Page 2, i- « . tland Observer, September 23, 1987
ong the Color Line
Letters to vthe Editor
by ()« Manning Mar able
Drugs, Alcoholism and Suicide
Whenever I have lectured before a large audience in recent months,
inevitably I am asked the same question. Essentially, it goes something
like this: "The Black community is in the midst of an unprecedented social
crisis. Unemployment, bad housing, reductions in health care and educa
tion programs, police brutality and other factors are undermining the social
stability of Black neighborhoods. Given the state of affairs, why aren't
Afro-Americans rioting in the streets? What is keeping a check of Black
urban militancy, when the material and social conditions which gave rise to
the riots in the 1960s are actually much worse today?"
There is no precise chemistry which can reliably predict the creation of
an ruban explosion, even though critical volatile elements are currently
present. But social discontent and rage can be channeled away from mean
ingful public protests into purely self-destructive activity. The energy and
dynamism of Biack urban youth may be manipulated for destructive and
self defeating purposes.
The struggle against illegal drugs is being lost in most of this country's
major innercities. Recent federally-financed studies state that the major
group which has turned off from drugs such as cocaine in the past five
years is tbe well-educated, white upper middle class. Many Hispanics,
Blacks, low income people and those with less than a high school education
have continued and or increased their collective drug dependency. The
crack epidemic continues in poor urban communities virtually unchecked.
In one recent study of heroin addicts in New York City, it was determined
that Blacks and Hispanics comprised about 75 percent of all the city's
addicts. Another 1982 survey of data on drug dependency, based on
material from over 30,000 treatment ca te rs, showed that 44 percent of all
addicts were Black; 20 percent were Hispanic, and only 36 percent were
white.
There was no recognized "drug problem" in this country until the crisis
of illegal drugs began to claim thousands of victims among the daughters
and sons of the white upper middle class. As long as cocaine was identified
with Black musicians, street people and/or prostitutes, no real social pro
blem was said to exist. Recent data illustrates that illegal drugs not only
serve to diffuse Black collective action for development; but that also the
drug issues may receive less governmental and media attention as its vic
tims become once more predominately Black and poor. As Dr. Mitchell
S. Rosenthal, head of Phoenix House, a network of drug treatment cen
ters, states: "In the heroin crisis of the late 1960s and again with crack in
recent years it was the threat to the middle- and upper-middle-class kids that
put pressure on Legislatures and Congress. There is a danger that if they
feel less of a threat, the resources won't stay with the problem."
Another continuing social problem for Blacks, as well as other Ameri
cans, is alcoholism. There are conservatively as estimated 6 to 9 million
confirmed alcoholics in the U.S. Blacks, essentially those with lower levels
of income and education, have a disproportionally high rate of alcoholism.
There's also evidence that alcoholism is a rapidly growing problem for Elack
women. Statistically, most Black women are more likely not to drink alco
hol than are white females. However, the proportion of heavy or "problem
drinkers" among Black women is about three times the proportion of white
females classified as heavy drinkers.
There is also growing evidence of an unprecedented rise in the suicide
rates of Blacks, especially younger Blacks since the civil rights era. Bet
ween 1950 and 1977, for instance, the annual suicide rate of Black males
soared from 6.8 per 100,000 to 11.4 per 100,000. Also in these years, the
Black female suicide rate more than doubled, from 1.6 per 100,000 to 3.5
per 100,000. Nearly one-half of all suicides among Afro-Americans occur
today among young adults, between the age of 20 to 34 years. Within the
more narrow age group of 25 to 29 years, the suicide rate among Black
males is higher than that for white men and women living in urban areas,
their suicide rate is also higher than the white average. Why are Black
young adults killing themselves in record number?
You don't need an occupying army to wipe out a spirit of resistance
among any oppressed people. You simply pump unlimited supplies of co
caine, heroin and other drugs into their neighborhoods. You burden them
with an unemployment rate of 20 percent and higher. You give them poor
schools, few health clinics, and reinforce white corporate standards of
beauty and materialism in the media and popular culture. Drug depen
dency, alcoholism and suicides are the logical result. The worst manifesta
tion of oppression is that which is generated internally, not externally.
sity of California in Berkeley. Being an investigative thinker, I've always had
a sort of fascination with science. Unfortunately, our agrarian heritage
and general exclusion from the world of science has generated an anti
science, anti-intellectual attitude among many of us. In colleges today
many young Black people regard the pursuit of scientific training as
"coping out": as individual tripping" at the expense of the struggle. Cer
tainly it cannot be denied that some Black scientists and technicians have
dropped out of the struggle, but this must be attributed to theii subser
vience to the individualist, and materialist values of this society; it is not a
result, per se, of being a scientist.
It is imperative for us to realize that, despite its abuses in this country,
science is key to the material development of society. Industrial advance
ment and social progress would be impossible without scientific research
and development. While it is true that science cannot be separated from
ideology, it is also true that ideologies can be changed and, hence, the uses
of science can be redirected. It is no accident that the developing countries
of the so-called Third World have given highest priority to building scien
tific and technological institutes and training young scientists and engi
neers. Their future is developing a culture that encourages science and
makes it truly serve the people. (And it is with the intention of under
mining their struggle against underdevelopment that the capitalist West has
instituted a "brain drain" of scientists and technicians from these so-called
Third World nations.)
I'm inclined to believe scientific training and well-informed imput into
the process of technological decision-making can be a progressive addition
to the general st.uggle for Black liberation. This is the message that must
be taken to Black youth today. We are oppressed by our exploiters. But
to the extent that we remain ignorant and apathetic, we are accomplices
in our own oppression. No struggle can be undertaken without knowledge,
and it is not enough to simply blame others for our ignorance. Like our
Brothers and Sisters in Afrika and the so-called Third World, we must en
courage the pursuit of useful knowledge —physical, biological and social —
that will enable us to intelligently take command of our own destiny.
Science today is property, and, therefore, like all property, it is used
for the benefit of those who own it. In the U S.A. and in other imperialist
nations, the major part of scientific effort is dedicated to the twin purposes
of (1) extraction of profits and (2) the maintenance of the control with per
mits that extraction.
Dr. Jamil Cherovee
Dr. Manning Marable is Chairperson of the Black Studies Department, Ohio State University,
Columbus, Ohio. "Along the Color Line" appears in over 140 newspapers internationally.
Letters to the Editor
Are Black People Indeed Invisible?
The uses of scientific knowledge cannot be separated from the society
in which those uses occur. The myth of "pure" science, of science as a
detached, ivory tower pursuit, has been exposed. Science is enmeshed in
the prevailing social ideologies. The choice of what subject to investigate,
which experiments to undertake, what methods to employ, which results to
emphasize as important, to whom to report results, how to use results,
etc., all these and countless other decisions made by scientific investigators
are colored by ideology. Ideology is not simply a nebulous cloud hanging
in the social atmosphere. It is the assumptions underlying scientific edu
cation and training; it is the prod held by the public and private bureaucra
cies which fun research; it is the personal ambition of scientists who live
in a bouregeois materialist society.
Consequently, it comes as no great surprise that Black people have
been largely excluded from the world of science and technology —both as
practitioners and as factors relevant to decision-making. Of course, there
have been outstanding Black scientists and inventors, and their achieve
ments are worthy of emulation; but the reality of racism has excluded most
of us from the pursuit of science. Regarded as degraded beings, prisoners
of undisciplined emotions and suitable only for manual labor, Black people
have for generations been barred from caucasoid institutions of scientific
training.
Moreover, racism has meant that caucasoid scientists have regarded
us as an undifferentiated part of the environment: a given, rather than a
subject active in changing the environment. Our cranial capacity and social
institutions may be investigated from time to time, but our brain power
and social needs are seldom considered relevant when important scientific
and technological decisions are being made. To the caucasoid world of
research and development. We Are Indeed Invisible.
I was invited to speak at Stanford in Palo Alto, as well as the Univer-
3
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Earlier this month, I was pleased to announce the members of the Gov
ernor's Commission on School Funding Reform. They are an outstanding
group of Oregonians, representing every region of the state.
The commission has three major goals: 1) Find ways to reduce the
reliance on local property taxes for funding elementary and secondary edu
cation in Oregon, 2) Bring stability to state and local revenue for school
districts, and 3) keep local involvement in local schools.
The final report of the commission, with recommendations for the 1989
legislature, will be presented to me by September 1, 1988.
The commission is one of a number of initiatives adopted by the 1987
Legislative Assembly and designed to begin a major overhaul of a troubled
and troublesome system.
About one third of Oregon's 304 school districts must now go to voters
each year with operating levy requests because their tax bases are inade
quate.
Oregon's level of state funding for our public schools ranks 48th in the
nation, at not quite 30 percent. Local taxes make up over 67 percent of
the costs, second highest in the nation.
Since 1968 voters have considered and rejected 19 proposals that
would have changed Oregon's system of financing elementary and secon
dary schools primarily from property taxes.
For years now, the focus of talk, of debate, of action has been on the
sales tax, and the response from the electorate could not be more clear —
they do not want any part of it.
I believe that the situation requires that we adopt a new approach.
What we do not need is another round of unachievable solutions. What we
need is a series of doable steps to raise the level of basic school support.
Several steps have already been taken. The legislature passed and
voters approved a safety net that will guarantee that no school will close
because local voters failed to approve a levy.
As I have said many times, passage of the safety net was only a first
step toward solving the larger problem of providing stable and adequate
funding for our schools without bankrupting the taxpayers of this state.
The safety net should not be used to justify a no vote on a budget levy.
The legislature also added $30 million to state support for local schools,
increasing the state share of local costs by a full percentage point.
And we are proposing to the voters that they amend the Oregon Con
stitution to allow more flexibile investment of the Common School Fund,
which will increase state earnings for local schools.
But perhaps the most important step we have taken is the establish
ment of the school funding reform commission.
Governors by themselves can fix very little. But what I enjoy most
about this job is the opportunity I have to put exceptional people into posi
tions where they can fix things. And if anything even needed fixing, it's
our method of financing public schools in this state.
I am confident that the people I have appointed to this commission
will arrive at an equitable solution to our school funding problem. The
stakes are no less than to ensure that Oregon remains economically com
petitive in the future. A healthy education system is the key to the growth
of the economy and the preservation of our standard of living.
LOR RACIAL JUSTICE
I have been involved in the Civil Rights Movement for more than 25
years. And through all those years of struggle I have rarely felt as rewarded
as I do at this moment. I have just returned from a leadership development
summer camp in North Carolina. It was set up for the young people of New
York City's "welfare hotels." The camp ran the whole month of August
and was attended by 50 youngsters, aged 7 to 16 years.
It is sometimes thought that the best and brightest of our young people
can only be found at the top of their class in school or as star athletes for
their school teams. Not so. Some of the brightest of our children are also
in the shelters for the homeless and the "welfare hotels" of this country.
And many of them, because of th ^ oppression of their situation, attend
school infrequently.
In New York these children are housed, with their families, often 5 or 6
to one room. The environment, both outside and inside the hotels, is ex
ploitative-rife with drug abuse, abject poverty and daily violence. Yet,
somehow, the innate intelligence of the children has not yet been com
pletely dulled.
I was constantly amazed by the incredible math skills of the children.
For example, as we travelled on the bus to King's Dominion amusement
park, 10-year-old Jackie was asked how many more exits we would pass
before we reached our destination. Without skipping a beat, she answered,
--17!” _ th e correct answer. These are children for whom math is a survival
skill and calculators are a luxury they cannot afford.
Still in my mind is the African awards banquet, held the last night of
camp. It was great to see so many young brothers and sisters, dressed
proudly in traditional African clothing and shouting "Um oja," the Swahili
word for "u n ity." Using homemade drums, several of the youth precisely
picked up the African drumbeats which were taught to them —and with
great excitement.
I was particularly impressed by the impromptu speeches of the young
sters. There was 14 year-old Lateef who urged the other to " . . . try to
help other young sisters and brothers who try to act hard and who think
they can go for themselves and they can't —they need some kind of sup
port." He then added, "Even those who didn't come to camp we should
try to talk to them so they can learn the ways of God or Allah the way we
learned it here, the way we learned to stand together."
As Atty. Rose Sanders, the dynamic leader from Alabama's Black Belt,
said as she left the camp, "These children have an incredible potential. If
that potential isn't developed, it's not their fault, it's ours." There are now
over 10,000 children in New York's welfare hotels. We are told that this
number will jump to 30,000 children in the next fifteen years.
Both the National African Youth Student Alliance and the United
Church of Christ Commission for Racial Justice, which co-sponsored the
camp, are committed to working with these children over the long haul.
We also plan to run the camp again next year. For our children go beyond
mere blood ties. All our children are our responsibility.
INVESTMENT IDEAS
Getting the Most From Your
Life Insurance Dollars
Have you even wondered if you have enough life insurance at the right
price?
Let's assume that you own a traditional whole life policy—the type that
offers a fixed death benefit of $100,000. Let’s also assume you bought the
policy in the early 1980s, when interest rates were in double digits.
Back in 1981, if the insured individual died, his or her spouse could
expect that $100,000 benefit to generate monthly income of about $1,000
to $1,083 (after tax). Now however, your benefit of $100,000 would gene-
Post
P O
B iA C X R e $ O U S C f - 5
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The Portland Ofnrrver IU S PS 969 580) is published ever,'
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si K\ l( I
IH I U N IT E D ( H l ) R ( H O l CHRIST
USPS »«04»
« [ j t r PuNnOini Co lor
vested at a fixed rate.
In addition, some of today's new policies offer liquidity through policy
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you can borrow money from the policy if you need it.
To make sure you have as much coverage as you need and to deter
mine if the new variable rate policies may be the answer, the best place to
start is a policy review. Many investment firms and insurance companies
offer these reviews at no cost. You may find that if you are under-insured,
you can significantly increase your coverage without greatly increasing your
premium costs.
This article was provided by A.G. Edwards & Sons of Salem,
1 800 523-1031.
CIVIL RIGHTS JOURNAL
Portland Observer
O ' p < i < " '
rate just $500 to $583 (after tax) in monthly income for your spouse, assum
ing the principal is invested in today's fixed-income market.
In the early '80s, when interest rates were in double digits, a fixed-
rate policy may have provided needed coverage at an attractive price. To
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Variable-rate policies let you select how your life insurance dollars are
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ments should provide greater growth potential than having all money in
288 0033
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