jesse Jackson Is now at the po
emerged with the Democratic
litical crossroads. One route could
presidential nomination, both ma
take him even further down the
jor parities would conspire to
road toward political moderation,
derail his election.
from the viewpoint of Democratic
The real value to this electoral
powerbrokers and the media. The
mobilization
Is in Its capacity to
Impulse to project himself as a
elevate
key
progressive
public po
“’serious” candidate who has a rea
licies
which
the
mainstream
of
sonable chance at winning the no
the
Democratic
Party
would
un-
mination has already watered down
several progressive policy posi cerlmonlously bury In its futile ef
fort to promulgate a type of
tions Jackson had taken previously
“ Reaganlsm with a Human Face."
on the Mideast as well as other
The
Rainbow challenge repre
issues. Black Democratic leaders
sents
an assault against the con
like California’s Willie Brown are
servative
trend within the Demo
uniting behind Jackson largely for
cratic
ranks,
as well as a logical,
narrow, opportunistic reasons.
electoral
extension
of the more
They know that their exhortations
progressive
elements
of the Civil
against Jesse backfired dismally In
Rights
Movement.
But
one of the
1984, and they stood little chance
significant
lessons
of
that
move
to derail the Rainbow’s momentum
ment
was
the
realization
of
the
In 1988. By embracing Jackson,
basic
lim
ita
tions
of
electoral
they are doing what their Black con
polltcs. Martin Luther King, Jr.,
stituents expect them to do. But It
and
Malcolm X never ran for elec
represents neither a change of poli
tive
office, yet they were able to
tical ideologies, nor any kind of
exercise
a powerful Impact upon
c o m m itm e n t to p ro g re s s iv e
Black
American
history.
change beyond this specific cam
Jackson
has
a sim ilar oppor
paign. In this contest, Coleman
tunity
to
alter
the
course of politi
Young's endorsement of Dukakis
cal
and
social
history,
If he recog
was at least an honest display of
nizes
the
necessity
to
build a per
his own backward and bankrupt po
manent
structure
and
movement
litics. Many Black officials are less
outside
the
Democratic
Party to
politically honest.
advance
his
public
policy
posi
Jackson and the Rainbow Coali
tions
and
political
ideals.
No
mat
tion will go to Atlanta with great ex
ter
what
the
outcome
of
the
the
pectations, only to discover per
November
election
this
year,
haps that the "real deal" which
most of the policies pursued by
selects the presidential nominee
the new administration and Con
already has been cut. At one level
gress next year will probably not
It’s a question of simple arithmetic.
Even If Dukakis Is successful In differ substantively from those
winning this month's New York Pri legislative Initiatives taken during
1987-1988. To break the two party
mary, and the Important Ohio, New
monopoly
over the democratic
Jersey, and California primaries
process,
we
must establish a per
later this spring, he will probably
manent
Rainbow
political bloc
fall short of the delegate total re
outside
of
the
Democratic
Party,
quired for nomination. If so, there
which
has
the
capacity
to
or
are at least two ways which Duka
ganize
voters,
to
lobby
legislative
kis can secure the nomination
which are denied to Jackson. One o ffic ia ls , to picket and lead
way would be through the super- demonstrations, and to educate
delegates’ bloc of votes. The other the masses of people In the tools
maneuver would be to give the vice of the political process. This ap
presidency to Al Gore, who would proach takes a protracted, long
probably come to the Atlanta con term view of the democratic strug
vention about 600 delegates. Gore gle which must be waged against
w ould accept the offe r, be- both major political parties, as
cause/even if the Dukakis-Gore ti well as those elitist and powerful
cket lost In the general election, the
See “ Jackson" — Page 3
race would catapult him as the De
The Assassination
of Julian Pierce
An assassination Is always
painful. It Is particularly painful
when It takes from us a leader who
was beloved by his people and
whose potential was so vibrant.
Julian Pierce, a Lumbee Indian at
torney and activist In Robeson
County, North Carolina, was just
such a man. He was killed on
March 26th of this year.
Atty. Pierce had decided to run
fora newly created Superior Court
judgeship In the May primary. It
was a dangerous decision. For
this Is a county In which drug cor
ruption reputedly reaches even In
to the offices of the sheriff and
other local officials. In addition,
Pierce’s opponent was Joe Free
man Britt, an established member
of the power structure that runs
the county. Mr. Britt Is the current
District Attorney and holds the
world’s record for sending more
people to death row — primarily
Native American and African
American — than anyone else. In
fact, he’s in the Gulness Book of
World Records for this dubious
distinction.
Together, the Native American
and African American popula
tions make up 58% of Robeson
County. Dexter Locklear, finance
committee chairman for Pierce's
campaign, noted that the passage
of a recent school referendum
showed the potential of the com
bined strength of the Native
American and African American
votes. Through Julian Pierce’s
candidacy, that coalition would
have been strengthened even
more.
Who was this man and why did
someone feel he was so danger
ous that he was shot-gunned to
death In his own home? Pierce
was born and raised In neighbor
ing Hoke County, graduated from
college to become a chemist and
then returned for his law degree.
After receiving his master's de
gree In tax law from Georgetown
University he worked with the
Securities and Exchange Com
mission In Washington, D.C.
Atty. Pierce could have staye
In Washington, earning a con
forable living and working decer
hours. Instead, he made the dec
sion to return home to help en
power his people. In 1978 he b<
came the first director of Lumbe
River Legal Services, formed t
provide legal aid to the poor of th
area.
Atty. Pierce prepared the pet
tlon for official Federal recogn
tlon of the Lumbee Nation whic
would give them control over the
community and Its economic dt
velopment. Pierce was also calls'
upon to assist with numerou
cases of unsolved murders of Nc
five Americans and African Amt
rlcans, some even Involving th<
local police.
However, Julian Pierce was no
only Involved In the law; rather, hi
participated in the entire life of hi:
community. He was Instruments
In organizing and served as chali
man of the Robeson Count;
Health Corporation which ope
ra te d m e d ic a l c lin ic s in i
Robeson County towns. He alst
served as chairman and chle
fund-raiser for an on-going out
door play which dramatically ex
poses the oppression of the Lum
bee community while reinforcing
the beauty and strength of thel
culture. The unceasing energy
commitment and brilliance of Ju
Han Pierce touched all segments
of the Lumbee community.
Yes, Julian Pierce was a power
ful force in his community. Dextei
Locklear, his campaign aide, em
phaslzed this when he said
“ [Julian’s death] Is going to rally
people together. This w ill make
the Indian people stronger.”
The time has come when all
Americans must stand together
against all forms of racial In
justice. The continued oppres
sion of Native Americans — one
of the gravest examples of racial
Injustice — must be challenged
until the victory of freedom and
justice Is won.
OPINION
by Dr. Jamil Cherovee
Child Psychology
I’m Inclined to believe every
Black parent In Amerlka should
read “ The Developmental Psy
chology of the Black Child" by
Amos N. Wilson. One of the major
oppressive forces In Amerlkan
society Is the myth of Black In
feriority. Caucasoid supremacy Is
so pervasive a system that Its vic
tims often Internalize these no
tions of Inferiority and suffer from
feelings of low self-esteem and
self-hate.
Studies have shown that this
negative self-image begins in the
early years of life. The literature
on child care, psychology and
development is vast. Not surpris
ingly, it Is addressed to the child
ren of caucasold Amerika a lit
tle, If any, mention Is every made
of the reality of growing up Black
In a racist society. For the most
part, the Black child experience is
missing from the pages of works
on child psychology. It Is only
within the recent years that works
dealing sp e c ific a lly w ith the
Black child have been published.
“ The Black Child: A Parent
Guide” by Phillis Harrison-Ross
and Barbara Wyden; "Black Child
Care" by James P. Comer and Al
vin F. Poussaint; and “ The Black
Parents’ Handbook" by Clara J.
McLaughlin are three such books
written by Black authors. The
work reviewed, virtually Ignored
by the media, deserves a wide
readership.
Black parents, educators, so
cial workers, counselors, socio
logists, psychologists and vir
tually anyone concerned with the
future of the Black family w ill find
“ The Developmental Psychology
of the Black C hild" by Amos N.
W ilson an Important, tim ely and
provocative work. In the Introduc
tion the author states his aim to
“ examine areas of critical dif
ferences between Black and
Caucasian c h ild re n " and fo r
mulates his thesis: “ Far more so
than any other ethnic child the
shape of the Black child's In
tellect and personality Is deter
mined by the concept of race,
race awareness, and race politics,
econmlcs, propaganda, etc., and
psychology which falls to treat
these Items as major personality
and mental variables Is not ade
quate to deal with the Black child.
This has been the greatest failure
of American developmental, edu
c a tio n a l
and
c lin ic a l
psychology.”
In nine Informative and stimu
lating chapters, Wilson demon
strates the validity of his thesis. A
wide range of topics Is discussed
from the prenatal period to scho
larly yet highly readable fashion.
In n o va tive re co m m e n d a tio n s
follow each chapter along with an
excellent list of sources for fur
ther reading. The chapter on the
prenatal period discusses the link
between em otional stress on
Black mothers snd birth com pli
cations. Lack of adequate hous
ing,economic problems, marrital
problems and overall deprivation
tend to keep Black mothers in a
state of chronic anxiety and have
devastating e ffe cts on many
Black births. Wilson points out
See "Psychology" — Page 4