Pag* 2 Portland Observer Thursday. July S. 1979
EDITORIAL/OPINION
The Biko Legacy: Part II
by N. Fuugat K umbula
Bill attacks busing
This has been a good week for the advocates
of civil rights for the nation's school children. The
U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that northern
school districts, which were segregated through
school board policies rather than by law, must
desegregate.
The Portland school district, which has always
considered itself above the law and so far has
managed to avoid the mandates of the 1964 Civil
Rights Act, may well find itself in court now that
this issue has been settled,
The Portland District has been fortunate that in
the 25 years since the 1954 decision, no person
and no organization has come forward to file a
suit. There should be no problem in proving that
the district was segregated by board policy and
that it remains segregated. With growing sen
timent against the district's discriminatory ac
tions, the district has little time to take action to
avoid that inevitable suit.
Although Monday's decision was good news,
a bill pending in Congress could bring an end to
school desegregation. In another attempt to
block busing for desegregation. Representative
Ronald Mottl of Ohio has introduced a con
stitutio na l amendment that w ould ban the
assignment of students to any but the closest
school. This amendment, if it becomes a part of
the U.S. Constitution, will effectively block effor
ts to desegregate the public schools and to
provide equal educational opportunities to Black
and other minority children.
The amendment, which needs a two-thirds
vote in the House and the Senate, is expected to
come to a vote on July 24th. Tied up for four
years in the Judiciary Committee, the bill was
brought out by a petition signed by 218
Representatives. It takes a vote of 146 to stop the
bill in the House.
What happens now depends on the people.
Elections are coming soon and our Represen
tatives too often find it is easier to go with the
majority than to take a stand on controversial
issues. Those who oppose desegregation will
take every op p o rtu n ity to influence their
Representatives. Supporters of desegregation
must exert all the pressure possible to obtain a No
vote.
Telegrams, telephone calls and letters are in
order and without them the recent gains will be
nulified. The Portland School District will have
the right to discriminate forever.
Take it out of schools
Again this year charges of Rose Festival racism
were raised—but this time the issue was raised by
students. Students at W ilson. Adams,
Washington-Monroe, and Jefferson questioned
what they considered unfair tactics in the selec
tion of the Rose Princesses and the Queen, and in
other Rose Festival activities.
Year after year a carrot is held out to Black
students—they are selected by their classmates
to represent their school —but the dream of
becoming Queen can never come true.
Let the Royal Rosarians and the Rose Festival
Association have their Rose Festival. The Rose
Festival does give Portland —the "C ity of
Roses"—somewhat of a distinction and apparent
ly it is good for business. Other cities have their
festivals and Portland should too.
But whether the Rose Festival should continue
to use children is another question. We all know
our schools are racist, but why add to that in
justice by allowing an outside group come into
the schools and create a situation that
discriminates in its effect, even if not in its intent.
The students who elect Black Princesses to
represent their schools know they can’t win. The
young ladies selected—even though they have
high hopes —know it would take a miracle for one
of them to wear the crown. Is it fair to these
students, and to their white classmates, to use
and to abuse them in this way?
We believe that all Rose Festival activities
should be removed from the school. Any young
ladies who wish to participate in the court selec
tion could do so outside the school system and
without the implied credibility school district par
ticipation provides. Operated in much the same
way as the Miss Oregon and other contests, the
court selection would deal w ith adults who
perhaps would be more able to handle the
discrimination. At least the discrimination wotifd
not be perpetuated or supported by the tax sup
ported school system.
Another Point o f View
Bus bias rule gives schools time
fro m the Oregonian
While it is good news that the Portland School
District can expect federal desegregation funds
fo r the com ing fiscal year, the anticipated
Washington, D.C., decision must be recognized
for what it really is —a reprieve, not a pardon.
A find ing th a t Portland's desegregation
program does not constitute illegal discrimination
in nc way lifts the burden from the School
Board to erase the obvious inequity of the
present busing system.
The 16-month effort by the Community Coali
tion for School Integration, a citizens' group,
placed before the School Board last winter a clear
picture of those inequities. Though Portland's
busing program is labeled volunteer, establish
ment of Early Childhood Centers in Black neigh
borhoods has forced middle-school youngsters
there into schools elsewhere in the city. In ad
dition, though many white children are bused,
they go in groups from one neighborhood to
another. Black children from the King School
area, as an example, are scattered among 42 dif
ferent schools, effectively desegregated,
perhaps, but unfairly isolated.
It may be only a quirk of circumstances or
timing that Portland faces no court order to
desegregate. In parts of the South, the U.S.
Justice Department has stepped in quickly when
segregation of schools is resolved by placing the
entire burden on Black children.
That Portland's independent effort hangs by a
thin thread is further illustrated by the finding of
investigators from the regional Office for Civil
Rights supporting the charge of illegal inequity.
The Washington office is expected to announce
that, even though Blacks are disproportionately
burdened, the Portland district's program is not
illegal—therefore is entitled to federal funds —
because its system is not under court order. At
least one Black parent has vowed to contest that
decision in court.
The school district's board, administration and
citizens have the ability to achieve an equitable,
acceptable desegregation program. Two new
board members may represent the catalyst. The
breathing room expected with the Washington
reprieve must be used affirmatively. The alter
native is not a light sentence. A polarized com
munity and court-ordered busing are more likely.
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a m o c )« i < oxi
4
roundad taas
■ V tr
« I Association
V
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Looking back at the very short life
o f Steven Biko, one can quickly see
that he was following in the noble
footsteps o f the Tshakas. Dingaans,
Khamas, Moshocshoes, Mzilikazis,
Soshanganas, our Kings o f old who
so v a lia n tly
fought
against
colonialism and the colonization o f
South Africa. He was also building
on the foundation laid down bv the
African National Congress, the Ran
Africanist Congress, the Mandclas,
Sobukwcs, Luthulis and thousands
o f other South African Blacks who
have fought against apartheid and its
inherent injustices from the turn of
the century to the early '60s.
What Biko did was to take the
struggle a bit further, give it more
sophistication and make it relevant
to the '70s as well as make it inter
national in scope. When we left him
two weeks ago, he was busy explain
ing the concept o f Black Conscious
ness to followers and critics alike.
Black Consciousness was being ac
cused o f tormenting “ reverse discri
m ination’ * but Biko patiently ex
plained that all “ BC” wanted was to
raise Blacks to the point where they
could begin to do for themselves, to
be their own leaders and be in a
position where they could influence
the course o f the struggle. Then, and
only then, could they join with other
non-Blacks in fighting apartheid be
cause then they would have their act
together and would be able to play a
pivotal role instead o f just following
along like sheep.
An old proverb goes: ‘ understand
ing your enemy is winning half the
battle* Biko understood that in a
country like South Africa, with such
a rigidly censored press, it was very
important to get the word out. Here
in the U.S. during the pre-civil rights
days, every Black knew that he or she
was not “ supposed to ride at the
front o f the bus, to eat at white
establishm ents, attend certain
schools or live in certain neighbor
hoods.” Everybody knew that but it
took the M artin Luther Kings, the
Malcolm X 's, the Hamptons, the
Rap Browns, Eldridge Cleavers (the
old Cleaver, not the preacher!) to ar
ticulate the thoughts o f the masses. It
took these leaders to tell the people
the courses o f action they could take
to challenge these injustices.
This was the challenge facing
Biko: to get the word out, tell the
masses what action could be taken.
He knew that similar attempts at
challenging apartheid had failed
either because when the Africans
took to arms, they were subdued be
cause they did not have the necessary
m ilita ry hardware or, when they
demonstrated peacefully, they were
either simply mowed down (Sharpe-
ville) or arrested en masse. Biko want
ed to avo d these two evils: he did not
want anyone getting killed nor did he
want anyone getting arrested either
BUT, the revolution would not com
promise.
Though often referred to as the
South A frican version o f M artin
Luther King, this is an oversimplifi
cation. Biko tended to fa ll
somewhere between King and
Malcolm X. He had to because, like
everyone else, he knew there was no
way apartheid was ever going to be
overturned without violence because
it is a violent system. What he may
have been saying can probably be
summed up like this: “ when you get
in the water, do not flail your arms
or legs. Just lie still.” Would you
take such advice? O f course not. You
would sink like a rock if you did.
Biko had seen so many people
whisked o ff to ja il for the slightest of
offenses and he knew that the
slightest reference to violence on his
part would net him a life term. So he
decided to challenge apartheid
through its own contradictions. He
believed that South Africa had not
completely abandoned the rule o f
law, that she still clung to some sem
blance o f legality and this is what he
was going to exploit. He was going to
work just within the law . As long as
he broke no laws, even if he bent a
few. South Africa could not touch
him.
He had also become quite an inter
national figure, more sought after
than most members o f the South
A frican parliament. Though there
was and still is a “ legal” opposition
party, Biko had become the voice of
opposition. TV crews from Australia
and Canada, just to name two, had
trekked to Williamstown where he
spent much o f his last days to inter
view him. Knowing how hard South
A frica was trying to improve her
image abroad, Biko felt that this in
ternational reputation gave him add
ed protection, im m unity almost.
This, as we shall soon see, was the
one fatal oversight.
Biko’ s message to the people could
be summed up in one very short sen
tence ‘apartheid has got to go.' This
was nothing new. What was new was
that for the first time in almost two
decades, somebody was saying this
out loud and saying it to the entire
cross section o f South A fricans.
What was also very new was that this
latest messenger did not seem at all
bothered by the presence o f BOSS
(Bureau o f State Security) agents
who followed him everywhere he
went. These agents stood helplessly
on the sidelines, vainly trying to in
timidate him They could not arrest
him until he had committed some o f
fense and that he stubbornly
'refuted’ to do.
What he had also discovered was
that most o f the lower echelon law
enforcement personnel were not too
conversant with the finer nuances of
apartheid. They merely carried out
orders handed down from above.
Several times when he was arrested,
he was able to exploit this ignorance
and successfully use it to extricate
himself from their clutches. For that
reason, they began to have a healthy
respect for him and not to harass him
unless they felt they had an ironclad
case. Time and time again, he proved
a very slippery customer.
Another thing that made Biko's
approach different than that o f his
predecessors was the concept o f
Black Consciousness. There were
similar efforts before but none so ex
tensive, so well thought out and so
well articulated.
Biko always reminded me o f a
Muhammad A li fighting a Sonny
Liston. Knowing that just one well
placed uppercut would probably lift
his head clear o ff his shoulders, Ali
danced, bobbed, weaved and pep
pered Liston w ith lightning jabs
while staying safely out o f reach.
Before long, Liston was confused,
befuddled: no one had lasted but a
few rounds against him Then, at the
critical moment, W H AM ! and Son
ny Liston's reign was over for good. s
Biko was no doubt using the same
strategy By staying within the law,
he was untouchable and yet how ef
fectively he chipped away at apar
theid! In BOSS circles, he was
known as the most dangerous man
they had ever come across because he
was so cunning, so good at working
just within the limits of the law, un
derstood the law so well (so he could
not be railroaded) and so good at ex
tricating himself out o f any brush
with the law.
Next: Biko's "escapades” and his
ideas on leadership.
Black journalist, white press
by Ullysses Tucker, Jr.
Once I attended a workshop for
Minorities in the Media, and asked
a prom inent jo u rn a lis t whether
Black com m unication students
should seek employment with the
Black press or white press? She an
swered “ B O T H !” , and went on to
a rticu la te that “ we, as Blacks,
should never build up an establish
ment while neglecting the whites, no
matter what the profession.” How
ever, this is still a predicament that
many Black university students con
front in America. Should I get a job
with a white or Black newspaper/
radio-television since there are only a
few Black owned radio and TV
outlets in the nation?
An in d iv id u a l who is money
oriented would immediately express,
"w h o e ve r pays the most bucks,
Blacks have no media.” Others, who
want to utilize their potential, con
template the issue more deeply. They
feel that the Black press is vital,
priceless, and the key to enlightening
Blacks about our past, cultural at
tainments, and overall progress in
A m erica. M any Blacks have
developed this skill and do not see its
possibilities. It’ s important that we
comprehend the art o f written ex
pression.
For example, when students arc
faced with writing assignments they
regress to the “ illcteracy m yth,” or
the “ l-can’ t-write blues.” Both are
“ self-defeatist” states of mentality.
What many fail to perceive is the fact
that every aspect o f communication,
with the exception of body language
starts with “ a word .
whether
it’ s TV scripts, presidential orders,
d irty letters, memos or w ritin g
poetry, for that matter. For people to
say that they can’ t write is just like
saying that they can’ t communicate,
that they arc only receivers not trans
mitters who give output. This output
is highly necessary.
M any erudite Black scholars
define the writer as an “ artist,” an
individual with a “ social mission.”
This mission is made palpable daily,
whenever we pick up Ebony, Jet, or
this paper for that matter. The writer/
journalist reports news to the public,
constantly feeding them This is im
portant to the definition o f news and
the preservation o f the Black press:
“ News is information that is report
ed. I f not reported, p rin te d or
broadcast it’ s not labeled as news.”
This is the foundation for the Black
journalists’ "social mission ”
The white press (not to sound
racist) is famous for distortion, not
dissemination o f news concerning
Blacks. We have traveled back to the
journalist’s earlier statement. If the
Black journalist does obtain a job
with the white press, he or she should
not be considered as a spy or token
by that institution. -The role of the
Black jo u rn a lis t is im p o rta n t,
because they are role models and can
help other Blacks look at themselves
positively. As fa r as accusations
directed towards the Black press, it’s
been called “ advocacy journalism ” ;
that which supports a cause, issue or
a concern. What is it that the non
Black press prints, or supports?
i t ’ s from this that we can draw two
conclusions: The idea o f objectivity
should not be a hassle. We have
shown what the “ Black press” is.
Therefore, we should articulate from
a perspective, not objectively. Once
these “ seed thoughts” are im ple
mented in society, the Black reader-
ship will realize that “ objectivity is a
tool used to repress idealogy.”
Finally, this country is one that’ s
filled with racial injustices, economic
problems, and educational malfunc
tions. These negatives will not disap
pear overnight; not with the advance
o f the space age, nor through “ band-
aid” programs that are supposedly
going to help the existing circum
stance«.
As long as the United States of
Am erica remains a “ subjective
nation,” there will always be groups
supporting concerns and causes. The
Black press is r- ogressing at a
"m ellow pace,” but it’s enlightening
many people and deepening its goals.
Once T. Thomas Fortune (ex-slave,
jo u rn a lis t and publisher) stated.
“ Black people wish to plead their
own cause. Too long have others
spoke for u s ... ”
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