Page 2, i
■. ind Observer, October 21, 1987
Along the Color Line
by I )• M a n n in g M a r «hie
Ghana, Zimbabwe, and Jamaica:
Failures of Black Socialism
Throughout most of Africa and the Caribbean since World War II, the
phrase "socialism” has frequently represented the democratic hopes and
economic aspirations of Black people. As a social slogan, Third World
Socialism has meant redistributive justice, the reallocation of wealth from
the affluent classes to the homeless and dispossessed, and the implemen
tation of universal healthcare and educational programs. As an economic
platform, it theoretically embraces the call for land reform, trade unioniza
tion. the empowerment of working people at the point of production, and
the restructuring of the whole economic order by placing the interests of
human beings ahead of corporate profits.
But in the past decade, and particularly since the tragic collapse of the
Grenada revolution in 1983, a rethinking of "socialism" as a political con
cept has occurred throughout the Black world. What is the relationship
between "Socialism" and those traditional democratic rights - freedom of
press, free speech, trial by jury, strict limits on police surveilance and
investigative activity, etc. — which are the legacy of the Western, white
countries, but which in turn had also institutionalized slavery and colonial
ism? Is the responsibility of any socialist party in the Caribbean and Africa
to defend the interests of the common people over and above those pre-
rogitives of the state?
Turning to different countries for appropriate models, one is constantly
frustrated by the vast and seemingful unbridgeable gap between rhetoric
and reality. In Ghana, the initial popular support which erupted with the
revolt catapulting President Jerry Rawlings in power nearly six years ago
has nearly disintegrated. Ghana's ruling elite, the Provisional National De
fense Council, claims an affinity for socialism. But in the past year, it has
conducted a destructive campaign to harrass, imprison and even eliminate
opposition leaders in the Trade Union Congress, a federation of seventeen
national unions. This June, the government arrested a group of university
student leaders on the spurious charge of "subversion." When students
boycotted classes to protest undemocratic procedures, hundreds of police
at its industrial heart — and confirmed black unions' place at the center of
the struggle against white rule."
Though the Black union remained strong until the end, it received little
support from the major U.S. trade unions. Missing, for example, was any
show of support from the United Mineworkers Union or the AFL-CIO.
Again we witnessed the usual racist double-standard. Unions in this coun
try raised a loud hue and cry about the treatment of Lech Walesa and the
Polish labor struggles. However, U.S. unions swathe themselves in re
sounding silence when it comes to South African labor leader Cyril Rama-
phosa and the oppression of Black South African workers. 1
In this respect the unions follow the lead of the Reagan Administration.
Even while Black miners were being brutally gassed and clubbed, news
reports confirmed that the Reagan Administration had approved a plan
whereby the South African government would train and equip the Nicara
guan contras. In exchange the United States was to provide intelligence
on the South African and U.S.-backed rebels trying to overthrow the duly
elected government of Angola.
There can be no further doubt about the true sympathies and the collu
sion between this administration and the oppressive government of South
Africa.
Yet, in the face of disinterest by the U.S. labor movement, in the face
of total non-support from the Reagan Administation, and in the face of the
overwhelming might of South Africa's mining industry, the Black miners
remained unified and were victorious. Let us join with our sisters and
brothers of South Africa in supportive action. Let us lift our voices with
theirs in the rallying cry of the liberation movement: "Am andla!" — Power
to the p e o p l e ! ____________ ___________________
shut down campuses.
Several left-wing organizations, the New Democratic Movement
(NDM) and the Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guards, have challenged
the government to restore parliamentary democracy, to protect an inde
pendent judiciary, and to address economic problems. The Rawlings
regime responded by sending thugs from its secret police force, the Bureau
of National Investigation, to arrest its critics. Kwame Karikari, the Chair
person of the NDM, was arrested without charges; the general secretary of
the Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guards was also imprisoned.
A less repressive situation exists in another African socialist country,
Zimbabwe. Under the leadership of Marxist intellectual Robert Mugabe,
Zimbabwe has managed to develop a strong economy, despite the constant
subversion of neighboring white South Africa. However, ethnic minorites
led by opposition leader Joshua Nkomo have been harrassed and politically
underrepresented within the parliament. "Zumbabwean socialism" has
produced few tangible gains for the African masses. A survey of the
country's leading corporate executives and managers shows that less than
5 percent are Black. White-owned country estates haven't been seized
and given to the former-guerilla fighters and their families. Out of Zim
babwe's 4,500 large commercial, private farmers, only 350 are African. In
short, white supremacy still exists in economic relations, and the pace of
internal social and educational reforms has been far too slow.
If African socialism has faltered because it has not emphasized demo
cratic rights, left-wing parties elsewhere have failed because they have lost
faith in the power of social justice and fundamental economic reforms.
A classic case in the Caribbean is provided by former Jamaican Prime Mini
ster Michael Manley and the People's National Party (PNP). Back in the
mid 1970's, the PNP advanced a bold and uncompromising economic and
social agenda. Thanks to active destabilization by the U.S., Manley was
defeated by Reagan-apologist Edward Seaga.
But now, after seven years of disasterous economic policies, the PNP
will undoubtedly with the next general elections in late 1988. However,
Manley is clearly singing a different tune. He has purged a number of
socialist intellectuals and radical trade unionists from the PNP leadership.
Manley promises to support private foreign investment, with the exporta
tion of profits from Jamaica. He's even gone to the Reaganite-Heritage
Foundation in Washington, D.C., requesting assistance for the PNP to
develop plans for promoting entrepreneurship. Trade union veterans and
younger activists in the party are confused and disillusioned with the leader
ship's retreat to the ideological center-right.
I know Manley personally, and have many friends inside the PNP, so
the retreat from the vision of social justice inside Jamaica s left is particu
larly striking to this observer. It's clear that the Black political world needs
to find a new path for economic and social development which learns from
these errors. Democratic rights and civil liberties must be preserved, yet
fatal compromises with the far right s bankrupt and repressive economic
and political agenda must be avoided at all costs. No effective program of
Third World liberation exists which falls victim to either contradiction.
CIVIL RIGHTS JOURNAL
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by Benjam in c
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111 THI U N H ID C H U R tH OF CHRIST
/
C O M M ISS IO N FOR RACIAL JUSTICE
A Victory for South African Miners
Even in the midst of continued state-imposed violence and oppression,
there was victory. Sweet victory. Even the South African mine-owners
had to admit it. For 19 days 340,000 Black mine workers went on strike,
shutting down 44 mines, and bringing to its knees an industry that is the
very foundation of the racist South African regime.
The Black miners struck even though hundreds of them were arrested,
even though scores were injured and some were killed. They struck even
though it could have meant total destitution for them and their families.
This was not just a strike for better wages, though that was certainly
one intent. After all, Black miners earn only $200 a month, while white
miners make five times that amount. It was not only a strike for safer work
ing conditions, though about 600 Black miners die every year in South
Africa's mines. No, this strike involved more than that. It was a test of soli
darity and a show of increasing political strength. On both those scores
the Black National Union of Mineworkers was a clear winner. As News
week noted: "The miners proved their ability to challenge South Africa
FREEDOM
&
SOCIAL JUSTICE
BY
ALEXANDER R JONES
Di'PCtor of M inority and Third World Attairs tor
The Church o t.S cientology H International
Religious Vision Leads to
New Hope for Youngsters
Fourteen years ago, a miraculous thing happened to Dr. Mary Thomas.
For seven days she experienced a moving religious vision which revealed
methods to help learning disabled and emotionally disturbed children.
Filled with excitement and determination, she took her newly-acquired
knowledge and started Serene Community Homes, Inc., a treatment facility
based in Sacramento, CA, which has since given many youngsters new
hope and new lives.
Serene Homes stands as marvelous success story. This organization
with its "Yes, we can!” motto is a shining example that children with pro
blems can be effectively helped without the use of drugs. This, amid the
increasing psychiatric practice of "treating" young school children by drug
ging them into a stupor with Ritalin (an amphetamine-like drug), is a major
accomplishment.
The success of the center lies in Dr. Thomas's firm belief that any treat
ment "m ust address the body, mind and spirit. Thus, when the children
come in, they are placed on a special diet designed to give their bodies good
nutrition. They are constantly taught the value of love, respect, hard work,
and other important principles. For their educational needs, there is a
special school which gives the youngsters the care and attention they re
quire. The children are even placed in foster homes to ensure they can live
in a true family atmosphere.
Consequently, the children in Serene Homes improve dramatically.
According to Dr. Thomas, "Kids who have come in on psychotropic drugs
are no longet on them. Others are coming off of such drugs gradually.
Many kids who were labeled mentally retarded are not now mentally re
tarded."
Dr. Thomas has done most of this fine work very quietly. Although
the program is certified by the State of California, she has sought little pub
licity. Now, she feels she is ready to expand and let more people know
of her methods, so careful documentation of her successes has already
begun.
If you would like to know more about this innovative program, write
to Dr. Mary Thomas, c/o Freedom & Social Justice, P.O. Box 2387, Sacra
mento, CA 95811.
+
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE
7 507 Cherry Street. Philadelphia. Pennsylvania 19102-1479
Apartheid: Burden of a
Deepening Regional Crisis
by Mohulatsi Mokeyane
The human tragedy in Mozambique, which has received increasing
media attention in recent weeks, is mirrored in other countries in Southern
Africa. South Africa's engagement in support of armed rebels, destruction
of homes and railways, and the sponsoring of subversive political activities
against Mozambique is also carried out against Angola, Botswana, Leso
tho, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The suffering that results is direct
ly tied to the practice of apartheid in South Africa. The agony will not end
until apartheid is abolished.
With majority rule in most of Southern Africa, opposition to apartheid
has heightened within South Africa and in Namibia, which South Africa
illegally occupies. As South Africa faces increasing pressures from its own
Black population, it places the blame for these internal problems on its
neighbors. The blame takes the form of economic, political and military
attacks.
As in Mozambique,s South Africa conducts commando raids and
assassinations designed to terrorize and intimidate refugees from apartheid
who have fled to neighboring countries. Nationals of the host countries
have been killed along the way. South Africa also supports, finances and
directs military activities of rebel groups such as REN AMO in Mozambique
and UNITA in Angola, which directly target the citizen populations of
South Africa's neighbors. More recently, South Africa has help up ship
ments destined for neighboring countries dependent on imported food sup
plies, sabotaged communications installations and utilities, and unilaterally
expelled immigrant workers who escape growing poverty in their own lands
by working in South Africa. These acts of South African aggression
deepen the crisis of Southern Africa.
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Between 1980 and 1985 South African aggression cost ne.ghbor.ng
countries $15-16 billion in defense spending, the total cost of these poor
countries comes to between $25 and 30 billion. UNICEF s recem study re^
ports that war related deaths of infants and children between 1980 and 1985
exceeded 150,000 in Angola and 230,000 in Mozambique The figures
represent 45 percent of all deaths of children under age f.ve in both coun
tries during that period.
.
Angola now spends 53%, and Mozambique 42%, of their budgets on
national defense. Zimbabwe, Zambia and other countries also have in
creased their defense budgets in response to the South African threat.
Examples of their moves to defend themselves from South Africa and Zim
babwe's reported deal to buy 12 MiG-29 interceptors and Mozamb.que
and Botswana's agreement with Great Britain for the training of their De
fense Force units. Meanwhile, social service spending has been curtailed,
adding further suffering to people already poor and under military attack.
Increases in the defense budgets have meant increases in the militari
zation of the region as well. As a result, prospects for regional peace and
stability recede daily.
There is good reason for South Africa to fear these new nations of
Southern Africa — although not the ones the South African government
cites. These countries to the north of South Africa have provided positive
examples of non-racial societies which are based on equality and respect for
human dignity. Amazingly, some of these countries have achieved these
results in less than a decade of independence.
The majority ruled countries of Southern Africa started off at indepen
dence with tremendous handicaps that were the legacy of colomalsim. In
Mozambique, for instance, the Portuguese colonialists denied education
and experience to virtually all Mozambicans. At independence, in 1975,
Mozambique did not have a single colonial-trained college graduate out of
a population of 11 million; its 10 medical doctors were trained by the ten
liberation movement, FRELIMO. Mozambique trained an additional 100
medical doctors within its first decade of independence.
The U.S. can play an important role in the development and stabili
zation of the countries of Southern Africa — and in the easing of the un
speakable suffering of the people there. It can increase its investment in
these countries. It can back the unconditional implementation of U.N.
Resolution 435 for the independence of Namibia. It can withdraw its un
conscionable support for the South Africa-backed UNITA rebels in Angola.
These steps, however, if they are to make a difference to the majority-
ruled nations of Southern Africa, must be combined with strict imposition
of comprehensive economic sanctions on South Africa. The suffering of
Mozambique's people, and those of her neighbors, will continue as long as
apartheid poisons the region.
Letters to the Editor
Is the Media Obsessed
With Black Crime?
Within the last few years we have been witnessing, in academic and
journalistic circles around this nation, a sort of compulsive preoccupation
with the notion of "Black" crime. What, indeed, is happening to, and in,
Black communities? I do not for one moment contend here that the rate at
which Blacks are criminally victimized in any number of inner-city neigh
borhoods is not a matter for urgent concern but what I find disturbing
in the current debate is the underlying false premise that the phenomenon
of Blacks victimizing other Blacks deserve a special analysis: an analysis
that is separate and distinct from what, in general, causes street crime
and other acts of wanton and indiscriminate violence in the broader Ameri-
kan (sic] society.
The implied assumption is that there is something peculiarly insidious
— which may or may not be inate — about Black life and Black society that
naturally tends toward criminal self-destruction.
According to this line of reasoning, the cause and, ulimately, the
responsibility for crime among Blacks should be placed squarely on the
shoulders of the Black community. "S treet" crime is thus seem as a Black
problem, not a societal problem. This, I contend, is just another way of
"blaming the victims"; an attempt to repackage an "old wine" in a some
what newer, more believable bottle. (Not so long ago it was Black "short
comings" that were widely Seen as the principal reasons behind the failure
of Black to advance materially within the Amerikan [sic] society — failure
to seize economic opportunities, lack of initiative, laziness, low I.Q., etc.)
I'm inclined to believe the danger with even posing the problem of
crime among Black people in the United States in terms of "Black-on-
Black" is that (1) it places the issue within an explicitly race-specific con
text, and (2) it tends to remove the problem of crime in Amerika's (sic]
urban ghettos (something Black people did not create, but in which a good
number are forced to live) from its larger social and societal nexus.
The fact is crime and criminality are not in any way specific features of
race, and, ever since there was recorded human history, alienated groups
have always tended to victimize their own members. Thus, El Salvadorans
have, for varying reasons, killed (and are killing) other El Salvadorans; poli
tical tribalization and a type of clienteleistic politics that prevail in countries
like Jamaica cause Jamaicans to kill, in large numbers, other Jamaicans;
and early Polish, Italian and Jewish immigrants who lived under slum con
ditions in Chicago, Boston and New York did violently victimize other
Poles, Italians and Jews.
Even if one chooses to go to the somewhat more dubious, right-wing
biological/hereditary route, which has recently been given new life by the
likes of Richard J. Hernstein and James Q. Wilson, the conclusion still is
that so-called "crime traits" are randomly distributed in terms of race and
ethnicity.
Crime and criminality are specific features of powerlessness, ghetto-
ization and general destruction (or absence) of community. Street gangs
mushroom and proliferate because of an absence of structured, meaningful
alternative outlets. So that demoralized, "surplus" life — which is other
wise unfulfilled and unappreciated — finds perverse sense of fulfillment in
thje adventitiousness of the gang.
If through the process of institutionalized racism and economic margi
nalization, some groups — Blacks and Hispanics, for example — in the
Amerikan [sic] society experience these conditions disproportionately, then
it is only logical to expect disproportionate levels of crime, victimization,
and gang activity in the communities in which these groups are confined.
There is, in short, no truth to the facist myth that "Black people just
love to kill each other." That characterizes neither the history nor the cul
tural tradition of Afrikan [sic] people. Blacks as a group have been system
atically segregated and compressed into Amerika's Isicl ghetto "home
lands” ; they preponderantly become both victims and victimizers. Both
are, in fact, inextricably locked in the dealy pursuit of survival.
Black leaders and opinion-makers must seek to articulate a more liber
ating understanding of crime in general.
Dr. Jamil Cherovee
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