A ttn -4 r n ,
I'n v ^ n p o r t
P o r tla n d , S td to U n lv o r ilty L l lr a r y
H O . Box 1151
P o r ti end, urepon Ô72Q7
PO R TLA N D
OBSERVER
VeL 5, No. 33 Thursday, July 1, 1»78
18s per espy
Garden
equipment
his trade
Marvin Johnson b a sabsman of bwn
and garden equipment - tractor», bwn
mower», roto tilbrs
at Montgomery
Ward'» Jantaen Beach stare. He b the
only Black bw n and garden equipment
salesman in Portland - and maybe the
only one in the Northweat.
Johnaon waa lucky in that he happened
to apply at Mongomery Ward at the right
time. He had several option», but ehoee
the bw n and garden aection. He haa had
aeveral opportunities to move to what are
considered the better department» but
aaya he prefer» what he b doing,
Johnaon haa gained a reputation among
hb fellow employee» and customers one
of courtesy and competence.
Johnaon waa born in Detroit, »tending
elementary achool there. He graduated
fror* Grant High School in Portbnd and
attended the University of Oregon.
At Oregon, Johnaon participated in the
art of fencing. Competing with athlete»
from Britbh Columbb. Waahington and
Oregon he won the Amateur Fencing
Championship "Baptism of Steel”. Hu
coach predicted that he would be in the
1978 Olympic», but he b no longer active
in the »port. He pbya basketball in the
City League, averaging 20 point» a game.
Johnaon b a 24 year old bachelor but
b engaged to Beverly Hodgea. He haa
opea of one day completing hb degree in
Business Adminbtration and establishing
a buaineaa of hb own.
Gomez chosen
New Aaabtant Adminbtrator reapona
ibie for the Public Aaabtance and Food
Programs for the Public Welfare Divbion
b Gary J. Gomel, currently Branch Man
ager of Public Welfare'» Albina Office.
Gomel will succeed Keith PuUum who
waa recently appointed by Governor Bob
Straub to bead the State Health D ivbb >
The Aaabtance Section Program Man
ager b directly reaponaible for 171 em
ployeea and the operation of Public Wel
fare» Medical. Aaabtance. Food Su m p
and Inveatigation Units..
Gomex haa Masters and Bachelor» De
gree» in Buaineaa Adminbtration from
the Univeraity of Northern Colorado and
Southern Oregon College. Prior to joining
Public - -Welfare Divbion in 1974, he was
employed by the Portbnd Art Assocb
tion, an AaabUnt Director ot the Oregon
Problem Drinker» Project, Education
Coordinator for the Portbnd Metropoli
Un Steering Committee, and an Aaabt
ant Professor at Portbnd S U U Univers
ity.
“My year» with the Albina Branch have
been exciting". Gome« told the Observer
"Working with Mra. Haxel Haya in devel
oping model» for the delivery of Human
Resource Department program» haa beer,
extremely rewarding. Leo Hegatrom, the
AaabUnt Adminaitrator for the Welfare
Divbion, and John Burch. Region Ad
minbtrator. have said that they have ex
cellent candidates for my repbeem ent
MARVIN
r el Mate 1er Agriculture 1er the I
bode with Earl EUs of Crewe f
• visit te
Sudanese leaders visitOregon
President Gaafar Nimeiri of the Sudan
and hb officbl party viaited Oregon bat
week during a two-week tour of the Unit
ed States.
The Preaident and hb Minuter» came
to U .8 . to encourage technical aaabtance
for hb country. Expbining that the
Sudan haa pledged iU vaat agricultural
potential for the feeding of the world'»
hungry, he told a World Affaira Council
meeting, “now we need the advanced
nation» of the world to come with their
know-how. The gap between rich and
poc. provide» bitUr »oil for hostility.
There can be no aecurity. Thb b why we
believe partnership in development b in
our joint internet."
Although the Sudan nationalized buai
neaa and confbticated foreign inveat-
menU in 1989 and 1970. Preaident Nim
eire expbnined that a new bw waa
paaaed in 1974. the Development and
Encouragement of Induatrbl Investment
Act, which encourage and protecU tor-
elgn investment providing the invest
ment enhance» production and employ
ment benefiebl to the Sudan.
In the pursuit of peace, “The 8udan haa
a apecbl role. It haa always been aeen as
a geographical, racbl, religious and cul
tural bridge»- between the Middle East
and Africa.“
The Democratic Republic of Sudan b
located in Northeast Africa, just south of
Egypt- The desert region covers about a
third of the country. In the North. In the
central area, the steppe region (pbina)
are covered with grass and bruah. The
Savannah region, to the South, b thicker
brush, with thick, green grass. In the
South are tropical forests. The Nite River
basin covers over one million square
mites.
The country'» millions of acres of fertile
soil are largely undeveloped. It b in thb
region that development b anticipated.
Government policy b to precede with the
projects that will benefit the most people.
Government spokesmen forsee the Sudav
providing up to 40 per cent of world i
food needs, with as much as 200 million
acres cultivated.
One of the president's major accomp-
lbhmenta has been and end to the 17 year
civil war between the North and the
South. The northern portion of the coun
try- with a deeert economy-b Arab in
race and culture. The southern portion b
Chrbtbn and tribal in culture and Black
in race. Arabic b spoken, throughout the
nation, but education is provided in Ara
bic or in Englbh. One of the major con
cerns of the Nimeire government b the
healing of wounds of war and the in
tegration of the southern region more
fully into the political and economic life of
the nation.
Preaident Nimeiri explained that the
civil war was ended by getting the lead
ers of the factions together and discuss
ing their differences informally until an
(Please turn to page 6 col. 4)
South African rebellion threatens U.S. policy
By Steve Talbet
-A
'
;
' '
£ 'A
• V
r
I with th e .
S ta te . G ilc h rist Is ae w living in
r o r k b a p e rtth n e 1er Pacific P ow er
Gilchrist on rood to success
Just a year and a half ago, Roland
iilchrbt was pbying againat a sucked
leek with no way to win. Now he's hold
ng a hand with three aces: aaabtance in
ttending college, a perttime job and the
oten tb l for employment with a major
itility after graduation.
In early 1975, Gilchrbt was living in
’ennsylvanb, a college dropout trying to
ind a job. Today with the help of Pacific
’ower and Light Company he'a at the
ippoaite aide of the United States, b back
n school and heading for a degree.
Gilchrist. 23. b one of the first stu d en t
o be assbted by P P 4L in an effort aimed
it encouraging minorities to enter the
ingineering field. The utility pay» a por
Ion of hb tuition and books expense at
’ortland State Univeraity through a
jrant given the college. PSU b reapona
ble tor making the final »election of the
itudent who receives the aaabtance.
In addition, Gilchrbt work» at PPAL
jarttime during school and full time in
lummera in the company'» generation
sngineering department.
But Gilchrbt nasn't always had things
going hb way. born in Philadelphia, he,
along with a brother and abler, waa
deserted by hb parents at the age of
three. The youngsters were kept togeth
er, living in a foster home for the next
fourteen years.
At 17. Gilchrbt was on hb own. Com
pletely.
“That's when the welfare stopped pay
ing for foster home care,” he explained.
“There was no financbl help avaibble to
me from anywhere."
Gilchrbt wanted more than what he
had known in West Philadelphia and,
looking for a future, he enrolled at Pen-
naylvanb State in the engineering pro
gram.
It was more than a 17-yer old could
handle alone. He received loans and tried
to support himself with parttime jobs.
Eventually, after two years, he dropped
out of school, still faring repayment ot the
loans.
After several short-lived construction
(Please turn to page 2 col. 4)
(PNS) - The “Soweto rebellion"- the
most violent racbl uprbing in modern
South African hbtory-cast a bbek shad
ow over the talks in Bavarb between
U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
and South African Prime Minister John
Vorater. The uprbing has overturned a
key assumption in the longterm political
strategy of both offlcbb: the belief that a
rapid settlement of racbl conflicts in
Rhodeab and Namibb would buy time for
South Africa to adjust to its own internal
racbl policies.
Now it is dear that South Africa's 18
million Blacks are not content to wait.
On hb recent tour of Africa. Kissinger
explicity called for Bbck majority rule in
Rhodeab and Namibb, white he merely
cautioned South Africa's white-minority
regime “to heed the warning signals ot
the past two years“ and initbte “a peace
ful end to institutionalized Inequality.”
But the deep-rooted causes and spon
taneous, militant nature of the rebellion -
spreading like wildfire to 20 Black town
ships reveal what may be a fatal flaw in
the secretary's carefully bid pbns to
bring moderate, pro-Western Bbck rule
to southern Africa.
The Southern African Key
As outlined in hb Lusaka speech and
subsequent congressional testimony. Mr.
Kissinger's strategy was to enlbt South
African aid in pressuring Rhodeab'» ob
stinate Prime Minbter Ian Smith to ne
gotiate with Bbck moderates and there
by attempt to avert a major guerrilb war
that could engulf the entire region.
Because South Africa seemed to nave
firm control over its Black majority popu-
btion. U.S. policymakers reasoned that
Vorster could exert heavy pressure on
neighboring Rhodeab.
But Vorster's clout was itself dealt a
heavy blow by the 8oweto revolt, which
effectively shattered the illusion of sta
bility and racbl calm in South Africa.
Beset by its own Balcks - as well as
growing split in the white ranks South
Africa may now find it hard to convince
Ian Smith that he should negotbte rather
than fight. For Smith has just seen once
more that hb South Africa counterparts
- when they feel threatened - respond
with massive, violent repressions.
Kissinger himself acknowledged that
the uprbing - in which at least 175 were
killed - "underlined the urgency of the
situation.”
For Kissinger's plans pivot around a
stable South Africa committed to reform
that could aid in undercutting marxbt
Black liberation movements in Namibb,
Rhodesb and South Africa itself. It could
thus help pave the way for a pro-Western
Bbek moderate solution that will protect
the extensive U.S. investment in the reg
ion.
Like South Africa gold mining magnate
Harry Oppenheimer (a liberal by his
country's standards), Kissinger hopes to
see a stable, economically integrated and
developed southern Africa - firmly en
trenched
In the
Western
camp.
It was this goal Kissinger outlined to
Congress and the press before he met
with Vorster. “I’m not meeting with Vor
star to make concessions or to lend ap
proval of the system of government," he
said. "Tm meeting to see if South Africa
b willing to contribute to a moderate and
peaceful evolution of events in southern
Africa."
Kissinger took great pains to expbin
that he was not endorsing apartheid - in
fact he pledged to tell Vorster apartheid
should be abandoned. He was merely
trying to line up a pivotal country behind
U.S. interests and strategy in southern
Africa, Kissinger said.
Following the talks, both Kissinger and
Vorster were guarded; next to nothing
was said about apartheid in public. But
Kissinger expressed cautious optimism
that Vorster had seen things hb way and
that “the process is in motion" to avoid “a
threatening conflict" in southern Africa.
But ironically, even as the talks pro
gressed, the "threatening conflict" con
tinued to spill into violence in South
Africa itself - the very center of the
moderate reform strategy.
“We did not expect anything like this.”
Justice and Police Minister James Kru
ger told parlbment in Cape Town as
10,000 Black high school students battled
heavily armed riot police in the Soweto
ghetto outside Johannesburg.
There was a new militancy and political
consciousness among the students who
took part. Young Blacks taunted police,
chanted “Black Power" and sang the na
tionalist anthem, “God Bless Africa."
They burned ears, buses, government
buildings, white-run churches, police sta
tions. beer halls and schoob where the
government was trying to force them to
learn math and social studies in the de
spbed Afrikaans language - a symbol of
white oppression. In Soweto alone, they
destroyed 134.5 million worth of white-
owned property, according to a prelimi
nary estimate by South African insurance
companies.
"This is a rebellion against apartheid,“
declared Winnie Mandeb, the wife of the
(•il*ui (••r lo r n f t h e A fr ic a n National Con
gress. one of South Africa's two banned
liberation movements.
None of thb bodes well for the Vorster
regime. And neither does the support for
the Bbck uprbing evidenced by hun-
reds of white university students whose
protest marches in downtown Johannes
burg were broken up by motorcycle
gangs and club-wielding police. The erb b
revealed growing dissatisfaction among
South Africa's four million whites - with
many liberab, minuter» and opposition
papers blasting the Vorster regime in
unusually strong language.
One English-bnguage-paper, the Sms-
day Tribune, mocked the government's
cbim that the rebellion was the work of a
small number of agitators. "There are
agitators at work, of course.” the paper
said, “ the agitators are poverty, frus
tration and the cruel b w s of apartheid."
Those laws - packing the Black 70
percent of the population onto 13 percent
of the bnd, paying an average wage to
Black workers that is below the officbl
poverty line, spending $41 a year on the
average Bbck student compared to $700
for the white, issuing pass books to con
trol the movement of every Bbck and
stripping Blacks of any political power -
indicate there will be more Sowetoa.
If the Soweto rebellion is a sign of
what's to come, then the U.S. may soon
be forced to choose between the white-
minority regime and an impatient Bbck
population that refuses to be held down
any longer.
(Steve Talbot is an African affairs analyst
on the steff of Internews, a Berkeley
based international affairs news service
which provides daily radio reports and
publishes the biweekly Intsrustbual
Bulletin.