Page 4 Portland Observer, July 6.1983
EDITORIAL/OPINION
Political unity cruicial
Gunned down in Chicago was Rudy Lozano,
the man credited with organizing the Hispanic
vote that helped make Harold Washington
mayor. Lozano was also a member o f Washing
ton's transition team and had been designated as
the organizer o f Chicago's participation in the
March on Washington anniversary.
Lozano, 33, was shot down in his home on
June 8th by a young man who asked to use his
telephone. Shot by four bullets, Lozano was
holding his 2-year-old son at the time.
Community leaders are charging that Lozano
was assassinated by a professional killer because
o f his organizing Chicano and Puerto Ricans to
join with blacks and whites to elect Washington,
and because o f his union activities. He was an
organizer for the Ladies Garment Workers
Union (ILG W ).
Lozano’s murder was intended to stop the
unity developing among the various m inority
groups, progressive political groups and labor.
Such a coalition could bring radical changes to
this country, giving political power to those who
have been denied.
Lozano's death has not brought about the
desired results, but has brought increased unity
and determination to cooperate and work to
gether.
This type o f unity and cooperation is needed
in Portland. The leadership o f the many minority
organizations has worked together on specific
issues, but there is no ongoing coalition. Com
missioner Margaret Strachan's increasing im p li
cation that the M H R C serves blacks to the
neglect o f Hispanics, Native Americans and
women demonstrates that unity is just as fear
ed in Portland as it is in Chicago and that it is
just as necessary.
Fourth of July:
Independence for whom?
W ith U.S. involvement in Nicaragua and El
Salvador, we are seeing a continuation o f U.S.
"gunboat diplom acy.” Our history in Latin
America and the Caribbean is especially abhor
rent.
Even if we consider the invasions o f Mexico,
Cuba. Nicaragua, etc. prior to 1900 as ancient
history, the record continues. In the 20th
Century the examples arc numerous.
1903 — President Theodore Roosevelt forced
Colombia to agree to digging the Panama Canal.
Panama was declared "independent,” was rec
ognized by the U.S., and immediately signed a
treaty giving the U.S. control over the canal.
1912 — The U.S. sent Marines to Nicaragua,
which was allegedly in default o f loans to U.S.
and European banks. The U.S. established the
Somoza dictatorship which survived until 1979.
1914 — The U.S. fleet was sent to Veracruz,
Mexico, and troops occupied the city.
1915 — U.S. troops landed in H aiti, making
that nation a virtual protectorate.
1916 — General Pershing invaded Mexico to
attack the forces o f Francisco (Pancho) Villa.
1916 — The U.S. established a m ilitary gov
ernment in the Dominican Republic.
1964 — The Guatemalan government headed
by Jacob Arbcnz was overthrown by forces or
ganized and led by the C .I.A .
1961 — The U.S. organized the unsuccessful
Bay o f Pigs invasion o f Cuba.
1986 — President Lyndon Johnson sent 14,000
troops into the Domincan Republic.
1973 — The U.S. government, through the
C .I.A ., initiated the overthrow o f the Allende
government in Chile.
1982 — The U.S. organized "covert” m ilitary
operations to overthrow the government o f
Nicaragua.
This calendar o f overt m ilitary involvement
does not include the C .I.A . covert operations
against the governments o f Brazil, Bolivia and
others.
The U.S. is now involved in an effort to over
throw the government o f Nicaragua. Conversely
it is attempting to save the brutal government o f
El Salvador.
It seems that the people o f the United States
have little interest or knowledge o f their govern
ment’s involvements abroad. Yet it is the Ameri
can people who furnish the bullets and bombs
and eventually w ill provide the bodies.
I hey w ho popped fire crackers and drank
beer to celebrate the Fourth o f July should take
a lew minutes to think about what their govern
ment is doing and to contemplate whether they
should have some participation in these kinds o f
decisions.
WHAM! WHAM! WHAW WHAM! V/HAW
Jackson ’s hidden agenda
by Dr. M anning M arabie
In recent months, there's been a
great deal o f political talk about
Jessie Jackson, leader o f Operation
P U S H , as a potential presidential
candidate for 1984 Many grass
roots black people are tremendously
excited about the opportunity to
vote for "one of their ow n" in the
Democratic primary elections next
spring A number o f Civil Rights
leaders and black political analysts
are. quite frankly, appalled and dis
mayed by Jesse’s popularity.
One political columnist,
W,
DeHomer Waller o f the Carolina
Peacemaker, has attacked Jackson's
"colorful rhetoric and sloganeer
ing" as nothing but hot air. " I t is a
contrived e ffo rt," W aller writes,
" to enhance his own ego at a time
when sloganeering and media hype
are attractive and desirable to the
television establishment." Urban
League President John F. Jacobs
says that " a black presidential can
didate would be a retreat to symbol
ism ." and would "shatter black ex
pectations." Even Bayard Rustin
has joined the debate, claiming that
"an exclusively black candidacy not
only would end in political failure
and split the black electorate, it
would do harm to the strategy of
coalition politics and to the interests
o f the black com m unity."
The only way to comprehend
what's actually taking place in black
politics today is to come to terms
with three basic questions. I ) Why
has Jackson emerged as the sole
potential presidential candidate,
given that there are so many more
qualified black leaders in elective
office — such as Congressman
Parren
M itchell,
Congressman
Ronald V. Dellums, and Georgia
State Senator Julian Bond — who
would have a broader national con
stituency? 2) Is a black presidential
candidacy a viable option in 1984,
and if so, what are the obstacles to
such a strategy? J) W hat are the real
intentions o f Jesse Jackson — or in
other words, is this campaign o f his
“ for real," or is it for ulterior
motives? Does Jesse have a "hidden
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agenda?"
Question One is the easiest to
answer Harold Washington's suc
cessful
mayoral
campaign
in
Chicago illustrated the tremendous
independent drive among black
workers, middle income and poor
people. Black people all over the
nation are outraged at Reaganism,
and want to see fundamental social
change. Leaders o f the Congression
al Black Caucus (C B C ) recognized
this massive grassroots energy, and
met several times this winter to dis
cuss the possibility o f channeling
this new Black Power into a Black
Presidential challenge within the
Democratic Party. But by mid-
A pril, most black politicians made a
critical error in judgment. Andrew
Young, Richard Arrington and
others had begun to commit them
selves, privately and publicly, to
W alter Mondale or other while
candidates. The N A A C P couldn’t
provide leadership on the electoral
front, because it was caught up in a
messy power
struggle between
former chairperson Margaret Bush
Wilson
and executive director
Benjamin Hooks. Since Vernon
Jordan's departure, the Urban
League has played a more subdued
role in national politics, so a black
middle class leadership vacuum
existed. Finally, the most progressive
black politician in America, Ron
Dellums, was plagued by a series of
staff member drug-related accusa
tions, perhaps timed by certain o ffi
cials to negate any likelihood o f his
independent campaign if it would
have occurred. Thus the only major
black figure on the national scene
who had his own organizational
network in tact, and who had not
cut any behind-the-scenes deals with
Mondale and Company, was the
"C ountry Preacher."
Secondly, a black presidential
candidacy is viable — but not inside
the Republican Party, black Reagan
ite Tony Brown’s pathetic state
ments to the contrary. There are,
however, two basic problems —
programmatic and financial —
which have to be resolved. First, any
black
candidate
per
sc',
is
secondary to the political program
that she or he puts before the public.
The CB C legislative initiatives in
social services, jobs, and for cut
backs in military spending, should
be used as the basis o f a progressive
program to take to the voters.
Second, any candidate who starts
now would have to have a minimum
o f $5 million to run a serious cam
paign. Other problems include the
fact that the majority o f delegates to
the Democratic National Conven
tion will be selected by the end of
March, 1984; that the m ajority of
black politicians will soon be pledged
to Mondale, Glenn. Hollings, etc.,
which will splinter any possibility of
a united black front; and that this
time around, fewer delegates will be
chosen through the primaries, and
more will come from state party
caucuses.
Given these limitations, a black
candidacy would be possible only if
the candidate could also reach other
constituencies as well — labor.
Latinos, feminists, low income peo
ple of all races. Ron Dellums, Harold
Washington, or Parren Mitchell
could have done this; Jesse Jackson
probably cannot.
So, is Jesse’s maneuvering “ for
real?" Several weeks ago he brought
a group o f black college student
leaders from the South up to
Chicago to coordinate a political
network in the region. He's speak
ing out aggressively on the issues.
But / do not believe that Jesse is
running for the presidency. H e may
announce that he is running, but he
really isn't after the job. W hat he
really wants, I think, is to be accept
ed as the heir to M artin Luther
King, Jr., the single most dominant
figure in black politics. He also
wants to build P U S H as the central
activist black civil rights agency. His
desire to be viewed as "firs t among
equals” among the civil rights
leadership is what this campaign is
all about.
Washington Hot Line
by Congressman Ron Wyden
Last week the Supreme Court, in
a ruling over a seemingly insignifi
cant immigration case, struck down
the right o f Congress to veto the
actions o f the president and other
executive branch officials.
The full implications o f (hat deci
sion are still being debated. But one
thing is clear: elected members of
Congress have just lost one o f their
major tools for controlling the
actions of unelected administra
tions.
The need for Congress to have
such control is obvious. Every two
years, the American people go to the
polls to decide who they want to
represent them in Congress. They
expect these elected officials to set
policy and pass laws that are in the
best interest o f the country.
Port Chicago
arms protest
(Continued fro m Page I Colum n 6)
■VA‘A \ \ \ \ W A W A V V A S ^ V . W . W ,A \ \ W A Y A V A W A \ \ V A \ W M W 2 2 2 Z 2 Z A W Z 2 2 A W 2 2 Z / A V | W | \ W
' 'From the Grassroots
Chicago. Tw o years after its estab
lishment as a weapons facility in
1942, Î2 0 people (200 o f whom were
black) were killed when two ships
being loaded at the Port exploded.
260 black military workers subse
quently refused to load boats be
cause o f unsafe working conditions.
They were arrested; 50 o f them were
later court-martialed and sent to
prison.
During the '60s and early '70s
C N W S was a logical focus for anti
war protests. According to inform a
tion compiled by C IS P E S , 70-80*%
o f all the ammunition sent to
Vietnam came out o f Port Chicago.
In January o f this year, 157 people
were arrested for trespassing while
more than 2,000 turned out to pro
test the shipment o f arms to El
Salvador. On M ay JO. 20-30 small
boats set up a temporary blockade
o f the Port at sea.
This month's demonstration will
draw people from as far away as
Los Angeles, Seattle and Colorado.
The Portland Central America Soli
darity Committee (P C A S C ) has
They do not expect those who are
unelected will be able to second
guess these decisions, and thwart the
intent o f Congress. And yet that is
exactly what could happen if
Congress' hands are tied,
latitude needed to implement (hem.
Others believe it may respond by
abolishing those agencies it feels it
can no longer control.
I think these predictions are un
necessarily dire. But one thing is
clear, with the legislative veto un
available, Congress must find some
other way to control the executive
branch.
One partial solution to the
problem is to conduct more aggres
sive legislative oversight by setting
aside a month at (he beginning of
each congressional session to review
chartered a bus and is organizing a
carpool to assist people'from Port
land who wish to participate in the
rally an d /o r the blockade
The
round-trip will cost only $25 if paid
before July 15; a $5 additional fee
will be charged thereafter. For more
information or to make reservations,
contact PCA SC at 235-9388 or 224-
5043.
Packwood
protest
Senator Bob Packwood, who has
approved every request by the
Reagan administration for more
military aid to the government o f El
Salvador, will be speaking at the
I
existing laws.
Just how Congress will respond to
the court’s ruling is uncertain. Some
experts have predicted that it may
begin writing laws so narrowly that
the agencies will not have the
I think such a session is a long
overdue accounting o f major public
policy. It would give Congress the
opportunity to take a cool-headed
look at how laws are working, how
the
executive
branch
is
implementing laws, and what can be
done to reform (hose laws that are
found to be faulty.
M ore aggressive oversight will not
totally replace the legislative veto.
But I believe it is one good step that
we should take in the near future to
ensure that elected officials — not
unelected bureaucrats — control
policy-making in this country.
Hilton Hotel on Friday morning,
July 8th. His talk, on women's
issues, « by invitation only.
• •
The Portland Central America
Solidarity Committee invites you to
join in a picket from 6:30 to 8:00
a m. outside the H ilton , located at
921 S .W . 6th. W e will be protesting
Senator Packwood's horrible record
on Central America and urging him
to vote " N o " on all further requests
for military aid, currently being
considered in Congress.
Please help us tell the senator how
people in Portland really feel about
U.S. involvement in Central A m eri
ca. For inform ation on other up
coming actions and activities, call
PCA SC at 235-9388 or write P .O .
Box 6443, Portland O R 97228.
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