TTTE 3IORI"Cr OREGONIAN, FRIDAY, JTJXE 13, 1019. 0cxn wq B?t$mm ESTABLISHED BT HESBT "L- PITTOCK Fublisbed by Th Oregonian Publishing Co., Sixth Street, Portland, Oregon. C. A. liOEDEX, E. B. PIPER, Manager. Editor. The Orejronian is a. member of the Asso ciated Press. The Associated Press Is ex clusively entitled to the use for publica tion of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper, and ""also the local news published herein. All rishts of republication of special dispatches herein are also reserved. Subscription rates Invariably In advance: (By Mail.) rai!y. Sunday Included, one year. s " Jaiiy. Sunday included, six months Uaily, Sunday included, three months. ,. . -.--J Daily. Sunday Included, one month - Uaily, without Sunday, one year. ........ o-O'J Tiaily, without Sunday, six months. ...... . 3. Daily, without Sunday, one xuonth.. ...... -J?' Weekly, one year - J ?Jj Sunday, onftyear ---j" Sunday and weekly. . . .-ju (By Carrier.) 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The Oregonian has today a letter from an esteemed correspondent at Kelso who, in the league of nations issue, is against the president and all ho says and does, and for the senate and all it says and does, and professes him self unable to understand how The Oreg-onian may be for the league of nations and yet critical of the presi dent, and sympathetic with the sen ate's position that it has been ignored, without being sympathetic with the apparent intention of a part of the senate to defeat the treaty. It should be sufficient to say again that The Oregoian is for a league of nations, and, in the circumstances, for the league. There is no alternative but no league. The Oregonian is not pre pared to accept the alternative. It is a question of practical diplomacy and efficient statesmanship, and not of men, or party, or privilege, or prerogative. In such a dilemma the Oregonian would seize the horn which best promises to give peace to the world. The contention of The Oregonian's critic is in effect that the real contro , versy now calling for settlement is be tween the people of the United States and the president of the United States. It is not. It is between the United States and the enemies of. the United States. He would have a set tlement with the president while the world burns. We would put out the conflagration and make the nation se cure against future fiery cataclysms, and then settle with the president. He would sacrifice everything the world's peace, chiefly to method. We would sacrifice much for results. Mr. Wilson has been at fault in not advising with the senate or its foreign relations committee beforehand, but that is not sufficient reason for rejecting the treaty. He has adopted one of two alternative constructions of the constitutional provision for co-operation with the senate in treaty-making and, in the judgment of The Oregonian, the wrong one. but it is in accord with the opinion which he had expressed in his writings before he became a candidate for president. The construction placed upon it by former presidents has not been uniform. If in adopting this course he has violated the constitu tion, that is a reason for impeaching him; it is no reason for rejecting the treaty. Nor is the fact that a repub lican congress was elected last- fall in the face of his appeal for a democratic congress, though the interests of peace made it an added reason why he should have sought co-operation of the majority in the senate. There is no comparison between the president's conduct in assuming authority to negotiate a treaty without consulting the senate beforehand and the attempts of revolutionists to de stroy the constitution. A remedy for the former evil rests in the hands of the people and can be applied at the next election. If any of the revolu tionary elements should destroy the constitution, there would be no remedy except civil war. To place the two in the same category is wild exaggera tion. Mr. Wilson remains the au thorized medium through which peace must be negotiated; if the treaty which he submits be the best obtainable in the circumstances, his misconduct in the manner of going about his work does not justify refusal to ratify it. Certainly the senators must "exer cise their judgment" upon the matter, but exercise of judgment precludes all influence of passion, pique or wounded pride or party advantage. It pre cludes even questions as to the pro cedure by which the treaty came be fore the senate. That judgment which the senate must exercise must be dis passionate, swayed by no sentiment except devotion to the interests of the United States, and must be guided by all the facts bearing on the question. It must take into consideration all the influences which sway all the many nations that are concerned. If the senate should arrive at its conclusion in this manner, its judgment will lead it to ratify the treaty. We have not suggested that it should not use its judgment, but that this is the goal to which its judgment should lead it. The treaty presented to the Ger mans at Versailles is the product of the labors of delegates from the United States and from the nations with which we are allied. It forces Germany to do justice to the people whom it has oppressed and the nations which it has wronged. It puts Ger many under heavy bonds to keep the peace. It establishes a league of na tions to prevent Germany or any other nation from committing crimes such as that of 1914, to wind up the affairs of the war. to regulate many interna tional affairs, to hold colonies and backward nations under guardianship and to insure settlement of disputes according to the rule of justice in stead of the rule of force. If this be rejected, what shall take its place? Must the world wait till another treaty is made? It may not wait. Things have been happening in many countries while the peace conference deliberated. They have carried the world nearer that chaos of which Mr. Fisk speaks. Things would continue to happen while another treaty was in preparation. Chaos might come while the senate debated. Much is said to the effect that by joining the league of nations, the United States would lose its inde pendence and would become subject to a league government. It would in fact be the leader among nations in jreervins the inrlej)end.ence of, all to do that which they have a right to do. Only new limits to its inde pendence would prevent its doing that which in any case it would not wish to do undertake wars of ag gression or vengeance, refuse to abide by an arbitral award which it had agreed to accept, or decline to aid in chastising a nation which thus acted, or maintain a ' vast military system useful only for such designs as Ger many harbored. We should remain the most independent nation on earth, in debt to none- while many owe billions to us, looked to as the guide and friend of all young nations which are struggling upward and linked with all the heavily burdened great nations in promoting peace and freedom. If that be loss of independence, we Ehould be proud to lose it. If by independence be meant Isola tion, that is already lost beyond re covery. It was lost wher Austria at tacked Serbia, for that act smashed our shell of isolation. . For two and a half years we clung to the delusion that the shell was still there, and tried to be "neutral even in though." When Germany declared ruthless sub marine war, we discovered that the shell was gone. It cannot be rebuilt. With armies in France, Germany, Italy and Serbia, we have discovered that our independence is contingent on recognition of our interdependence with other nations, that our peace and interests are bound up with theirs, and that due care for ours requires that we co-operate in the care of theirs. If we should attempt to build another covering of isolation, an at tack by some other Austria on some other Serbia would produce a con cussion which would smash it. If the people will but keep these truths before their minds, they will realize how small by comparison are the feuds and injured feelings of pres ident and senate, and they will de mand that the great work, of America as the leader of the world go forward YESTERDAY'S PARADE. Portland turned out again yester day to indulge its preferred pastime of watching a parade and went home satisfied and a bit exalted; for-it was a great parade. There have been others of greater size, but not of the pervading spirit of .victory. The lads from the Minneapolis led it with their band and that started the cheering that was continuous to the end. Saw the American legion, didn't you, and you gave a gulp and the eye lids quickened as it passed and you wished you were in it? What is there in the sight of an American boy in uniform and marching order that inspires a man? He does not know, but he knows he has it, and he does not wonder that Germany quit cold. Those who went and those who couldn't get across shared in the glory. For a bit of neighborly exhibit, Seattle is all right and her police band is the sign. Portland could not have got along without its presence and its music. Some day, perhaps, we'll -but wait and watch us. And the hope of America, the Boy Scouts! Proud was every mother of one as he passed, though she felt the pang of possible sacrifice and glad that she had him to offer. As a military parade it was a suc cess, but it was more. It was the outpouring of hearts rejoicing over the end of conflict in which this city had its share in furnishing the men to help win. The lamentable feature of the whole affair was the visible sign of paralysis in the right arms of the male spec tators. Portland must learn to salute the flag as it passes and be "p. d. q." about it, as a man who would ict care who hears him might say. THE TELEGRAPH STRIKE. The strike of telegraph employes which threatens to interrupt the wire communications of the country brings into prominence the fact that two en emies attack industrial peace. Atten tion has hitherto been fastened on the radical, revolutionary element of labor. It is now diverted to the ob stinately autocratic element among employers. One is open to as severe condemnation as the other; in fact, the radical labor agitator is in part a product of the domineering employer. Telegraph and telephone employes have organized unions, as is their un doubted right, recognized by the laws of many states and, inferentially at least, by the laws of the United States. They claim the right to adjust wages and terms with their employers as a unit, not as individuals. They desire that their committees confer with their employers on their behalf. That practice has been adopted by em ployers and employes in almost every other industry. It has tended to pro duce harmony in their relations, it has secured justice for the workers in cases where justice could have been secured in no other way, and it has promoted industrial peace. The telegraph companies deny this right, and they discharge and black list any who attempt to exercise it. They insist that the officials of such great corporations must deal with each individual employe, not with all as a body. They cling to the obsolete theory that the employer is a master and the worker a servant. They still live in the eighteenth or the early part of the nineteenth century. Under their theory equality between the parties in' making a bargain is im possible. A single telegrapher is pow erless as against a company which employs tens of thousands. Only by collective bargaining can they be placed on an equality. But the com panies refuse to confer with commit tees of their employes: the penalty of membership on a committee is dis charge. The outstanding result of this attitude of the telegraph com panies is that the wages of telegra phers are far below the standard for men and women of equal skill and in telligence in other occupations. When the wire systems were placed under control of Postmaster-General Burleson last summer a strike for higher wages, the right to organize and collective bargaining was impend ing. The hope was then entertained that one result of government control would be fair wages and recognition of the employes' rights, but that hope proved vain. Mr. Burleson's treat ment of the postal employes had proved him to be as bitter an enemy of unions as the telegraph officials are, and he has been a man after their own heart. Where men in other occupations had obtained advances of 50 to 70 per cent since the war be gan, and where cost of living had risen over 50 per cent, he gave these already underpaid workers an ad vance of only 5 to 10 per cent. He evaded all attempts at conference, and he left management of the wires in the hands of their old enemies. When he found that his course would pro voke a strike he got from under and lelt the telegraph official to bear the odium whch was originally theirs but which he should share,. and doubt less will share. The telegraph companies, in deny ing the rights of their employes, have ignored the rights of the public. TheyJ enjoy privileges granted by the law. They perform a public service. Per formance of that service is made im possible by their adherence to an out worn theory which produces strikes when efficient service requires con tinuous and harmonious operation. After their experience with govern ment operation the people have no desire to take the wires out or the hands of their owners, but they will insist that the wire systems shall be managed in accord with modern con ceptions of the proper relation be tween employers and employes, that employes of these companies shall freely exercise the same rights as other employes enjoy without ques tion. Congress In about to legislate on this subject and, if it shows due respect to public opinion. It will enact laws giving effect to this desire. WHERE THERE IS A BOOK FAMINE. It will be possible for Russians to recover from the famine in food in a season after order has been re stored, but not to make good in the same period the loss caused by the action of the bolshevists in destroy ing printing presses and paper mills throughout the country. The situa tion now presented Is "that millions of children, in a land twice the size and nearly twice the population of the United States, are restricted in their opportunities for education by absence of books to study and paper to write on. It is a condition that most Amer icans will find it difficult to.visuallze. We cannot remember the time when tlrere was not a reasonable supply of nooks, even in the frontier region. The first pioneers brought school books with them and used them over and over again. Nowadays a youth may accumulate a small library in the course ofhis student life and think nothing much about it. Dr. Kasimir A. Kovalsky, who has been sent to the United States by the Siberian authorities, says that the bolshevists wanted to smash the book in Russia because they knew it to be easier to terrorize and master dark. gnorant masses of people than en lightened ones. In Siberia, which has been almost freed from bolshevik rule, schools have been opened and there is general desire to extend them. but there are no text books and few printing presses left. Wherefore it is predicted by lead ing Russians in America that one of our most promising after-the-war in dustries will be the printing of school books in Russian for export as rapidly as the bolshevists can be cleared out. In time, of course, this business will be taken over by the Russians them selves. But there would seem to be a mingling of high benevolence with good business in helping our Russian friends to banish a famine almost as serious as one in food. A LANDLESS ARISTOCRACY. One result of war burdens is a stampede to sell by the British landed aristocracy. Largo, old, valuable es tates are being thrown on the market. either to be sold as a whole or to be divided into small holdings under the land settlement and housing schemes of the government. In one issue of the London Times 180 square miles of land were advertised for sale, and enough sales were under private ne gotiation to bring the total to 250 square miles. Before the war old. restrictive laws prevented many trans fers, but war taxes have brought the landlords to the point where they simply cannot afford to hold on. This movement cannot fail to cause a profound social change, which, will hasten political change. Land is con sidered necessary to maintenance of an aristocracy in prestige and power. That idea is derived from the institu tions of feudalism and from the other idea that it is ignoble for a gentle man to work or engage in trade. In vasion .of the house of lords by plu tocracy has gone far to break down prejudice against business, and mem bers of the old families have etaltated by encroaching on the plutocrats' do main. If aristocrats should cease to be land-owners with great country seats and should become mere capital ists living in London, the dividing line would be still more blurred. British aristocracy would then oc cupy much the same position as is held by titled Frenchmen. They have no political standing, in fact some find it advisable to abandon titles in order to overcome prejudice against their class. Many of the old Bourbon no bility lost their estates in the revolu tion and those of the Napoleonic era lack standing with both them and the democratic masses. French aristoc racy is a survival of a bygone age. If the British nobility should become landless and indistinguishable from the plutocrats, the famed bulwark of the British monarchy would be weak ened. and it might soon yield to the attacks of democracy. WHAT GERMANY WOILD HAVE DONE. In order that we may estimate at their true value the lamentations of Germany over the peace terms of fered by the allies, and that we may judge whether the allies have been too severe, it is well to consider what terms Germany would have made, if it had been the victor. A good indication is contained in the manifesto which was adopted at a meeting of 352 Ger man professors, clergymen and other intellectuals on June 20. 1915. and was presented to the chancellor in the form of a petition. At that time Ger many was winning a succession of vic tories over Russia, was holding firm on the western front, at which the allies could only nibble, and was con fident bf victory. Italy had just de clared war and was the particular object of German vengeance, though no terms were named for that coun try. As to France, the professors said: We must ruthlessly weaken her. both po nticany ana economically, and must Improve our military and strategical position with regard to her. For this purpose it Is neces sary radically to improve our whole western front from Belfort to the coast. Part f the north channel coast we must acquire, if possible, in order to be strategically safer as regards Kngland and to secure better access to the ocean. The most important business unaeraiaKinBs anu rnuies must be trans- ierrea irom ami-German ownership to Ger man hands. France taking over and com pensating the former owners. Furthermore, it is necessary to lmnn , mprcilesslv hleh war lndemnltv nnn, I.--.. and probably on her rather than on any There is no compunction here about reducing a nation to slavery for the payment of indemnity, nor about dis regarding its right to self-determina tion. Compare this with the scrupu lous care taken by the allies to respect the right of the Germans in Rhine- land and the Saar valley to retain their nationality and with the limita tion X indemnity to reparation f o that which Germany destroyed or stole. Belgium was to pay dearly for de fending its independence and for standing in the gateway, for the mani festo says: On Belgium we must keep firm hold, from the political, military and economic stand points. . . Keonomically. Belgium means a prodigious Increase of power to us. We would lay special stress on the Inhabitants being allowed no nolitical Influ ence in the empire,, and on the necessity for transrerring rrom non-German to Oerman hands the leading business enterprises and properties to be ceded by France. Russia was considered too poor and debt-ridden to pay a cash indemnity, but was not to escape on that ac count. The manifesto reads: Russia is so rich in terrltorv that she will be able to pay an Indemnity In kind by giv ing lands, but lands without landlords. The meaning of this phrase was made clear by the manifesto of the six great economic associations of Germany, published about the same time, which proposed annexation of the Baltic provinces and their settle ment with German peasants. With the channel coast in Ger many's hands as a gun aimed at its head, Britain was to lose both its empire and its commerce, for this was the programme in regard to it: We must supplant the world trade of Great Britain. . . . We must immediately seek to create for ourselves, apart from the empire of the seas, a continental commer cial enceinte as extensive as possible. our friends. Austria-Hungary and Turkey, will open to us the Balkans and Asia Minor, and thus we shall assure ourselves of the Persian gulf against the pretensions of Rus sia and Great Britain. We must also sign as speedily as possible commercial treaties with our close political friends. There was to be no limit to colonial expansion, for this was proposed: In Africa we must reconstitute our colonial empire. Central Africa is only a huge desert, which does not offer enough colonial wealth. We therefore require other produc tive lands. We need liberty of the seas. To obtain It we must have Kgvpt. the connect ing link between British Africa and British Asia, Indian ocean and Kngllsh sea. which Joina up all the British colonies with the mother country, which, as Bismarck said, is the- neck of the British empire. The general scheme of indemnity showed no squeamishness about com pelling the loser to pay the winner's war expenses, or about reducing the loser to economic slavery. This is what, the learned professors and preachers said: We shall demand an indemnity which as much as possible shall cover war expendi tures, the repair of damages, and pensions for disabled men, widows and orphans. From Knciand we can never de mand enough money. . It is our duty to crush the insatiable cupidity of this nation. However, we shall probably have to apply for a war Indemnity to France In the first place, if not exclusively. Vs ought not to hesitate to Impose upon France as much as possible out of false sentimentaliam. As mitigation she might be offered one of the sides of the. Sues canal while we occupy tne otner. Should France reruse that as well as the financial obligation that we should ask her, we should have to impose on her a policy that would satisfy us. No mention of the Untied States was made in the manifesto, for when it was written, this country was still neutral. But the German general staff had prepared plans several years earlier for an invasion, for occupation of the great Atlantic ports and for exaction of a ransom so rich as to pay the entire cost of the expedition and to make good any deficiencies in the sums which could be extorted from the allies. The present German government pretends to have renounced these pur poses together with monarchy, but evidence abounds that democracy is only a mask behind which hide the men who set out to conquer, kill and plunder. Chancellor Scheidemann supported the war so long as it seemed to hold a chance of. victory for Ger many, Hindenburg, Bernstorff and Erzberger still wield power, and the machinery of government is un changed. Germany has lost the power. not the will, to do as this manifesto proposed. It is not suggested that the allies do to Germany as it would have done to them, but they would betray posterity if they should not ren der Germany powerless for harm. To that end the peace terms are the least that should be asked. Yes, California does all that, but did you note that the prize for effec tiveness in community publicity was given to . the Portland Chamber of Commerce display? Los Angeles, sup posed to be the topnotcher and- she has been San Francisco and all the others were in the running and the judges mostly were outside men. Much of the glory falls to Sidney Vincent, but not all of It. The Cham ber of Commerce is back of him. The patience of Winnipeg's mayor is amazing. After the bolshevists have turned his city topsyturvy and kept it so for weeks, he threatens to call out the troops. He needs the pep of some American mayors. The 'more Hurley tries to explain. the deeper he flounders in the mud. The one intent which shows through all his talk is not to build any more ships on the. Pacific coast than he is compelled to build. All was harmony among the non partisans till they acquired something to quarrel about. Then they quarreled in Idaho as in North Dakota. The upshot may be two parties of non partisans. Forget this afternoon you are from any suburb where a man is as good as a woman and keeps his seat in the car. and give all the womenfolk the right of way and the best. The peace treaty has given rise to a war of words, but we need no liberty loans to buy them nor munition fac tories to manufacture. Kvery senator is his own munition factory. Now, Mr. Wells of the weather store, here is Friday, the 13th, last day of the festival, and always the best or worst day of the week. A wise man needs no advice. No complaints as to car service except, perhaps, from a man passed by one catching up on schedule, with another just behind it. Portland has seen' great days, but fix these dates June 8 to 11, next year as the biggest ever. It is highly appropriate that the Huns are to get their final answer on Friday the 13th: What can we do for the Shriners who come home with the goods? Somebody tell us. Bring the babies to see the parade. They ought to be in it with the other rosebuds. The receiver is not always "just as bad" as the thief. Sometimes he's worse. Bring your umbrella this afternoon and scare away the rain. Best parade of all today floral Portland, . Those Who Come and Go. Governor Ben Olcott was flylnit signs of distress at the Benson and Bought olace with Clerk Meyers. "I've sot to wear a tuxedo tonight and I have no bow tie. and the stores are all closed." confided the chief executive. "Maybe I can fix you up," consoled the clerk, and after an hour of Inquiry among men in the hotel he located the tie. which was borrowed from an Inspector of the federal reserve bank. "I don't want the tie back.'' explained the bank man. "and I won't accept pay for it, but I do exact from the governor of the state of Oregon, over his own slgna ture, acknowledgment of receipt of Ihe t'e. I want the letter .as a memento." "Send me to my room, what's the number?' inquired a travel-stained stranger giving the rush act at the Benson yesterday. "Have you a res ervation?" he was asked. Yea, the res ervation had been made by wire sev eral days ago. Under cross-examination the stranger admitted that when lie wired for a reservation he received an answer that no more rooms were available. Then. In indignation, the stranger he eaid he was from Hood River picked up his folded coat and Trom a pocket fell a quart bottle, which smashed on the tiles. The stranger moved quickly to the nearest exit and all the people In the lobby moved Just as quickly to the odorous pool In front of the desk. Occasionally Denton Burdick comes to rortland on matters political. His present visitation Is prompted by the bankers convention, for, although Mr. Burdick is a young man, he is a director in two banks, the Citirens" State bank of Mctoliii, and the Redmond National. C H. Miller, county commissioner of Deschutes, is also with the Redmond institution and is representing it at the convention. Vast herds of atoek compel George Dixon to pay an Income tax. Mr. Dixon, of Dixon &. McDowell, is one of the big stockmen of central Oregon and has his headquarters at Prineville. His range spreads over a large sec tion of tYook and adjacent counties. Mr. Dixon is spending aome'of his spare change attending the Rose Festival. Mrs. E. L. Crooker of Austin, Texas, has arrived to join her husband and attend the festival. Mr. Crocker Is in the government service and has been in Portland for several months working on the preparatlonxf evidence In a pending bank trial. Mr. Crooker comes from a state which Ham Hous ton and Colonel House have made famous. Save my room, I'm a little late, but I'm coming," long distanced F. D. Chamberlain, of Goodnough, to Lot CI. Swetland. at the Perkins, for during the festival rush Mr. Swetland is help ing Clerks Thompson and Farmer. Mr. Chamberlain announced that his ma chine had a break down and that he Is being towed Into Portland from somewhere. Mlkkalo Is practically- out of busi ness. Mikkalo has a population of 15 people and when Postmaster Frank Little and his family came to the Perkins to participate in the festivi ties now current, the town of Mikkalo scarcely had a quorum. It is in Gilliam county and 160 miles east of Portland. Joseph 3 Richardson, deputy state treasurer, and Fred W. Williams, mem ber of the state public service com mission, wedged in at the Hotel Ore gon. Mr. Richardson i. attending the bankers' convention and Mr. Williams has a conference on. Fred Stanley, .who was for years a fa miliar figure around Fourth and Stark streets, is among the visitors in Port land. He is now president of the Cen tral Oregon Irrigation company, and he registers from Deschutes town. Ora Van Tassel of Madras, manager of the Northern Grain Warehouse com pany, is in the city. The company owns about 10 or a dozen warehouses and is popularly supposed to control the ware house business in central Oregon. S. B. Williams of Lostine Is at the Imperial. Lostine Is in the Bection where lime, copper, gold and marble deposits are found; where there are several sawmills and a good dairying country. It is located in Wallowa county. One of the scores of bankers In Port land is J. R. Blackaby of Ontario, which town is as near being in Idaho as any Oregon town can be. Ontario will be the terminus of the old Oregon trail, which the state highway commission Is building. Ever since the office of state tax commissioner has been created. Charles Calloway has held the position. Yes terday he was in Portland looking at the parade and trying to find Governor Olcott. United States Senator T. P. Gore of Oklahoma tarried for a few hours be tween trains in Portland, Wednesday, The senator has visited Portland on various occasions and was welcomed here by a number of democrats. C. G. Emeneker dashed into the Per kins and registered from Aberdeen. A little later Mrs. C. G. Emeneker regis tered, and someone wrote after her name, "just married." The wedding service was performed In this city. Hawaiian visitors to Portland for the Rose Festival are somewhat numer ous this year. One of the latest ar rivals is J. Roumuns of Hilo, where he is connected with the Hilo hotel. He is at the Benson. G. L. Garrison, a Seattle newspaper man. accompanied by his wife and Alice Currie, motored down and reported the roads in Washington as bad. The party is at the Perkins. From Helslngfors, Finland, arrived Jacob de Julien and Peter Wolontis at the Benson. Accompanying them is a secretary engaged at Nesy York, by name of Berton Braley. A. T. Blrdsell developed something wrong within himself and is sick at the Benson. Mr. Bircrsell runs the Pilot Butte Inn at Bend, which Irvlt. Cobb says is good. Portland's assortment of roses was added to yesterday when Jack' Rose of New York registered at the Hotel Portland. Clyde McKay, who fills the' position of county treasurer for Deschutes county, is in Portland. Doubtless He's Been Timed Dows, PORTLAND, June 12. (To the Edi tor.) In answer to the egotistical let ter of a certain young major not a "shave-tail." I wish to express the sentiments of all true American girls. We admire, respect and even love our French sisters and above all we are not jealous of them. In fact, al though we are very glad that the vampish major so fervently wishes to go back to France, we care enough for our French sisters to be willing to en dure this young man to relieve them of the burden. But do not believe that we do not find some good qualities in the hand some major. In fact, we find he is very truthful and candid in expressing his ideaa. But with true American insight, we discover an idea be has not expressed. That is this: The reason he doesn't care for American girls is bocause they did not succumb to, his charms. Am I not correct, major? A COiUION AMERICAN G1RU More Truth Than Poetry. Br James J. Mutiiw. THE WAIL OF" A PIP. (Copyright by Bell Fyndlcste. Inc.) Man thinks he plays a lot of parts Before his years are rounded up. But say! He really never starts. He ought to try to be a pup. To be a pup, and have a boy With fresh Ideas every day Who takes a wild and fiendish joy Inventing parts for htm to play.. I've been a Boche in Belleau Wood And had Yank bullets shot at me; I've been a Turk and T have stoor. The gunfire at Gallipoli. I've been the Kaiser, oftentimes And bad a noose about my neck. The while I listened to my crimes . And rapidly became a wreck. I've been a hook and ladder horse And had them run me off my feet: I've been a thief, while half the force Pursued me madly down the street, I've figured at a barbecue The part assigned me was the ox But just as dinner time was due I always wriggled from- the box. I've been a lion and a bear, A tiger and a Hottentot And other creatures strange and rare. But always something that got shot. I've been old Jonah and the whale A cracker crate has thrown me up, I've been marooned, I've been In Jail. And still it's fun to be a pup! Rat Take Yoor Doctor With Yon. Sometime. Just by way of experiment. try to drink as many Ice cream sodas of an evening as you used to drink highballs. It Oonght to Be a Wonder. With her military limited to 'a hun dred thousand. Germany can have an army composed exclusively of major generals. Playlns;, of Course, la Not norklsg, Paderewskl must find it hard to set tle down to a premier's work after playing for the greater part of his life. The Snow. By Grace J- Hall. Frost and cold, cold and frost! Flaky flakes on the still air tossed; Laden trees that bend and droop. Huddled closely group to group; Bell and sleigh, sleigh and bell. Oh, whnt rapture they foretell! Glitter here and glitter there. Million diamonds everywhere. Falling, falling, ne'er a sound. Laying carpet all around; Fleecy things that flutter by White confetti from the sky; Angels want to let us know They're rejoicing hence the snow! Wonderment holds one in thrall When mysterious snowflakes fall; Tender things on spirit wings Bringing thought of holy things; Falling like a swift caress On the bonnet and the dress. They're so dainty, pure and white. Seems a pity they must "light." WHAT Mil. o. a. I.I.ARD SAID. Denies That He Advocated Soviet Form of Government. NEW YORK. June 6. (To the Edit or.) In The Oregonian June 1 you make the following astounding state ment: "Oswald Garrison Villard advo cated a soviet form of government for the United States in a recent speech in New l ork. Later on you kindly refer to me as having talked "sedition" and speak of my "disordered Intellect I beg to serve notice upon you that I have never, under any circumstances advocated a soviet form of government for the United States. On the contrary, in testifying recently before the New i ork state reconstruction commission they actually invited my "disordered intellect" to appear before them I dis tinctly stated that I was neither a so cialist nor a bolshevist and that I did not advocate a soviet form of govern ment. Is this sedition? Surely nobody in his sane senses would advocate the Introduction of the soviet in this coun try at least until we know how It Is going to work out abroad. My sole plea was that we study it and watch it i,nd see whether the economic basis for representation in legislatures Is more worthwhile than the gea graphical. OSWALD GARRISON VILLARD. The basis of The Oregonian's state ment was a report in the New York Tribune of a public speech made by Mr. Villard In which he was said to have distinctly advocated a soviet gov- trnment for the United States. The New York World had a similar article Now it appears that what he said was that wo study and watch the soviet form, ao as to see whether its "econ omic basis for representatives In leg islatures" may not be worth while. Mr. Villard has the same facility for making himself misunderstood that other parlor socialists and mischief- making intellectuals have who consort with the red-f taggers, and yet wonder why a question mark is placed upon their sound patriotism and their or dered intelligence. RIGHT A3 TO ONE TIII.XK 0tV American Girl's Husband Agrees With Major That Experience Is Hrlpfnl. VANCOUVER BARRACKS. Wash June 12- (To the Editor.) An article written by a certain "youthful major from Camp Lewis, .which appeared In The Oregonian June 8, attracts atten tion to the controversy begun months ago by somebody who lfad too much time to spare and which bids fair to become a Ions and tedious arialr. refer to the American-French girl Question. The "young major" author of the article In question, must be a bear- at least, in his ,own estimation. And, to be sure, his varied experience in such matters ought to make him ai authority on the subject. Withou doubt the experience gained by our self-confessed hero, in love affairs with Filipino. Mexican and Japanese damsels Qualifies him (in his opinion to pass Judgment upon the aptitude and qualities of the American girl! I fear that the "veteran major" failed to take into consideration the tact that a racial difference, to say the least, exists between his "experiences" and the American girl. No doubt, many among the feminine readers of The Oregonian feel honored by the "amiable major's" comparison. The "noble stand" taken by the young major is really one of Interest. However, does not the article in ques tion sound more like an advertisement of his "manly wares" than a challenge to the American girl? Or could it oe 0y any possibility, that for the major, as for the fox in the fable, the "grapes are sour?" "If we could only return to France!" sighs the major. ... Is it not heart breaking to think of our pretty young hero pining his heart away for the demoiselles of France? And to think that there are only three or four steamship lines making regular trips across! It is horrible to think of his being kept forever- in America. Shall we lend him the fare? I do not sympathize with the major; I have traveled rather extensively my self and lived in France for a period of over three years, in my late teens and early twenties and yet I have married an American girl. In one thing, the major is right. Experience is reat help'. ONE AMERICAN. In Other Days. TsHti.Htf Years Ago. From The Oregonian of June 13, 1n The Countess Wachtmoister, who is isiting the United States in intere.Ms of the theosophical (society, arrived m i'ortland last night. The captives of the Whitman massa cre are invited to be present toioa.-ro: afternoon at a meeting of the war -eterans. Thirty-one and falling" was the cheering news which the rter ob server at Umatilla telegraphed to Port land at 5 o clock last night. The report of the Boys' and Girtr- Aid society shows that In the nstt month were taken In at the hu.-ue nd SI were placed In pri-eote homes. Flf ty Years Ass. Frcw The Oregonian of June iv,n Washington. The cocinoiu of In first mortgage bonds of tly Hiijon la. clflc railroad, duo July 1, will bo paid June -5 In gold. Dr. James Scott, the new.- ecreiar- of Washington territory, arrived es- tcraay on the Orlnamme and called upon us. The Sundav schools of Trlnitv ami St. Stephen's. Portland; St. Luke's. Van couver; ht. John's. Milwaukle, and St. i'aui. Oregon City, joined in a big pic nic Saturday, going to Pleasant Grove by boat. Among Our citisena who returned n the Oriflamme after long absences were Senator Corbett and wife and J. Falling and wife. WHAT IS QIESTIO.Y AT ISSCEf Correspondent Says It Is Preservation of Constitution, Not Peace. KELSO. Wash.. June 8. (To the F.d- itor.) I have been following the edi torials In The Oregonian relative to the proposed league of nations. I have tried to ascertain the position of your paper upon this vital matter. I con fess that I am unable to understand just what position you are taking. In yesterday's paper there are two edito rials upon this subject. In one vou criticise the president for his course in me matter and In the other you inti mate that the senate should accept tho, peace treaty without amendment, else dire results may follow. If I under stand your position, you advise the sen ate that it should ratify the terms of peace, whatever they may contain. You say that the president has removed the word advice from the constitution, thus violating its plain terms, and then you advise tho senate to abdicate its constitutional powers and functions and accept the terms without amend ment, lour editorial Is a plain state ment that the president has violated the constitution and you invite the senate to do the same thing. It seems to me that there Is ono queptlon of the greatest importance to America, one question that overshad ows all others: "Is this a constitutional government or is it a personal govern ment?" Men and women are traveling all over this country openly distribut ing literature, or rather pamphlets, ad vocating the abolishment of the con stitution. The president is openly vio lating the constitution and The Orego nian is advising the senate to do the same thing. Both the constitution and the direct mandate of the people are being ignored from above and the con stitution is boing openly assaulted from below. Where are all these things leading us? Just before the last election Mr. Wil son announced that unless the people of this country returned a democratic congress their act would be a repudia tion of his leadership. The people took him at his word and repudiated his leadership. After the armistice was signed, in violation of the spirit and, in the opinion of the best legal author ity of this country, the letter of the constitution, he went to Paris to help negotiate a treaty of peace. After he had submitted his craiy scheme for a leafrtre of nations to the people and it met with criticisms from the senate, he announced that he would return to Paris and bring back a treaty in which his scheme should be so deeply Imbedded with the peace treaty as to make It impossible for them to be separated. This he has apparently done. No more flagrant attempt to exercise absolute power was ever made by any ruler in the history of the world. A repudiated leader, in violation of the constitution and in violation of the mandate of the people, attempts to force the country to accept .sight and unseen his sole mandate. The members of the senate of the United States have each taken an oath to support the constitution. That constitution requires them to obey its plain terms. They must exercise their judgment upon all questions af fecting the public welfare. If they shall find that the peace treaty is good and for the best Interests of the coun try, they should accept it. If they shall, in the exercise of their best jurig" ment. find the treaty bad and in viola tion of the constitution, what is their duty? They would appear to be placed between the devil and the deep sea. If they approve a treaty which they be lieve to be In violation of the constitu tion and against the best interests of the country, they will violate their oaths of office. If they shall observe their oaths, then they will bring upon the country all the horrors enumerated in your editorial. The issue before the world is not one of future war or peace. The real issue la whether constitutional and orderlv government shall exist or whether the world is to be governed by Ignorant mobs. The highest duty of America in a world of chaos is to preserve orderlv government. How can it do that with constant attacks from above and be low? The senate now finds itself in a po sition where it may either sustain con stitutional and orderly government or It may permit the destruction of both. The founders of this government huild ed wisely when they placed a provision' in the constitution requiring treaties to have the, approval of two-thirds the senate. That provision presupposes that the senators shall exercise their judgment. They are now trving to do that very thinjr. Despite the fact that they are denied knowledge of what Mr. Wilson is doing at Paris, they are try ing to find out. I believe that the ma jority of the senate have the courage and the sense to perform their full duty. This is in spite of the jeers of Kepi propagandists and but I refrain from mentioning other Influences that are working against them. I think that The Oregonian owes the duty to its readers of stating fullv sj-Al candidly the real issue. T. P. KISIv Maybe Poorer and Illgke; CoaS. Literary Digest. Real scarcity of coal in the ljfetims of any of us who are here today is an impossibility, we are assured by Flovd W. 1 'arsons, editor of the Coal Afr in a leading article. It is a fact, hovr ever, he reminds us. that in all line of production the first output is from the highest grade sources and trior most easily accessible. As coal mirr Ing goes on, therefore, we may expert high-grade sources to be first exhaust ed, and coal to become dear and poor er. And this is exactly what is hap pening. "The best coals are disap pearing and the lower-grade fuels wKh higher mining costs are now belnrs attacked." The writer dismisses anthra cite with a few words, as it comprises only about one-f lfteentb of our coal resources. He tells us simply that wo will mine In the next 20 years what we mined in the past 112. and that while we mine three tons we unavoid ably waste two. An increase of ax -pense with deterioration of quality will Jag the rulp here as elsewhere,