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Pag« 2 Porttona Observer Thursday. Juna 21,1979
EDITORIAL/OPINION
Weber case could chart course
by Herb L. Cawthorne
Death penalty too expensive
Florida Governor Robert Graham sent John
Spenkelink to the electric chair with the words,
"May God be with us." Following Spenkelink's
death, he remarked that the signing of execution
warrants will become "a routine part of our daily
lives from now on,"
Governor Graham has routinely signed death
warrants for two more men, Robert Sullivan, 31,
and Charles Proffitt, 33. Both are scheduled to
die on June 27th.
The execution of Spenkelink — the first to be
executed against his will in the United States in
the last twelve years — is expected to make way
for the execution of approximately 500 death row
inmats. There were 484 persons on death rows in
24 states on April 30th. Approximately 100 are
sentenced to death each year.
The Supreme Court overturned capital
punishment laws in 32 states in 1972 on the
grounds that death was used capriciously and un
fairly. The NAACP Legal Defense Fund is curren
tly attempting to prove th.:.t the death penalty is
still applied arbitrarily and discriminatorily even in
those states where the statutes have been upheld
by the Supreme Court (Florida, Texas, Georgia).
In those three states 90 per cent of the death sen-
tances have resulted from cases where the victim
was white; the death penalty is rarely used when
the victim is Black. Of the 196 persons executed
in Florida since 1924,132 were Black.
Since 1972, thirty-five states have passed new
capital punishment laws, including Oregon where
two-thirds of the voters opted for the return of
executions.
A bill now before the legislature, sponsored by
Senators Ted Hallock and Ed Fadeley, would put
the death penalty on the ballot again and allow
the voters of Oregon an opportunity to rebuke
their earlier inhumane decision.
If the people cannot bring themselves to reject
capital punishment on moral or ethical grounds,
perhaps they sould consider the financial costs.
At a time when the taxpayers are clamoring for
tax relief, they are facing exhorbitant costs for
legal defense of persons charged with murder.
Multnomah County's first capital case will cost
the taxpayers nearly $20,000 for the defense at
torney alone. Since the defendant was acquitted,
the cost will end w ith the addition of the
prosecution and court costs. But if he had been
found guilty, numerous appeals - all at the ex
pense of the taxpayers - would have followed.
Perhaps those who can't find the charity in
their hearts to put and end to murder by the state
can find it in their pocketbooks.
Death penalty: Revenge or justice?
by Benjamin Hooks
The national furor over the death
penalty has abated for the moment.
John Louis Evans, III was given a
stay o f execution on April 7th, just a
few hours before he was to have died
in Holman Prison’ s electric chair in
Atmore, Alabama.
Given the fact that this is only a
temorary lull in the fight to abolish
the death penalty, it is well to con
sider the haunting question Evans
him self posed as he adam antly
fought efforts to save his life in the
hope, he said, that his death would
underscore his opposition to capital
punishment. His words:
“ W ill our deaths bring back a life?
Will it stop crime? W ill it rehabili
tate?” His rhetorical response was
"N o way.”
Evans maintained that by con
demning him to die, Alabama was
seeking revenge not justice. To an ex
tent, there does seem to be some
merit to this charge.
The gray zone between revenge
and justice is considerable; much de
pends on the authority imposing
punishment, the justifiability o f the
charges upon which condemnation is
based, and the fairness o f the trial.
There are many other factors in
volved, o f course, such as race,
social class, and the prevailing emo
tional climate in which sentence was
handed down.
Evans, quite clearly had many of
these factors in m ind when he
declared that he was bitterly opposed
to the death penalty. But, why
choose the ultimate mode o f demon
strating his point rather than fight
ing his cause through the courts?
” 1 choose death to a hell on earth
in prison,” was his explanation. The
m uch-publicized inhum anity o f
Alabama’ s prisons led him to believe
that the finality o f death was better
than languishing in the state’s hell
holes.
The question, however, o f whether
the death penalty is just does not rest
there. The NAACP is opposed to the
death penalty because, for one thing,
its adm inistration historically has
lacked one critic a l ingredient,
namely fairness.
Non-whites and the poor have
been the primary victims o f capital
punishment. Even now, as debate
continues over this form o f punish
ment, we find how glaringly lopsided
has been the system o f ad
ministration.
Recently available data show that
there are 500 people on death row;
254, or 53.55 per cent are white; 206,
or 41.58 per cent Black; 18, or 3.65
per cent Spanish-surnamed; 5, or
1.02 per cent Native Americans (In
dians); and the remainder were un
known.
Thus, once more, we see that even
though Blacks represent 11 per cent
of the population, a disproportion
ately large number are facing the
death penalty. And we are certain
that many o f them, were they white
or wealthy, would not have been on
death row now.
F urtherm ore, another glaring
example o f unfairness involves the
fact that while 34 states and the
federal government have capital
punishment laws, 24 have people on
death row; and an overwhelming 80
per cent o f the condemned are in just
three states: F lo rid a , Texas and
Georgia.
Are Americans expected to believe
that Florida, Texas and Georgia have
more violence-prone residents than
other states in the Union? Further
more, why should it be that a person
would be required to pay the ulti
mate penalty in 34 states but not the
other 16?
In 1968, executions in the United
States were halted as a result o f
challenges to the constitutionality o f
the death penalty. The U.S. Supreme
Court banned capital punishment in
1972 on certain grounds, then four
years later ruled the death penalty
constitutional.
There are many Americans who
still feel that grounds can be found
on which to win a constitutional ban
against the death penalty. Life is
God’s most precious g ift to man,
who certainly is not infallible. The
pain o f a fam ily member seeking
justice by death for the cold-blooded
murder o f a loved one is understand
able. But justice, while blind, should
also be tempered with reason.
Letters to the Editor
The Brian Weber Case w ill be
decided soon and the decision o f the
Supreme Court could “ chart the
course for civil rights actions for
years to come.’’
The Weber Case has an interesting
metaniorphasis. It is the result o f
confusion and bad motives in the ef
fort to make American democracy
beneficial to all. Brian Weber stands
as a symbol o f America's refusal to
rectify the discrimination o f the past.
The Kaiser C o rp o ra tio n in
Gramercy, Louisiana, instituted an
affirmative action program in 1974,
and this program is the center o f the
controversy. Kaiser's record on
equality in hiring was dismal. The
corporation faced suits under Title
V II o f the Civil Rights Act. And.
given the degree, Kaiser officials
knew that if they did not move to
rectify the problem, the government
would do it for them.
At the Kaiser plant, 39®/o o f the
workforce was Black, but only two
per cent o f the craft workers were
Black — five out of 289. It was a case
o f grave discrimination, a systematic
effort to keep Blacks in unskilled
positions.
Thanks to a program conceived by
4-
Thank you fo r an absolutely
delightful Rose Festival Parade. It
was outstanding! However, I was
terribly disappointed sitting in the
Coliseum at the lack o f an en
thusiastic, well-articulated, moving
introduction for Hank Aaron whose
record was the motivating factor in
having him invited to be the Grand
Marshall. Much more fuss was made
over the fifty foot float and some o f
the out-of-tow n queens than was
made over the Grand Marshall of the
entire parade! It was a big let-down.
Since this was our first Black Grand
Marshall I personally, and I believe
the Black community, felt cheated by
having him awarded so little
p rio r discrim in a tio n has been
definitely proven, said the Federal
Court o f Appeals in New Orleans by
a two to one vote.
An intriguing partnership came
together: the United Steelworkers,
Kaiser and the government asked
the U.S. Supreme Court to review
the decision. On March 28, arguments
were heard. The decision is expected
soon. U nlike the program in the
Bakke Case, many feel that the
Kaiser program is a good one to have
before the court. The chance for a
decision encouraging to the
aspirations o f Black people and
others is possible.
This case goes to the heart: W ill
America show the world that it is
sincere about equality? Having
passed the Civil Rights Acts, which
outlaws employment discrimination,
will America do anything to reverse
the devastation o f decades o f em
ployment bias?
The Kaiser a ffirm a tiv e action
program was a rational way to insure
the raise of Black craft workers while
insuring that white workers maintain
opportunities.
This is a rational way to go. Let’ s
hope the Supreme Court agrees.
The Biko Legacy: Part I
by N. Fungai Kumbula
It’s been three years since the erup
tion o f the massive Soweto uprising,
the biggest, boldest and most
sustained challenge to apartheid to
date. The vicious crackdown on the
unarmed, defenseless, peaceful, thir
teen, fourteen, fifteen and sixteen
year olds by the South African police
"shocked” the world, as i f the world
had not been aware o f the brutality
o f this apartheid police state mas
querading as a nation.
Generally credited with bringing
about this very effective challenge
are two organizations: SASO (South
African Students Organization) and
BPC (Black Peoples Convention).
Prime architect o f both organiza
tions was Bantu Steven Biko, now
immortalized in numerous books,
news documentaries and countless
other accounts.
Biko had been a medical student at
Fort Hare but, got so involved in
student politics and organizing that
he soon found himself totally im
mersed in the latter pursuit to the ex
tent that he gave up his medical
studies altogether. He started out by
breaking away from NUSAS
(National Union o f South African
Students) that supposedly represent
ed all students: Black, white, Indian,
etc. and forming SASO (South A fri-
can Students Association) an all
Black organizatio n. BPC (Black
Peoples Convention) was also form
ed as the community counterpart of
SASO.
The idea behind SASO and BPC
was that Blacks needed to get their
act together, to learn to do for them
selves, take leadership roles, fo r
mulate, initiate and execute their
own ideas. Blacks first had to learn
to work together, to do for them
selves, of themselves and by them
selves before they could start
working with other non-Black indi
viduals or groups. The argument
went fu rth e r to state that even
though Blacks welcomed help from
white liberals, for example, they felt
that there was a danger in this
cooperation in the early stages
because these liberals usually ended
up assuming the leadership roles.
This tended not only to stifle Black
leadership but also to direct the
movement in a particular direction
that would be acceptable to these
liberals.
BPC and SASO did not reject non-
Black participation in Black affairs.
They merely said that Blacks had to
become a viable force, a unit that
could stand on its own before jo in
ing forces with others so when they
did join, it would be on equal terms.
Needless to say, Biko’s critics twisted
this very straightforward logic as an
espousal of racial hatred and a rejec
tion o f all whites, liberals included.
He spent the greater part o f his last
days trying to explain the real con
cept o f Black Consciousness.
The rest is now history. With a
philosophy like this, Biko, in a very
short time, emerged as the most
powerful Black leuder since the days
o f Nelson Mandela and Mangaliso
Sobukwe. He has even been called
the greatest leader ever. He filled the
void left by the silencing of both
Sobukwe (through death) and Man
dela (in prison on Robben Island since
1962) and how well he filled it! He
urticulated the thoughts of a people
whose feelings, thoughts, anger, fru
strations had been bottled for fifteen
years.
For the first time in a decade and a
half, Blacks had someone to look up
to, someone to be proud of and, best
o f ull, they began to feel human
again, to feel a resurgence of their
dignity which had been trampled in
the dust for all that time, and they
began to think: ‘ Maybe all is not lost
after a l l ........ '
To be continued
What language do you speak?
An open letter to the Rose Festival
Mr. Mel Carpeniej, President
Rose Festival Association
Dear Mr. Carpenter:
the United Steelworkers o f America
and already court-tested, Kaiser
began an a ffirm a tiv e tra in in g
program for skilled craft positions.
The program required 50% minority
particip a tio n , and while “ it was
designed to remedy indisputably
severe discrimination, if hurt no one
and it distributed benefits fairly and
rationally,*' said Herman Schwartz
in the May 26th Nation.
Even with the program, it would
take Blacks 30 years to equal 39% o f
the craft workers.
Weber was rejected when he ap
plied for the program. Thirty-five
whites had more seniority than he
did. Later he found out that he had
more seniority than two o f the five
Blacks selected for the program.
This, he reasoned, was unfair to him.
Because he was white, he was being
denied a position. Reverse discrimi
nation!
At the trial justice proceeded in a
strange way. There was no testimony
from any civil rights organization,
no Blacks, no company officials to
defend the program. When Weber
won the first round, others became
interested. An appeal was filed.
Quotas can only be used when
by Ullysses Tucker Jr.
recognition by the announcer.
The Rose Festival Association can
help a great deal to stimulate ethnic-
pride through the dignitaries it in
vites to participate in this grand an
nual event. Here’s hoping you will
make the most of each opportunity.
PORTLAND OBSERVER
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Editorial column Any other material throughout the paper is the
opinion of the individual w riter or subm itter and does not
necessarily reflect the opinion of the Portland Observer
Sincerely,
Gladys McCoy
1st Place
C o m m u n ity Service
O N P A 1973
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N N P A 19/3
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C o m m u n ity Leadership
O N P A 1976
in November o f 1976, Change
magazine printed an editorial about
“ The Case Against Black English,”
authored by University o f North
Carolina, at Chapel Hall professor
Blyden Jackson.
The writer criticized the opinion of
J.L. Dillard, who published his in
fluential book entitled Btuck English
in 1972. D illard maintained that
Black English “ evolved in Africa as a
pidgin,” which he defines with lin
guistic precision as a “ language that
has no native speaker.”
In Am erica, this lingo became
what D illa rd called “ P lantation
C reole,’ ’ and contends that the
“ Decreolization” process has been
in effect since the eighteenth century,
and that Blacks have lost their
natural
tongue
through
ac-
culturization.
Dillard not only feels that "Black
English is a language unto itself,” but
that “ four out of five Black Ameri
cans speak it.” He concluded that
“ Black universities should teach it;
and if they don’ t, they are imprac
tical.” Moreover, “ they are debili
tating education by assaults upon
Black egos.”
Blyden Jackson's view o f Black
English differed greatly from Dillard
erudite opinion. Jackson thinks that
some pidgin that Blacks speech is
historic but doubts seriously the
possibility o f D illard’s claim.
Jackson believes that, “ Black
students must be educated to the full
extent o f their abilities in American
English, the language o f their opera
tive environment.”
Jackson also stated that teaching
Black English would “ limit an indi
viduals power and destiny in our
com petitive society,” as well as
“ lim iting an individuals power of
communication. A person’ s speech
should be the language that society
understands and respects." Why do I
raise this topic?
Back then (freshman journalism
student at Southeast Nebraska J.C.,
1975), I never worried about the
situation where I had to chose be
tween the two extremes mentioned
earlier. I was a jock, and as long as I
could holler out the plays on the
court, my language patterns were ac
ceptable. Since graduating from the
University o f Portland in communi
cations, I ’ve become more in tune to
the case of Black English.
About two weeks ago, someone
told me that I “ spoke like a Black
man” — I immediately flashed on
the story in Change. Thus leading to
the opinion that’s being presented to
you.
Was this statement indicative o f
my non-acculturation to the system?
Did I speak the language that Dillard
claimed “ four out o f five Blacks
spoke?”
Both D illa rd , and Jackson are
highly learned scholars, although
their philosophies differ, they make
several im portant points that are
relevant to any intellectually inclined
Black progressing through educa
tional institutions in America.
However, I feel as though a Black
must learn to master the existing two
languages, and environments. My
motivation being based on the fact
that a Black must survive socially,
and economically in both cultures,
which should inspire Blacks to
market whatever skill that’s essential
to their survival in the perspective
environments.
For example, I f a Black broad
caster has to speak articulant “ Kings
English,” as a talk show host, should
he speak it while trying to communi
cate in the ghetto with people o f
lower social, economic, and
educational backgrounds? There’ s
nothing more in tim id a tin g than
someone ta lkin g above an in
dividuals comprehension level.
Be it Black, or white . . . the
broadcaster must speak the language
that each environment understands.
When he, or she goes back “ on the
air,” then it's time for the market
able diction, and language. Frankly,
Blacks must be dualistic to deal with
our society, or they'll get lost in the
“ game of life.”