Page 2, Portland Observer, June 24, 1987
Pieces of a Dream
The acquittal of Bernard Geotz for the shooting of
four Afrikan-American, teenage males was more than a
matter of race: it was a matter of Afrikan-Americans
having to watch four Afrikan-American male children be
crushed by ludicrous ethics; it was a matter of having to
watch the same ol' horror movie for the umpteenth
time; it was a matter of having to watch old racial
wounds be re-opened; and it was a matter of realizing
how ill-equipped many of our children are to deal with
the racial situations they find themselves in.
Let's forget all the small talk about the case. No mat
ter how many hours we can spend debating the merits
of our own opinions, the stark truth is the real victims
were four Black children —our children; children who
didn't understand that death sentences are still carried
out against Black male children whose mere physical
presence is perceived by numbers of white males as
intimidating, lacking discretion, and violent; children
who, although born during the Second American Revo
lu tio n -th e Civil Rights Movement, do not yet under
stand the true shapes, forms, and colors of racism in
this country.
Looking back fifty years, Afrikan American parents
understood the importance of teaching their children
about the nature and patterns of American racism.
Such teachings were inportant in preparing the children
to participate in a society bent on keeping them ex
cluded. Such teachings also became the therapy used
to give a healthy emotional balance. Like their parents
before them, these Black parents understood the impor
tance of passing on the legacies of the Sojouner Truths,
the David Walkers, the Marcus Garveys, and the Harriet
Tubmans. They clearly understood, that in order to
protect the children from racism, they had to expose
them to it. They understood, that in order to make the
children understand the many shapes, forms and colors
of racism, they had to expose them to it. So, they took
their children with them to the battlefronts. In turn,
not only did the children see racism in its many forms,
they also saw the courage, the strengths, the dedica
tion, the determination, and the unrelenting spirit of
their parents in action. On a grander scale, they w it
nessed the same from Uncles, Aunts, Cousins, Educa
tors, religious leaders, performing artists, and Black
neighbors from far away. Subsequently, millions of the
children went on to accomplish great things.
Their greatness cannot be overstated. From the
Daisy Lee Bates to the Tony Browns to the John John
sons to the Barry Gordies to the Fannie Lou Hamers to
the Angela Davis’s to the Huey Newtons to the Amiri
Barakas to the Sweet Honey On The Rocks to the Im
pressions to the Lena Hornes to the Ed Perkins, their
accomplishments were written in stone upon the heart,
body, and soul of America. They became the new
Heroes and Sheroes of Black parents who realized a job
well done. In a very short time, they had watched their
children surge forth to remove the physical symbols of
racism, slavery and rampant bloodshed from the coun
try's landscape. They had watched their children re
claim pride, dignity and love for their ancestoral Afrikan
heritage. And they listened proudly, as their children
proclaimed, "W e're Black 'n' proud!" However, with
the ending of one battle, another was just beginning.
While millions of Afrikan-Americans were breaking
through racial barriers which had been put into place by
the American slave system, millions more found them
selves trapped inside prisons called Ghettoes. Located
basically in cities, Ghettoes, at first, were looked upon
as the promised la n d -a part of America where Blacks
could live together and carve out a living. Located close
to areas where there were basic services, it appeared
that indeed this could be the case. However, it didn't
take long to realize how wrong we were. Deeper still,
it didn't take long for the new Heroes and Sheroes to
realize what price had been paid to dismantle the slave
system: broken families, children without families, row
houses, housing projects, unemployment, crime, poor
education, no education, prostitution, prison, and vio
lence.
Unlike in the deep south, where Afrikan-
Americans had retained many ancestoral concepts of
family, the city ghettoes offered no place to be some
body. And unlike the millions who had reaped bene
fits from the Civil Rights Movement, too many Afrikan-
Americans who lived in the ghettoes reaped frustration,
hopelessness, despair, hunger, self-doubt, anger, and
death. Theirs became a day-to-day survival.
As usual, Afrikan-American mothers bore the brunt
of this despair. Throughout their presence in America,
they had been forced to watch their male/female chil
dren grow up without a place to be somebody. For the
few who did make it, millions didn't. For every ten who
made it through the American cracks, millions didn't.
Afrikan American mothers also had to watch their men,
who were also the sons of Afrikan-American mothers,
die like flies because whites feared and hated them.
From 1888 to January 1, 1922, 3436 people were lyn
ched in America; mostly Black men. Black women
didn't escape the hangings either. To point out the
deep disregard for Black life, before 1904 was three
months old, 31 Black people had been lynched. Fifteen
were murdered within one week in the State of Arkan
sas.
The Afrikan-American children of the mothers and
fathers who waited for rewards from the Civil Rights
Movements found themselves experiencing the after-
math of slavery. With little time to celebrate larger vic
tories, they celebrated their Blackness-or what they
thought to be their return to it. And many thought it
was just a deep misunderstanding when they heard
themselves defined as criminals, dope heads, pimps,
whores, and a heavy burden on the rest of America.
When their mothers and fathers sought remedies, they
were told, "Things are going to get better. Keep the
faith. Hang in there. Get a good education and all the
doors will open for you." However, it was quickly
learned that "education opens the door for some
Blacks, while others are forced to make it the best way
they know how ."
In the meantime, and as time quickly passed, these
children, unlinked to their glorious past, its teachings,
its Heroes and Sheroes, its wisdom and its courage,
began to form their own fragmented families: the Black-
stones, the Blood Brothers, the Blood Sisters, the
Crips . . . These children, our children, began to form
their own conceptions of right and wrong, or just and
unjust. They created concepts of self which were mere
reflections of their environments, and they did it w ith
out permission. Shut out and cut off from any stream
of true American life, they created a culture of their
own. Social Darwinism. Survival of the fittest. You've
got your, I'll get mine and we'll take yours. Do what
you must. Attack. Control. We can only depend on
each other for life
And now their presence is everywhere, and many of
us are in a panic because we are realizing suddenly,
Along the Color Line
by Di Manning Marable
Dr Manning M n .ib le is professor of sociology and political science
at Purdue University "A long the Color Line" appears m over 140
newspapers internationally
Black Politicians: A crisis of Confidence?
government. Significantly, Hill was the eleventh public
official in Barry's administration to be imprisoned and
convicted of crimes in office. Currently, a Federal in
vestigation led by U.S. Attorney Joseph E. diGenova
is studying "allegations of bribery, fraud, and racket
eering in awards of millions of dollars in municipal and
Federal contracts” charged against Barry's associates.
The mayor has also admitted having "a personal rela
tionship” with a drug dealer, Karen Johnson, who was
jailed for refusing to give evidence before a grand jury.
Is it any surprise that thousands of District of Columbia
Marion S. Barry, Jr., was one of the outstanding
youth leaders of the civil rights movement a generation
ago. Growing up on a farm in Itta Bena, Mississippi,
Barry emerged as a dynamic'and brilliant spokesperson
of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.
After his active involvement in local political issues in
Washington, D.C., Barry was elected mayor of the na
tion's capital in 1979. But in recent years, Barry's suc
cess story has turned quite sour.
In late May, Washington, D.C. former deputy mayor
Alphonse G. Hill plead guilty to defrauding the city's
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and in some cases too late, that we are disconnected
from our children. We are realizing suddenly that we
are incapable of winning their honor and respect. And
in our desperation, we have turned to blaming our child
ren for their development and condition. Have we for
gotten? Our children did not invent unemployment.
Our children did not invent violence or murder or sex or
profanity or pregnancy or behaviors which are Ameri
can as apple pie. Our children did not invent ignorance
or immaturity or despair or hopelessness. Our children
didn't invent racism. They inherited it, and we're all
responsible. Black 'n' white.
It was the dream of our ancestors that our battles
be fought for the children —all children —children who
would replace us in time and space. Children who
would stand together as a people united, not races
divided. Yet, our children are suffering, everywhere.
White children are suffering. Afrikan-American children
are suffering. Native American children are suffering.
Asian American children are suffering.
They are suffering because they've inherited our
failures. We have failed to solve the problem of racism
in this country. By watching and listening to us deal
with each other, they are learning how to hate. They
are learning how to hurt each other. They are learning
how to hate themselves. From us, they are learning
how to put together the components of racism and take
it with them wherever they go. We have failed, to pro
vide our children with a healthy, multi-racial leadership.
We have failed to create educational environments
where concepts of cooperation, brotherhood, sister
hood, familyhood, and community are learned and par
ticipated in. We have failed to show our children the
true meaning of civilization and nationhood. We have
greatly failed ourselves.
No American will experience the true meaning of
Democracy until America has dealt with its racism.
Racism is a mental/emotional/physical illness. It sepa
rates the carrier from participation in the human exper
ience. It causes and forces the carrier to experience
hate of another human being. It causes the carrier to
create misery and suffering for another. It causes con
flict, division, and behaviors which tears a society apart
at the seams. World War II was a race war. Millions of
innocent children died. The decimation of the Native
American Indian was about race. The construction of
concentration camps in this country, and the subse
quent imprisonment of Japanese Americans, was about
racism. The enslavement of Afrikan-Americans was
about race.
White Americans must come to understand this ill
ness. They must dedicate themselves to understanding
it. Many do not feel a responsibility to understand it,
yet American racism is an invention of white America.
White Americans have a great responsibility to partici
pate in the re shaping of race relations in this country.
They must bear the responsibility of healing themselves
from the guilt and the truths history has exposed about
this terrible invention. It is common to hear white Ame
ricans proclaim, "D on 't blame me for what my ance
stors did." To them I say, its not about blaming; it's
about finding the courage to stand up and to get in
volved with those who are attempting to correct the ills
of the past. You see, it's the ills of the past which con
tinue to interfere with our present.
White Americans must come to understand the basic
spiritual/cultural
psyche
of
Afrikan-Americans.
Through ancestory, Afrikan-Americans were taught
long ago to hate sin, but not the sinner. It was this
basic teaching which kept Afrikan-Americans from even
thinking about seeking revenge for their enslavement in
America.
Our Afrikan ancestors taught love and
brotherhood; concepts which were the basic fibers of
the Second American Revolution. Racism is a great sin,
and this country could very well be moving into a Third
American Revolution, if its not uprooted.
We all, Black 'n' white, must take full responsibility
for the healthy, racial development of our children, We
all must work to prevent our children from becoming
infected with American racism. Many of them already
are. Daily we wittness our children speaking and per
forming cruel acts of American racism -hurting others,
hating others, disregarding the rights of others. Afrikan-
American children who are infected with American
racism, are given a clear definition of the term "Black
racism." By definition, a Black racist is merely an
Afrikan-American who has surrendered to American
racism. His/her behaviors, values and intent are the
same as a white ra c is t-to hurt, to hate, to disregard
the rights of others. Too many of our children already
know how to perform these behaviors effectively. So
do white children and Native American children and
Asian American children; and when they come together
as groups, what we get is conflict and more conflict.
This conflict is a mere glimpse into their future.
Afrikan-Americans must decide if they are going 'to
be Americans or Afrikan-Americans.
Afrikan-
Americans must decide if they are going to build Ameri
can families (a most Tecent concept) or Afrikan
American families (an ancient concept). If we are going
to be Americans, we must prepare to forget ancestory.
To be an American is to subscribe to the principles of
the individual: I got mine, you get yours. To be
Afrikan-American is to subscribe to the principles of the
individual and the collective whole. If we decide to
create an Afrikan-American family, we must re-connect
with ancestoral values, rituals, courage and concepts;
and connect them with that which is American: that
which we agree is good for the whole. To be Afrikan-
American is to get yours and help me get mine: that is,
if you've already made it through the door of oppor
tunity. To be American is to feel and think you're better
than other people in the world. To be Afrikan-American
is to know you are equal to all people in this world. This
is the wisdom of our ancestors; not an invention of a
modern mind.
None of us, Black or white, should applaud what
Bernard Geotz did to our children. None of us should
sit down at dinner and justify his actions to coincide
with our own confused beliefs. None of us should feel
that a victory was won. What those Afrikan-American
children experienced was just one aftermath of a horror
show which started more than four-hundred years
ago —confrontation Black 'n' white. Bernard Geotz is
merely a throwback from that show.
Let us weep. Let us remember. Let us now act to
rescue our children from our failures. Let us now move
forward to shape a generation which will be grateful,
appreciative, honored; and very willing to protect us in
our old age from the unseen horrors of our future.
Believe you me, they are coming. Let it not be said,
"When we shouted out for help from out children, no
one answered . . ."
Nyewusi Askari, 1987
All rights reserved
voters have become disillusioned with Barry's admini
stration?
Last fall in an embarrassing political campaign, civil
rights veteran John Lewis defeated Georgia State Sena
tor Julian Bond for an Atlanta House of Representatives
seat. Lewis's most effective weapon was to challenge
Bond to take a drug test. When Bond refused, rightly
terming such public antics a crude violation of one's
civil liberties, a majority of voters turned against him.
Now Lewis's insinuations are being buttressed by the
allegations by Alice Bond, the estranged wife of the civil
rights activist. Mrs. Bond claimed that her husband
was "a habitual cocaine user" to the police, and that
even Atlanta mayor Andy Young was known to have
snorted the white powder at least once. Mrs. Bond has
since denied before a Federal grand jury that Young
played no part in the retraction of her original accusa
tions. But the damage to both Black politicians has
been done, and is to some degree irreversible.
Another legacy of unfulfilled expectations and politi
cal failure came to an end last month in Gary, Indiana.
Nearly 30 years ago, attorney Richard Hatcher arrived in
this steel town, and created a Black progressive organi
zation called "M uigwithania." The political formation
successfully challenged the local, conservative white
establishment. Hatcher was first elected to Gary's city
council in 1963, and four years later he became the first
Black mayor of a major U.S. city. Young and articulate,
Hatcher became a leader of the National Conference of
Black Mayors and the National Black Political Assembly
in the 1970s. In subsequent years, he served as vice
chairperson of the Democratic National Committee, and
was a key advisor during the Rev. Jesse Jackson's 1984
Presidential campaign.
But back in Gary, Hatcher was failing miserably to
halt a declining economy. By the mid 1980s, unemploy-
ment reached 16 percent. Part of Hatcher's difficulty
was that he was blamed for problems beyond his con
trol. Hundreds of white owned firms and thousands of
middle class whites fled to the suburbs. Millions of
Federal dollars in social programs were cut by the Rea
gan administration. But Hatcher's messy organizational
style compounded his difficulties. Calument Township
Assessor Thomas Barnes, a Black former supporter of
Hatcher, challenged the mayor in last month's election
and triumphed by 6,OCX) votes. In white precincts,
Barnes outpolled Hatcher by huge margins of 30 to 1;
but even in Hatcher's Black strongholds, the mayor ran
poorly.
Most Gary voters, in short, agreed with
barnes's critical assessment of his former friend: "(H at
cher's) leadership has not produced . . . It elevated him
to national fame, but the city has deteriorated."
Across the nation, Black Americans sense a lack of
direction, an inability to articulate and implement effec
tive policies by many Black officials. Partially, this can
be attributed to personal shortcomings, as in the cases
of Bond and Barry. But more fundamentally, it is a fail
ure to galvinize support and constructive activities
among Blacks themselves especially young people.
Take the tragic case of Detroit mayor Coleman Young,
who's trying to combat the rising tide of teenage shoot
ings and urban violence. Columnist William Raspberry
recently lammented: "The city is going to hell, and no
body seems to have the faintest idea what to do."
Other elected officials confront Young's dilemma —
apparently overpowered by local problems, they rely
too heavily on stale rhetoric, and are too slow to de
velop new solutions which transcend traditional liberal
ism. It's a failure of political imagination, but more
importantly, perhaps a growing crisis of confidence
between Black constituents and their elected spokes
persons.
Portland Observer
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