I,
Thursday, January IB. 1979
EDITORIAL/OPINION
The Year of the Child
This year. 1979, has been designated the Inter
national Year of the Child by the United Nations.
Its major aims are to
- encourage all countries, rich and poor, to
reveiw their programs for the promotion of well
being of children, and to mobilize support for
national and local action programs according to
each country's conditions, needs and priorities.
- heighten awareness of children's special
needs among decision-makers and the public;
• promote recognition of the vital bnk between
programs tor children on the one hand, and
economic and social progress on the other;
- spur specific, practical measures -- w ith
achievable goals - to benefit children, in both the
short and long term on the national level.
The Year of the Child is a response to the
needs of 350 million children in the developing
nations who do not have the minimum essentials
of health care,
and education. The Un-
ed States, and Oregon, also have children w ho
are dtsciminated against, who are neglected or
abused, who do not have adequate nutrition and
health care, who have physical and mental han
dicaps.
Oregon does not provide essential services for
children in need of mental health, dental and
medical care; for child care; for children in trouble
with the law; for children whose parents are
poor. Oregon does not provide a quality, in
tegrated education for children who are of minor
ity races or who speak non-English languages.
In this Year of the Child an effort should be ex
tended to insure that every child has the oppor
tunity to reach his optimum mental, physical and
emotional development and that each child has
the love and respect that will allow him to grow to
be a happy and productive adult.
This city and this state have a long way to go to
reach this goal.
Guest Editorial
Keeping Dr. King's Dream Alive
by John Lewis
It’s Martin's birthday again. Had he not been
assassinated in Memphis in 1968, Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jr. would have been 50 years old on
January 15,1979.
For many, the civil rights movement which Dr.
King led already seems lost to mem ory. Too
many of our young people know little of Dr. King
and his rote as a Moses a Nobel Prize winner, a
prophet, a friend of the poor, the alienated, and
the dispossessed.
Contrary to those who feel that Dr. King's in
fluence had waned by 1968, I believe that the
world had yet to experience the depth of Martin 's
true greatness as a moral spokesperson. Martin
was perceived by the world as a Black, American
leader Today, had he lived, Martin might have
been an internationalist, a planetary figure
fighting to forge a coalition of the peoples of the
world to improve the human condition.
As a spokesperson for hum ankind, M artin
would have applauded the controversial and
courageous attempt of President Jimmy Carter to
make human rights a cornerstone of our nation's
foreign policy, but he would have used every
ounce of his potent moral suasion to insure that
the image was one of substance and not mere
rhetoric.
M a rtin had a personal relationship w ith
American Presidents' Kennedy and Johnson, but
he also had a way of keeping a distance from any
Administration, a way of being free to bring
tremendous pressures upon political leaders who
might seem inclined to drift toward tokenism.
Martin knew that to become too cozy with any
elected official m eant an unacceptable com
promise of principle and a lose of effectiveness as
a movement leader Martin would have reserved
the right to protest and, more, to mobilize against
the administration, regardless of his relationship
to the President.
Basic to M artin's personal diplomacy w ith
w o rld leaders was his recognition th a t the
m ovem ent fo r social change w ould not be
brought about by the edict of any administration
or the action of government, no matter how prin
cipled or well-meaning, but could come only by
grass roots demands and by the participation of
the masses in determining their own destiny.
W ere Martin alive today, he would still be a
symbol of optimism, for he knew the value of
hope. He would have been elated to see the ef
fects of the great legal victories of the 1960s —
the civil rights act of 1964 and, particularly, the
progress made under the Voting Rights Act of
*8
1965. It would have overjoyed Martin to know
that 4,503 Blacks had been elected to public of
fice, 2,733 of these in his beloved Southland.
But Martin would be greatly troubled today
that the flourish of minority political participation
in the United States did not result in an equally
dramatic record of effectiveness on the part of
the officials elected to office. Instead of going
I b o u t politics as usual, M a rtin hoped th a t
minority officials would be crusaders for those
human values which were the essence of the
movement he led.
Martin would have been in the forefront in
reminding the government that it's first concern
should be the basic needs of human beings —
food, shelter, health care, education, jobs, livable
incomes, and the opportunity to realize the full
human potential. He would have supported cut
ting the excesses of government spending, but in
the ongoing "guns vs. butter" debate would
have made it clear that the greatest threat to our
nation is not military, but the danger of losing our
soul because we deny those most in need. M ar
tin's first concern was and would ever be the
disinherited of the earth and the struggle to find
creative ways to share the abundance of this
planet.
Dr. King was a moral crusader who would have
awakened America from the sleeping sickness of
an apathetic, me-first, too-comfortable, selfish
society. He would have turned out attention to
the cries of those who must struggle constantly
just to survive.
Perhaps Martin Luther King, Jr.'s greatest con
tribution would be that of bringing the entire
human com m unity together in a caring and
sharing Beloved Community, for it was Martin's
greatest strength to inspire people to reach out
and help.
It's Martin's birthday again, but he's not here,
so it's up to us — the ones he loved, inspired,
gave to, and died for to give flesh and substance
to his spirit which shall endure to the ends of the
earth. If Martin's dream is to be fulfilled, if we are
to overcome the negative limitations which have
plagued the species, if we are to build a beloved
c o m m u n ity of caring, sharing people on a
planetary basis, we must gird ourselves with the
philosophy of life, love, and nonviolence which
Dr. King personified
Martin was not so much a hero as he was a
sensitive and concerned hum an being. By
following in his footsteps, we seek not to become
heroes, but to claim our rightful inheritance as we
nurture that divine spark of love which is the birth
right of humanity.
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Mag: Toagb Miad, leader Heart
by Herb L. Cd wt home
W e pause, in the hurried lives we
live, to give thanks to the Almighty
for the privilege o f knowing the spirit
and deeds o f D r. M a rtin L uther
King. Jr.
We pause on the day before the
an niversary o f his b irth d a y to
acknowledge the achievements o f
D r. M a rtin L uther K in g , Jr. H e
faced some o f the greatest odds,
some o f the most vicious hatred, any
American leader has ever endured h
is fitting that we honor him.
The story we all know best began
in 1955. Fresh out o f a seminary in
stitute, the young Reverend Martin
Luther King. Jr., enjoyed his work
as Pastor o f Dexter Avenue Baptist
Church in Montgomery, Alabama.
W ithin a year, the spirit o f the times
had tracked him down. W ithin a
year, he found himself the leader o f a
movement — a collective drive for
change that set the fires o f reform
throughout the South and across the
nation.
One day, a tired Mrs. Rosa Parks
refused to give up her seat to a white
person on a crowded public bus. The
custom o f segregation required that
she give up her seat and move to the
back o f the bus. This time, though,
she refused. She was p ro m p tly
thrown o ff the bus. The courageous
action o f this single Black woman,
Rosa Parks, began the Montgomery
Bus Boycott. D r. King later said. " I t
was the beginning o f a movement,
»here 50,000 Black men and women
refused, absolutely, to ride the city
buses, and we walked together for
351 days.”
As the m ovem ent spread, the
philosophy and techniques o f non
violent direct action were applied to
the struggle in America. For twenty
years now, we have debated this
philosophy. By now we should know
that M artin Luther King was right.
Non-violence is, as he told us, “ the
sword th a t h e a ls .’ ’ N o n -v io le n t
direct action is the best method for
us today.
In a book published before his
death. D r. King took time from his
busy schedule to write out some of
his best-loved sermons so that we
might read them again and again.
One was called. "T o u g h M in d ,
Tender H e a rt.” I would like to ex
plore what D r. King may have meant
by this expression. W hat does it
mean in light o f a commitment to
non-violent action fot change?
W e need to build a community
which is cohesive. One which looks
out fo r its ow n interest. A n d ,
following D r. King's advice, we will
do this building in a non-violent
manner The job we have to do for
ourselves and our children requires a
“ tough m ind** and a “ tender
heart.”
(Since we will not be violent) never
lowering ourselves to the pits where
those who oppose us reside, we will
soon come to realize that our best
weapon in the fight for equality is
T he M in d . W e have no ato m ic
weapons. W e are without an army.
We have no air force. We are not
cowardly sabatours and terrorists.
No! The weapon against oppression
is The M ind — a strong mind able to
see Western society with an African
soul.
A weak mind is a crack in our
defense. It is extra baggage. It slows
us down. But the tough m ind —
that’s what Dr. King talked about,
and that’s what we need today.
He never said the tough minded
had high college degrees. The tough
mind sharply focuses on the facts,
always keeping history up fro n t.
When the facts arc clear, the tough
minded Black person has no desire to
change them around. There is no
need to cover them up with roses in
order to make a bad situation smell
sweet.
The tough mind has trained itself
to recognize the present facts. It is
not afraid to place these facts into
h isto rical co n te x t. T here is no
delusion, no excuse, no denial. The
tough minded see the facts. They
recognize many struggles right here
in Portland:
1. They recognize that desegrega
tion is inequitable. As long as we
permit it to be so, we will contribute
to the in fe r io rity com plex o ur
children often develop;
2. They recognize that city govern
ment has not provided our com
munity with a fair share o f federal
funds sent here to develop Portland
and us.
The tough mind cannot turn its
head and act as though the facts do
not exist. The tough mind is honest,
fo rth rig h t, and understands the
meaning o f progress. Yet it knows
that cold, hard facts are dangerous
by themselves. The facts must be
balanced w ith com passion, w ith
love, with a will to forge a better
tomorrow. The tough mind and the
tender heart go together.
It is the tender heart which makes
us move. The tender heart makes us
want to c o n trib u te som ething
positive fo r someone. The tender
heart gives us direction.
The facts make it clear that we
need change in Portland. But we do
not want change that w ill oppress
others as we have been oppressed.
W e are compassioaate enough to
realize that, simply because we have
been alienated, the w illful alienation
o f others is no answer. Although we
cannot stop fighting for better op
portunity, we can always look our
adversary in the face and say,
"W h en this battle is over, we shall be
brothers.’’
The question most inspired by the
tender heart is not, “ I f 1 stop to help
someone in need, what will happen
to me?” Instead, the question is, “ I f
I do not stop to help someone in
need, what will happen to them?”
This question preoccupied M artin
Luther K ing, Jr. A nd this is the
question which, in the answering,
made him great. He asked us all to
think about the "te n d e rh e a rte d "
question.
W e honor a man who had the
courage to ask the "tenderhearted"
question, and who had the toughness
o f mind to follow the answer. He
was, and is, and always will be. o f
such great stature. We can capture
only a small bit o f his greatness.
But, in our humble way, we can
make it so that his living will not
have been in vain. We can honor his
sacrifice. I f we develop our minds —
by reading and study, by conversa
tion and listening, by organization
and m u tu a l support — then we
honor h im , and we share in his
sacrifice.
I f we never say, first, “ What will
happen to m e?", but instead, when
we see the Tacts, if we will always
ask, “ I f I do not stop to help
someone in need, what will happen
to them?”
Then we honor Dr. M artin Luther
King, Jr., and we show our undying
gratitude by practicing the Greatness
he taught us.
Tbosa dam ■arcsoorias ora badi agola
by N. Fungai Kumbuta
Theoretically, it is an offense for a
U.S. citizen to either go fight in a
foreign country with which the U.S.
is not formally at war or to recruit
for a foreign power (country). U.S.
Code Title 18, Sec. 959 (a) reads:
"W hoever within the U .S . . . .
hires or retains another . . . with in
tent to be enlisted in the service o f
any foreign prince, state colony,
district or people as a soldier . . .
shall be fined not more than S I,000
or imprisoned not more than three
years or both.” Section (b) o f this
same act goes on to define as an of-
fensv the use o f U.S. personnel in a
war against a country with which the
U .S. is at peace — a reference that
could easily be applied to both Zam
bia and M ozam bique which have
been repeatedly raided by Rhodesian
soldiers with the help o f American
mercenaries.
T h a t there are Am erican m er
cenaries in Smith’s army has never
been disputed. W h at has been
disputed instead is the actual num
ber — just how many o f all these
mercenaries are American citizens?
Estimates range from a low o f 400 to
a high o f well over 1,000.
The total mercenary force is now
reported to total over 5,000 which, as
o f 1977, made up half o f Rhodesia's
regular arm y. These unscrupulous
individuals are recruited by various
groups and individuals not only in
the U n ite d States, but also in
E u ro p e , A u s tra lia , Japan, New
Z e a la n d , South A fric a , T a iw a n ,
Brazil, etc.
Last October, you may have read
o f a Reverend Paul Lindstrom o f the
Chicago based Church o f Christian
L ib e rty announcing th a t he was
vending a force of 300 former Green
Beret "C h ristian soldiers to Rho
desia to reopen E lim M ission.
This place had been closed after
three British missionaries had been
killed by members o f Rhodesia’s
notorious Selous Scouts who had
trie d to place the blam e on the
g u e rrilla s . The leader o f these
"Christian soldiers." a Vietnam vet
called Giles Pace was quoted by The
Washington Post as saying: “ We see
ourselves as crusaders. We are not
interested in dialogue or detente. We
will shoot the bastards on sight.”
C h ris tia n soldier??? H e also in
dicated that some 500 Cuban exiles
would probably join them later.
In his book ’ In Search O f
E nem ie s '. e x -C IA agent John
Stockwell makes some disturbing
references to C IA complicity in mer
cenary recru itm en t d urin g the
Angola C ivil W ar o f 1975. Most o f
the names mentioned in that cam
paign crop up again and again in
connection with the current recruit
m ent o f A m ericans to fig h t fo r
Rhodesia. The above mentioned laws
notw ithstanding, a David B ufkin
interview ed by The Chicago Sun
Times, The Washington Post and
National Public Radio among other
revelations, admitted he had placed
ads in C a lifo rn ia newspapers and
recruited twelve mercenaries to fight
in A ng o la. A t the height o f the
Angola civil war, Bufkin was report
ed to have been in Kinshasa, Zaire,
the staging ground for most o f the
Angola directed mercenary activities.
Stockwell goes on to say that a C IA
agent excised Bufkin’s records from
the C IA files. Newsday reported that
the C IA had 'old the Justice Depart
ment it would not cooperate with a
pending investigation o f Bufkin —
he was never prosecuted.
Internews o f California and The
(British) Guardian both reported the
story o f a U C Berkeley student,
Lawrence Meyers, who was recruited
to go fight in Rhodesia by the head of
the Reserve Officer Training Corps
in 1976. Meyers obtained all the
necessary application forms from (he
Rhodesia In fo rm a tio n O ffic e in
W ashington. Though the F B I in
dicated it was carrying out an in
vestigation o f the Rhodesia In fo r
mation O ffic e fo r this and other
related illegal activities, nothing ever
came o f it. No legal action was taken
against the R O T C head either. As
for Meyers, who fought for a while
in Rhodesia until he deserted to Bots
wana from where he was subsequent
ly deported, he was granted im
munity from prosecutionr.
The bulk o f the recruiting though,
seems to be done by Soldier o f For
tune; a magazine that seems to exist
solely to cater to mercenary exploits,
recruitm ent and dissemination o f
mercenary propaganda. It is run by
an Arthur K . Brown, a mercenary
with very close ties to both the Smith
and Both (South Africa) regimes. It
periodically runs interview s w ith
military commanders and recruiters
for the Rhodesian and South African
armies but never with the leaders o f
the liberation movements.
Not to be overlooked in this inter
national mercenary network is Robin
Moore, author o f The Green Berets
who also runs an official " U .S . em
bassy” in Salisbury, Rhodesia — a
place which serves as a 'political and
social center for American and other
foreign mercenaries serving in the
Rhodesian arm y.’ He also runs The
C rip p le d Eagles F o u n d a tio n in
M a n n a del Rey, C a lifo rn ia which
raises money to support M oore's
pro -R ho d esia a c tiv itie s . O ne ex
mercenary, a M ajo r M ike Williams,
a Special Forces captain in Vietnam
and former commanding officer in
the Rhodesian arm y even ran for
Congress but was defeated in the
Democratic primary.
A French mercenary who deserted
from Rhodesia gave a rare insight in
to the activities o f mercenaries. He
said that Americans are doing the
bulk o f the fighting, virtually all the
flying and they constituted a large
portion o f the murderers who bomb
ed the refugee camps in both Zam
bia and Mozambique, killing hun
dreds o f women and children. He
also accuses them o f carrying out
most o f the worst atrocities and. he
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