Huge ¿
J O bserver, A u g u st 12, 1987
A lo n g th e C o lo r Line South Africa: Whither U.S.
by D> M ,in n in g M .lia b le
Di
M anning M . i utile is professor of sociology and political science
at Purdue U n iv eisily
Along the Color Line" appears in ovei 140
Policy?
newspapers internationally
A Strategy for the Rainbow Coalition
P a rt II o f a T w o P art Series
Throughout Black America, progressive leaders and
activists —political organizers, social workers, commu
nity mobilizers—are debating one fundamental ques
tion: Where is Jesse Jackson and the Rainbow Coali
tion going, and what should be our strategy for 1988?
The political strategies advanced to date fall into
three categories. The smallest and least significant
group adheres to an "anti-Rainbow" posture. Some of
these activists have been burned by Jesse in the past,
during his Operation PUSH stage, and they still don’t
trust the "Country Preacher's" judgement and motives.
They argue that the Rainbow mobilization is taking
place inside the Democratice Party, which is still domi
nated by white, corporate interests. Thus we should
steer clear of Jackson. This is the purist approach
which permits some Black radicals to take a stance
strictly in line with their ideology. But it is also a posi
tion which will isolate us from the majority of Black
working people and the poor.
Others in this trend advocate an "abstentionist posi
tio n "—that instead of committing ourselves to another
national presidential campaign, we should instead be
working in local progressive struggles outside of the
electoral process. This approach, which implicitly re
jects the electoral arena as a relevant or appropriate
place for progressive activities, could be favored by
some who are heavily involved in local social welfare
work, and also in some Black nationalist organizations
which have never fully trusted Jackson. But few Blacks
will take these arguments seriously, since the net result
would be almost identical to casting our support to the
Republicans. We would throw away an effective tool
to reach and mobilize millions of people.
A second group of Black "realists" and pragmatists
also condemns Jackson and the Rainbow, but for very
different reasons. These big city mayors like Coleman
Young of Detroit and Andrew Young of Atlanta argue
that Jackson will never win; therefore. Blacks must sup
port a white liberal or even a moderate centrist who
shares som e of our beliefs, because he will be able to
win the general election. So these apologists for Gep
hardt and Biden, Simon and maybe even Sam Nunn
will advocate not just a "lesser-evil" political position,
but an odious political ploy which has us capitulating
even before the electorate even has a chance to select a
presidential nominee! Many Black elected officials and
most of the leadership of national civil rights organiza
tions will be inclined to favor essentially this "realistic"
response to the 1988 race, because all want to obtain
political lOUs with the eventual Democratic party nomi
nee. Their central dilemma is that Jackson's candidacy
is endorsed by an overwhelming majority of their own
constituents, so that any public equivocation or any
waffling on Jesse undermines their own marginal legiti
macy vis a vis the Black electorate.
The third group, which represents the sentiments of
the overwhelming majority of Black Americans, rejects
the first two arguments. But we are obliged to point out
the benefits, as well as risks, inherent in the Rainbow
strategy of working inside the Democratic presidential
primaries. One major plus to the electoral effort is that
thousands of farmers, the unemployed, working peo
ple, the elderly, women, and people of color who have
never participated in the politics of social change will
become energized and involved. This means that thou
sands of new activists will be trained, and most will
continue their progressive involvement in local affairs
long after the 1988 campaign.
Although Jackson's lieutenants still insist that Jesse
can win the Democratic presidential nomination, I think
we have to be honest with our constituents, who could
one day feel betrayed or disillusioned at the Atlanta
convention. A Rainbow campaign is absolutely neces
sary to deepen fundamental social reforms inside the
U. S. — but we should take part in this effort while recog
nizing that Jackson personally will never be elected.
The Democratic party's leadership is prepared to do
everything to destroy Jackson's campaign if it climbs
above the 20 percent popularity rating in national polls.
The Democrats would rather lose the 1988 presidential
election to Dole, Bush, Kemp, etc., if the only way
they could win would be to adopt the Rainbow's en
tire policy agenda and accept Jesse as their candidate.
What the Jackson campaign is really about is a struggle
over the very nature, ideological direction and future of
the Democratic Party.
>
Educational Genocide:
Disappearing Black
College Students
Growing statistical evidence indicates that a type of
educational genocide is occurring against Black college
students across the country. An examination of recent
data illustrates that the gap between the educational
opportunities between whites and Blacks has widened
severely in the 1980s.
Superficially, it appeared to many observers at first
that the educational gains achieved by Black Americans
during the desegregation movement of the 1960s had
continued into more recent years. For instance, the
proportion of high school dropouts for Black youth
aged 16 to 19 actually fell from 22 percent in 1970 to 12
percent in 1983. Conversely, Black enrollment in uni
versities, junior colleges, and in professional schools
soared. In 1970, only about one in eight Afro-American
over the age of 25 had finished college. Thirteen years
later, Black college enrollment had doubled reaching 1.1
million. Blacks amounted to one tenth of the total
American collegiate population, according to the
Bureau of the Census. Many Black students were the
beneficiaries of affirmative action recruitment pro
grams, which broke down some of the traditional Jim
Crow barriers which kept earlier generations of qualified
Blacks out of elite, white institutions. But Blacks who
gained admission to such colleges were generally well
prepared academically. Indeed, the gap between white
and Biack college entrance examination scores narrow
ed by more than 40 points since the mid-1970s.
However, these educational improvements partially
masked other more negative trends, which were not
fully appreciated until the mid-1980s. In previous years,
the cost of a college education did not generally keep
pace with the rate of inflation, which had the effect of
reducing the real costs of college for some working
class families. But during the Reagan administration,
tuition and fees have been much higher than inflation,
and the requirements for federal financial assistance
have been severely constricted. Grants formerly com
prised over two-thirds of all tuition costs for the average
Black student. By the mid-1980s, the vast majority of
aid was represented in the form of loans not grants, and
the total amount of money given was sharply reduced.
Since most Blacks' family incomes failed to keep
pace with inflation, the amount of discretionary income
which could be saved for an education also declined.
Working-class households earning $15,000 to $25,000
annually could scarcely afford to pay even one third
of the tuition, room and board at most private and many
public colleges Thus between 1980 and 1984, the total
number of Black youth in four-year colleges dropped by
3.3 percent, down to 613,000 students. The total per
centage of students between the ages of 18 to 24 en
rolled in college between 1975 and 1985 rose for whites,
26.9 percent to 28.7 percent; but the percentage fell
for Blacks, 20.7 percent down to 19.8 percent. Another
effective method of viewing the problem is by focusing
on the percentage of all high school students who went
directly to colleges. For whites, the college matricula
tion rate was 51 percent in 1977, and increased to 59
percent by 1984. During the same years, the rate of
Black high school students going directly to colleges
plummetted, from 50 percent down to 42 percent. In
short, Blacks are graduating from high school in record
numbers—but proportionately fewer of them are enroll
ing into colleges.
The plight of the "disappearing Black student" is
particularly critical in graduate and professional level
studies. In 1972, there were 21,000 full-time Black gra
duate students. By 1984, the figure had declined to
only 18,000 students. This trend was especially appa
rent in Southern states, where the implementation of
college desegregation efforts has lagged under the Rea
gan administration. According to the research of Black
educators William Trent and Elaine J. Copeland, the
number of Black graduate students enrolled in Arkan
sas, Oklahoma, Virginia, Georgia and Florida combined
fell from 1,783 in 1976 to 1,345 in 1982. First-time gra
duate enrollments for Blacks also declined from 1,218
in 1978 down to 757 six years later.
Nationwide, Black enrollments at all graduate schools
declined by approximately one eighth since 1980. Black
enrollments in management and business schools drop
ped from 7,511 students in 1980 to 7,330 in 1984, barely
3.6 percent of all business students. Despite increases
in Blacks' test scores for medical school admissions,
the percentage of Black medical students has also drop
ped since 1984. In a few fields, Afro-American doctoral
students remain virtually nonexistent. For instance, in
1986 only eleven Blacks were granted doctoral degrees
in engineering. The total number of Blacks obtaining
doctorates in computer science last year was three.
What are the implications of this systemic destruc
tion of Black higher educational opportunity? Colleges
and professional ,schools are the prime institutions of
socioeconomic upward mobility for millions of Ameri
cans—Black, Hispanic and white. By partially closing
these avenues for training, the size of the potential
Black middle class will be severly limited. Since the
middle class has traditionally produced the leadership of
Black America in electoral politics, economics, the cler
gy, education and the arts, the ability of this strata to
reproduce itself is curtailed. Thus one central racial
tenent of Reaganism, which is to move Black America
backward to its subordinate status of the Plessy vs.
Ferguson era, is well served through this process of
"educational genocide." By curtailing the education of
our potential leaders, the Black Freedom Movement
will be crippled in the future. Only by defeating Rea
ganism at the polls next year, and by mobilizing to ex
pand federal aid programs for educational opportunity,
can these trends be reversed
Moreover, the imposition of U.S. sanctions appears
to have dampened anti-apartheid activism in this coun
try. This prevailing inertia seems to stem from the
assumption that nothing more can be done and the
demoralizing impact of Botha's election-day triumph.
But, as Rev. Sullivan suggests, much more needs to
be done, now more than ever. As the standard-bearer
of democracy in the world, the United States must be
at the forefront of an international effort to chastize,
ostracize and criticize the loathsome apartheid regime.
The U.S. must be willing to commit millions of dollars
to help grass-roots, community organizations in South
Africa working for democratic change, and those pro
viding essential healthcare, legal, and educational ser
vices to the victims of apartheid. In addition to direct
aid, the Administration must openly use its influence
to persuade its allies in Europe, the Mideast, and Asia
to take a tougher stand against Pretoria. Any U.S. ini
tiatives will be ineffective if other nations continue busi
ness as usual with South Africa.
Without a coherent and coordinated international
effort, the already grim situation in South Africa will
only get grimmer. Without U.S. leadership, however,
there cannot be any coordinated and meaningful stra
tegy. It is essential, therefore, for all Americans con
cerned about the brutal subjugation of South Africa's
Black majority to make it clear to Congressional,
Senate and other leaders that a cogent U.S. policy
vis-a-vis South Africa must be an integral part of any
U.S. foreign policy agenda. And as candidates line up
for the 1988 Presidential elections, the American people
must make it clear that the situation in South Africa
remains a high priority issue.
The Rev. Leon Sullivan's recent call for U.S firms
to sever all business ties with South Africa focuses
renewed attention on the deteriorating situation in that
strife-torn land. It also illustrates the growing frustra
tion among anti-apartheid activists in this country at
the absence of a coherent U.S. policy regarding South
Africa.
Since Congress voted to override the President's veto
on sanctions, the Reagan Administration has virtually
washed its hands of South Africa. And while it must
be acknowledged that the U.S. has limited leverage in
a nation as powerful as South Africa, the Administra
tion's do nothingness has only served to strengthen
the hand of the repressive regime in Pretoria.
Recent developments do not bode well for South
Africa's oppressed Black majority. National elections in
May gave President Botha's ruling National Party a re
sounding victory, seriously weakened the liberal opposi
tion, and increased conservative and right-wing repre
sentation in the whites-only Parliament. The year-old
state of emergency, which has kept thousands of acti
vists underground or in jail, has virtually vitiated orga
nized, grassrootes political opposition. Black trade
unions, the best organized and potent vehicles for
change, report increased goverment efforts to under
cut and depoliticize their activities.
On the economic front, the void left by the w ith
drawal of numerous Western companies is being filled
by businesses from Isreal, South Korea, Taiwan and
other Asian countries. Recent reports indicate that
many of these companies -not bound by the Sullivan
Principles to better train, promote and care for Black
workers —exploit South Africa's reserve of cheap labor
and give nothing back to the community in terms of
social and educational programs.
Norman Hill is Presiden t ot the A . Philip K u u lo lp li In s titu te
Letters to the Editor
Black Man Should be Recognized for
Historical Contribution to Northwest
didn't even have their screwdrivers sharpened. We can
overlook the exuberant children as they were just jivin
him, or were they testing him for his resistance to jivin.
I'm trying to be honest with you in this letter, but as I'm
not in my prime anymore, I am armed whenever I'm in
Portland. I do it as a deterent. I am not pistol-waving
Honky Redneck.
I considei a firearm a tool to be used only when need
ed, similar to a life preserver on a boat. One will pos
sible help you from being a plaything of persons like
the Crips, the other can possibly save you from drown
ing, though the drowning is permanent without residue
pain. The other alternative could be with you a life time.
We all should look to the words, "Consideration of
others". This includes children and adults. We have
enough trouble surviving in this world without preach
ing more violence and racism to children.
I, therefore, submit this article ("Black Saul Held
Off the British at Cape D", see Page 8] that was pub
lished in our local newspaper. It should make a Black
person proud, children and adults, of this one Black
man that made history in the Northwest. I was first
surprised, astounded and later proud to know he consi
dered himself an American first and still jived a honky
without being dishonest. He was respected because he
was American, not because he was African-American.
The man should have more recognition in our North
west history. A researched history of him would be of
great value to Black Studies. Thank You.
Joe F. Kolaski
Seaview, W A
In your recent article (June 24, 1987, "Pieces of a
Dream"] in the Portland Observer, I read of the Black
man's problem with the newer generations of children
and the insensitivity of the white man to racism. I, as a
white man born in Wisconsin and raised in the north of
Oregon as a youth, never knew or even thought about
racism. I also came from a broken family home and
lived in foster homes.
I didn't have a role model of male gender as you
speak of some young Black children. I would say my
role models were teachers and coaches. I did not try to
disrupt classes in school by talking and running around
in class. I was not prejudice toward any Black until
high school at Roosevelt High in Portland. I do not
mean all Blacks; I am talking of the small groups who
roamed the halls intimidating whites with much lack of
consideration of others' rights; boys and girls alike. You
learned me to be prejudiced by your actions.
It's a tragedy that Blacks that have consideration for
whites and other races have to weather the same storm
of periodic outward racism directed to so tew. Blacks
are 11% of the population, yet the prisons are majority
Black. The Chinese and Japanese are a smaller mino
rity. Why are so many of them not in prison.
The attitude of "Get Mine", "Get Yours", and "Get
Ours" reeks of racism.
The incident of Mr. Goetz on the subway was of a
man frightened from previous muggings to strike out at
them that threaten harm to him. They could have been
any color, and we know the so-called children victims
Portland Observer
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