Page 12 Portland Observer, April 8,1982 The arms race nobody talks about By Michael T. Klare Pacific News Service W ASHINGTON. D C . — While the vertical, nuclear arms race be tween the United States and the Soviet Union is heatedly debated in public and in Congress, an equally terrifying and vastly more expensive horizontal, conventional arms race is proceeding apace with little no tice. According to the Stockholm In ternational Peace Research In stitute, the world now spends some $500 b illio n per year on m ilita ry forces—o f which 90 per cent, or $450 b illio n is devoted to conven tional forces. While the major in dustrial powers account for a very large percentage o f that amount, Third World countries are spending more and more o f their scarce capi tal on conventional weapons, and in many cases are now capable o f fighting wars o f near-nuclear inten sity. This T h ird W orld capacity w ill expand even faster in the 1980s as a result o f increasing conventional arms sales by the United States and other major military suppliers. For a time. President Carter’s much crit icized “ arms restraint” policy put a brake on surging U.S. weapons sales, but now President Reagan has removed such restraints and U.S. exporta are expected to soar to rec ord levels. Because Soviet and French ex ports are also rising, total arms de liveries to the T h ird W orld could easily exceed $1 trillion in the 1980s. Conventional weapons are “ con ventional” only in the sense that they are non-nuclear; otherwise, they may be as familiar as the com mon handgun or as “ unconvention a l” as napalm and white phos phorous. And while such arms may be less efficient than nuclear wea pons in killing large concentrations o f people rapidly, they are no less effective over the long run. Accord ing to some estimates, more than 25 m illio n people have died since World War II in conflicts fought ex clusively w ith conventional wea pons. Although controlling the nuclear arms race must be the world’s num ber one priority, there are many rea sons why conventional arms control merits almost as much attention: •Conventional weapons are be coming more like nuclear arms in their capacity to destroy large con centrations o f people. Recent devel- 9% M ORTGAGE FIRST TIME ON MARKET 5 BEDROOMS 2 BATHS FIREPLACE FULL DRY BASEMENT A ? ¿ e s i - >uwi-s - CALL OWNER vvi . i R« NO OUT POCKET CASH REQUIRED JEFF TALLMAN * «Y 3 opments in the design o f “ cluster b illio n on imported arms between bombs” —large canisters which hold 1969 and 1978 (in constant non-in- hundreds o f individually-scatterable flated 1977 dollars), o f which 75 per “ bomblets” —suggest that conven cent—$107 b illio n —was expended tional munitions can be substituted by Third World countries. Most ex fo r tacitical nuclear weapons in perts agree, moreover, that this fig many situations in vo lvin g large- ure is likely to double or triple dur scale destruction. The West German ing the current decade. As a result, BD-1 cluster bomb, for instance, re the arms inventories o f countries portedly can decimate an area o f like Iran, Israel, Syria, Saudi Arabia three-quarters o f a square mile—ap and L ib ya —w ith their m u ltiple proxim ately 75 city blocks. Other Phantoms, MiGs and Mirages—will new weapons, including advanced more and more resemble those o f forms o f napalm and so-called “ air the front-line states in NATO and burst” m unitions, can also d u p li the Warsaw Pact. cate the killing effects o f a small nu •Conventional wars arc far more clear warhead. likely than nuclear wars. The world Because o f growing opposition to has witnessed 140 conventional wars nuclear weapons in Europe, NATO and uprisings since 1945, and the planners increasingly are talking of likelihood is for more o f the same in a new generation o f "near nuclear” the turbulent years ahead. Many o f conventional weapons that could do these w ill be guerrilla conflicts or just about everything that theater coups with relatively low levels o f nuclear weapons can do. casualties, but some w ill be major •M ore countries arc acquiring regional wars like the Iran-Iraq con large arsenals o f modern conven flic t or the Arab-Israeli wars, with tional weapons. U ntil as recently as very large numbers of casualties. As 1970, most T h ird W orld armies conventional weapons become more were equipped with obsolete, World powerful, these wars will be fought War II vintage arms acquired under at higher and higher levels o f vio the m ilita ry aid programs o f the lence and destructiveness. Thus, superpowers. Today, through the while in d iv id u a lly , none o f these w orldw ide trade in conventional wars would approximate the catas weapons, these countries are trophe o f a lim ited nuclear war, a acquiring many o f the world’s most series o f them might. advanced missiles, tanks, warships •Nuclear wars are most likely to and bombers. According to the U.S. grow out o f conventional wars. Any Arms C o n tro l and Disarmament realistic assessment o f lik e ly war Agency, the world spent some $145 scenarios would suggest that a nu- 620-9874 620-4792 •' clear war would probably begin as a conventional war, when the super powers intervene in a local conflict. In such a situation, one side or the other might find that its convention al forces are in danger o f defeat and thus resort to the use of tactical nu clear weapons, which then invite re taliation and counter-retaliation at ever higher levels o f nuclear violence until we reach all-out thermonuclear war. Indeed, such escalation is be coming more like ly precisely be cause o f the growing proliferation o f conventional arms. THE TAX LAWS HAVE I •O f the $1.6 tr illio n President Reagan wants to spend on m ilitary power over the next five years, ap proximately 85 per cent—$1.35 tril lion—will be devoted to convention al weapons and forces. Much o f this vast sum w ill be spent on re fu r bished battleships, the Rapid De ployment Force, and other interven- tionary forces that will add nothing to basic U.S. security, but w ill in crease the risk o f U.S. involvement in future Vietnam-,ype wars. TAND WHAT /YO U DONT KNOW COULD COST YOU No one should underestimate the importance o f a genuine nuclear weapons freeze. But in pushing for such a move, advocates should not forget the urgency o f conventional arms control. As long as there is no freeze on the proliferation o f con ventional weapons, the world is just as like ly to face Arm ageddon—it just might take a little longer. MONEY! < liere are over 4 7 Orftereol L i, lorrre .n the te,kr.1i I.,, i SAN FRANCISCO—Lost in the clam or over tax cuts, m ilitary spending and the “ New Federal ism,” the real centerpiece o f Presi dent Reagan's plans fo r reshaping the federal government is quietly moving toward reality. The Reagan-supported campaign fo r a constitutional amendment to cap federal spending and taxing is not just three states short o f the re quired two-thirds majority. Its pro gress through state legislatures has largely been eclipsed by the more controversial fate of another consti tutional change, the Equal Rights Amendment. But many observers agree that passage o f the “ Balanced Budget/ Tax L im ita tio n C onstitutional Amendment” appears far more cer- tian than the apparently doomed ERA. The proposed amendment would put an end to deficit financing of the federal government and impose a lid on the rate by which federal spend ing grows so that it never outruns the pace o f national income. These two restrictions would impose mon umental changes in how Washing ton works. They would, in fact, be the real cornerstone of “ Reaganom ics.” Some observers believe that a year o f worsening recession and the larg est d eficit budget ever—a deficit nearing $1 trillio n —is an odd time to press for an irrevocable cap on re sources available to Washington. But advocates o f the amendment, including the president, see advan tages to their cause in the current fiscal crisis. The birth o f this campaign, as far as President Reagan is concerned, occurred roughly 10 years ago. As governor o f California, Reagan per sonally sponsored an initiative at a < special 1973 election which p ro posed fixing a lim it to C alifornia’s year-to-year state spending increases and freezing expenditures in the state budget to a fixed portion o f all C a lifo rn ia ’ s personal income. The aim was to keep government from encroaching further on the public’s purse. Though the voters rejected it, this was the harbinger o f the 1978 Proposition 13 tax rebellion. This, in turn, triggered parallel tax reduc tion moves or restraints on govern ment spending in numerous other states. Today the same conservative economists and monetarists who fashioned that unsuccessful 1973 plan for California, led largely by Dr. M ilto n Friedman, have master minded a pincer move guaranteed to focus national attention in 1982 on the drive to impose ju st such a formula on Washington. One arm o f the pincers ap proaches this fiscal change through a succession o f state legislative reso lutions calling for a national consti tu tio n a l convention. Its purpose would be to bar future federal defi cit spending and to put a lim it on revenues the government can collect each year. This movement has gar nered support from an odd assort ment o f politicians including at one point the frugal Gov. Jerry Brown o f C a lifo rn ia . Brown hasn’ t men tioned it lately, since his U.S. Senate race requires careful adherence to Democratic party principles. So far, with the recent action by Alaska, 31 states have called for a constitutional convention to take up this issue. Washington State, Ken tucky and Missouri are now locked in debate over it Only 34 states are needed to mandate a convention. The second arm o f the pincer is Congress. Duplicate language for a constitutional amendment has been introduced with 60 co-sponsors on the Senate side and 170 co-sponsors in the House. The Senate measure, already passed by the Judiciary Committee last May, is expected to come up for debate and a vote this spring. Action on the House version w ill not be so sw ift, since liberal committee chairmen have blocked the way. But the fast-moving threat o f a state mandated constitutional con vention is expected to force Con gressional action on the amend ment. A convention, which would require cooperation from Congress, has never been used to amend the constitutuion since the initial draft ing in 1787, and Congress is not eager to allow a precedent now. Summoning citizens for a shot at re designing even one little segment of the Constitution is viewed in Wash ington as an invitation to havoc—a giant Pandora’s Box swarming with every single-issue advocate and spe cial-interest faction. Instead o f in viting this mischief, Congress pre fers what has become the customary amendment practice: a two-thirds vote in each House, referring the matter then for ratification by two- thirds o f the states. This move can foil a convention call. For more than six years organized proponents o f curbs on government have toiled to contrive just this pin cer force on Congress. Key groups are the N ational Tax L im ita tio n Committee and the National Tax payers’ Union. The first is close to President Reagan and is led by his form er aide, Lewis K. Uhler. Its prime objective is to confine govern ment taxes to a set ratio of national income so they cannot grow faster than the total economy. This guar- rntees to the private sector that it shall not be eroded further by gov ernment’s burden. Language in Section 2 o f the proposed amendment asserts that I total federal receipts (taxes) in any fiscal year shall not increase by a rate greater than the increase o f na tional income in the previous calen dar year. The N T U ’ s goal has been a bal anced budget with no deficit. This is set out in Section I o f the proposed amendment. It calls for a Congres sional “ statement” each year o f an ticipated receipts and anticipated outlays, and requires them to bal ance. Deficit spending beyond this in itia l statement would be allowed only upon a th re e -fifth s vote o f Congress. The stark reality o f the present alarm ing d e fic it, though unmen tioned in the proposal, is recog nized. The amendment would make an exemption to the prescribed "balance” to allow paying o ff past debts. These two inter-related fiscal con trols may be waived in case o f war— but only after an actual declaration o f war. As the band-wagon o f support for the amendment has gained momen tum, scores o f leading theoreticians and politicians have taken up the public battle, pro and con. Notice ably absent from these ranks, how ever, has been President Reagan himself, perhaps the leading advo cate. Reagan’ s absence from the fray may be explained by the under standing that his alliance to the cause might be more o f a hindrance than an asset, given his record-high budget deficit. But the nearly $1 trillio n deficit does not discourage the leading amendment cheerleaders. Says Lewis Uhler o f the N ational Tax L im ita tio n Committee: “ Every member o f Congress wants to show voters he is against deficit financing. We o ffe r Congress the chance to take such a stand. 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