Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, August 28, 1912, Image 8

Morning Oregonian., August 28, 1912, Page 8, Image 8

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Newspaper Page TextTHE MORNING OREGONIAN. WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 28, 1912. rORTLAJf I. OUOOH. ' Eitmd at Portland. Oracoa. poatotflea obacrlbtloa Ratsa Invariably " Adraaee. ny. Inhr tactndad. yaar I-? Daily. Sunday Included, at months..... J" Dally. Bandar Included, three montha... Daily. Sunday Included, ona month ! Dally, without Sunday, ona year........ JJ Dally, without Sunday, at montha..... f-" wauy. wltnout Sunday, tnrae to Dally, wlthaut Sunday, ana month. Weakly, ana yaar tin bM.. .... ........ a-0 Sunday and Waakly. ona yaar " 1ST CARRIER.) ally, Sunday lncludad. ana year....." JJ How ( Hcmlt Sand Paatofflce "onT., dar, exprcae order or nereaaal chooh local bank. B lam pa. cola or "'nIlJzZ at the aendar-a ruk. OIt. poetoffloe andrea. is full. Including- oounty and atata. Feataa-a Bastaa 10 to 14 nasaa. 1 ta as paxae. a oenta; SO to 0 pax's. aa to AO saaraa. earns, foralca postage. double rata. . w astara Bastness fflees Varra Con a IB Nea York. Bmnswlck koUdin. Saa Fraadae Otfloa B. X BldwaU ca- K'i Market atreet. . , . European OIllc No. Keg ant street, a. w London. PORTLAND. WEDNESDAY. ArO. to. Ml. BIO LOAD ON THE OUTLOOK. The heavy duty has fallen upon the super-moral Outlook of supporting the Roosevelt game, and putting- up a plausible argument to suit any exl gency. Just now Dr. Abbott has set out-to show that the Republican elec tors of the various states are under no moral or legal obligation to vote for the Republican candidate. It is a her. culean task, but the Outlook tackles It blandly, garbling history without the blink of an eyelid to show that no elector's conscience need trouble him by such a trifle as violating a pledge imposed upon him by good faith and established precedent. We-reprint the Outlook's article elsewhere. As an example of Ingenious evasion and careful suppression of essential facts It is worth reading. The Outlook says the Republicans of Maine were for Reed (In 1898) and therefore the Presidential electors were under no obligation whatever in the electoral college to vote for Mc Klnley, who was nominated by the National convention. Why, then, did they do It? Because the Republicans of Maine had distinctly recognized the supreme authority of the National convention by sending a delegation there to procure the nomination of Mr. Reed. But they failed, and the Re. publican party, having participated through Its representatives in the Na tional convention, accepted Its decision and nominated electors who should rote for McKinley. In due course they voted for McKinley. Undoubtedly Maine had a clear moral right to choose electors who should vote for Reed, If it was not pleased with Mc Kinley. But good faith and good con science would have suggested that they run as Reed electors and not as Republican electors. ' The Democratic party In 1880 split In two, and nominated candidates in separate conventions. One convention formally named Douglas, the other formally named Breckinridge. Each claimed to represent the Democratic party.. The Democracy in the South ern states followed the Breckinridge convention and nominated electoral candidates ' pledged to Breckinridge; the Northern Democrats followed the Douglas convention and nominated candidates pledged to Douglas. There was no claim anywhere that the Doug las candidates should vote for Breck inridge or the Breckinridge candidates for Douglas. The Roosevelt Progres sive party makes no pretense that It Is any part of the Republican party, or that Its candidate Is the candidate for the Republican party. He is nom inated in opposition to the Republican candidate. He not only would defeat the Republican candidate, but he would destroy the Republican party. The electors who have been named by the Progressive party are distinctly pledged to vote for Mr. Roosevelt. If there Is no such pledge, and if there is no body or organization authorized to speak for the so-called Progressive party, the formality of holding a Na tional convention at Chicago was use less and ridiculous. A party in any National sense cannot be formed, and the rights of the states are supreme. If a National convention's nomination carries no weight beyond mere sug gestion. Of course a National political party must have coherency and unity of ex pression and action. The Roosevelt Progressives recognized the fact and complied with precedent when they met on August 6, effected an organiza tion, adopted a platform and nominat ed a candidate. Every progressive elector Is under a sacred and binding pledge to vote for Roosevelt in the electoral college. If he should not, but should vote for Taft, we fancy there would be something doing. SHOW THE FARMER HOW. The plan of promoting agricultural 'development adopted by the Central Oregon Development League has the 'merit of being eminently practical. The best advertisement Oregon can 'have is a well-developed, prosperous .state. The greatest factor In develop ment and prosperity is agriculture. Then let us do our. utmost, by the united action of Nation, state and county through.the Agricultural Col lege and all its agencies and- through the schools, to bring every tillable acre under cultivation, to make it produce 'the largest crop of that product to which It is best adapted and to pre serve and increase its fertility. That done, Oregon will need no advertising beyond the facts of its yield and of its people's prosperity. The greater part of the cultivated area of Oregon Is not producing up to its capacity. A much larger area of tillable land is not producing at all. The farmers now here and those yet to come need to learn how. Up-to-date farming, such as is taught at the Agri cultural College and at the demonstra tion farms, can greatly increase, in many cases double, the production of existing farms. Farmers' institutes and lectures can teach much to those who have already begun to practice the right methods, but the old-style farmer is naturally conservative and must be shown In order to be con vinced that scientific farming gives the best results. He can only be shown on a demonstration farm, which must be brought within his reach. Hence such farms should be sprinkled all over the state and should illustrate the cultivation of each kind of soil, Jn eav:h variety of climate and with each particular crop. This display of scientific farms "in motion." as it were. Is particularly needed by the newcomers. They may have been successful In New England, Pennsylvania or the Middle West, but may fail in Oregon, owing to novel conditions. They need to be shown how to adapt themselves to these con ditions, in order to insure their suc cess. Every citizen of Oregon has an Interest In their, "making good.'V for every new settler who- succeeds be comes a booster, while every one who fails becomes a detractor. The league s policy, thoroughly carried out, will raise a large crop of boosters, whose bank accounts will advertise Oregon as can no other means. SOILED LINEN. The dirty linen of the Republican campaign of 1904 is not particularly pleasant to see or to smell, but never theless It has become a prime issue for 1912. Mr. Roosevelt is ready to ex miatn TTa hna a-rnlnlned: but he deems ,. . . . . it wise to explain again. It all comes from his unfortunate association in 1904 with a lot of corrupt Repub lican bosses, who did not hesitate in hloArl the trusts and the corpora tions for much-needed campaign funds. Thsiatf wofa thii mAihods bv which Colonel Roosevelt was made President. No wonder he is ashamed oi nem. OTn learn nf the rip nth of his humilia tion eight years after he has had his cake and eaten It, and wnen ne is can ing for more cake. w know that Mr Ttnnsevelt nrotest- ed against the Standard Oil money, for he shows the letters written at me lima tn nrnvA it. It Was an urfcon- sMnnahl hrsorll nf his innocent trUSt in mere political bosses that they not only did not give tne money duck, um rlAmanriAri mnrfl. Probablv in due time we shali have Roosevelt letters insist ing that the $50,000 contributed ny George W. Perkins of "other people's mnnav ha rAtni-nAl- Tt will be re called that this is the sum the angelic PerV1n nrnmirsH from the New York Life Insurance Company for the Roose velt 104 campaign. Perkins was in dicted for grand larceny by an unfeel ing grand Jury which naa no just ap- nni-laHnn of tttA fact that the TTlOneV was really contributed by widows 'and orphans and other beneficiaries of a great life insurance concern and was therefore in fact a popular subscrip tion. However, the widows and or- Dhans knew nothing about their own beneficence at the time. But 1904 is, after all, a long time ago. Mr. La Follette "has been press ing the Penrose resolution for an in vestigation of the campaign funds of 1904 and of the Presidential primary ramnaiim of 1912. He wants an an swer to the carefully-ignored La Fol lette question as to where he got his money in 1912. Where indeed did Roosevelt get ill HELEN KELLER. An esteemed Eastern contemporary pauses in the whirl of politics and trade to wonder at the accomplish ments of Helen Keller. Certainly in any enumeration of the seven wonders of the modem world she ought to be included. Born without sight or hear ing, it must have seemed to her friends that she was forever shut out from the Joys and experiences of nor mal life. But her fate has been far other than that. Not only has she learned to do the things which make up the sum total of ordinary exist ence, but she has gone farther. She has written books. She has acquired the accomplishments of an elegant society dame. She, has even learned to sing. The lip language which en ables deaf and dumb persons to speak and understand without gestures Helen Keller must have acquired sole ly through the sense of touch, but for her that sense sufficed. Her marvel ous history suggests many questions Perhaps the most interesting of them Is this: Suppose the Infinite pains which were taken with her education could be spent upon each and every ordinary child. What kind of a world should we be living in after a decade or two? No doubt it would require a good deal of time and money to educate every child as well as Helen Keller was educated, but can anybody Indi cate a better way of spending them? Often animals are trained to better purpose than children. The tricks they are taught, considering tneir lim ited mental gifts, are almost miracu lous, and it is done by patient work upon their natural aptitudes. The best results of all are obtained by pa tient kindness without a trace of cru elty or constraint. If aft this can be achieved with animals, what might we not do with children if it were deemed worth while? Already there are indi cations of what a real education could effect for the human being. We have accounts of boys entering Harvard fully prepared at 8 or 10 years of ag. Doctor Maria Montessorl by her meth od makes idiots the intellectual equals of normal boys and girls when they enter the primary grades. The simple truth Is that genuine education, if we ever get hold of it, will transform the world for us. It will make Helen Kel lers of all our children. WHAT MAKES A GOOD FLAT. Tn tha fipntAmhAr numher nf the American Magazine Walter Prichard Eaton unfolds wlth some elaborate ness his Ideas of what a "good piay is. His definition may be summed up In the rermlrpmpnts that it should tell an Interesting story sincerely and with due attention to the technique or tne stage. He does not seem to believe that a love "element" Is essential to a good play, nor has he anything to say about "the unities," the "catastrophe" and other scholastic requisites wnicn figure so largely, in college treatises nn th. riT-nma. An a. matter of fact the public cares nothing at all for the ntflocii-ai ruiAa hv which the drama is sometimes supposed to be governed and the modern critic as onen as nai does not even know what they are. But for all that we are experiencing in this day and age of the world a genuine revival of the drama. More good plays are written and produced than in any period since the age of Elizabeth. The drama has come Into close touch with life and the machine made, stodgy, stage humbuggery of our fathers has given . place to plays which take high rank as literature. tvia niav writer of todav de Darts j fr-nm twtYtniln-r nrecp.dents In almost every imaginable way. In Tchekoffs tragi-comedies wnicn are recKoneo so Important In literary centers there is scarcely anv action and nothing re sembling a catastrophe. Perhaps the most notable of them wnicn nas Deen translated into English is "The Cherry Orchard," in which the solitary note is ineffectiveness. The characters dawdle, procrastinate and gibber. Knthlns- hannens. Nothing is done. The piece ends by the fading away of the persona rather tnan Dy any aen nite close and yet it is agreed that "The Che.rrv Orchard" is & Kreat and profoundly significant play. The theme is, of course, mucn tne same as that of Hamlet The tendency to move is always checked. In "Hamlet" It is sicklied o'er by the pale cast of thought, but it Is not too much think ing by any means which dulls the edge of action in Tchekofrs play. It is sim ple indolence, the disease of modernity which values luxurious ease above everything, else .in. the .world and de liberately closes the eyes to anything unpleasant '. which may lie in the future. It used to be taught that in order to have a real play there must be a conflict of some sort, a conflict of wills or of human volition with Fate or a clash of irreconcilable interests. The modern drama does not find any such requirement essential. There are any number of pieces without a conflict of any kind which have succeeded both on the stage and with the critics. Galsworthy's "Justice" is notably free from the element of Irreconcilable strife. Nobody wants to do wrong in that terrible play. The characters all act from righteous motives, and yet irreparable wrong is done. The pur pose of the piece is to expose the mal- arrangements of society in treating wrongdoers. The machinery Is so badly devised that evil Is done, al though all intend good. Galsworthy's purpose Is to show that faulty social adjustments turn good Into evil, re- versing the plan of Providence to bring good out of evil. He effects this rather by a harmony of wills than by a conflict. Again there Is a distinct tendency in some of the best current plays to leave the love element out al together or make little of it if it is introduced. We all used to fancy that even a short story must be defective unless It involved sex interest, but so many excellent ones have been written without vestige of it that we are convinced of the contrary by this time. The absence of love scenes does not appear to interfere with the popular ity of stage plays if other conditions are what they should be. The truth of the matter is that it is Impossible to lay down any fixed principles for making a good play be yond Mr. Eaton's requirement of sin cerity and a moderate skill in stage technique. Any piece which pleases an audience and at the same time pu rifies their thoughts either by mirth or grief Is a good play. In the same way no piece which is debasing to those who see It ought to be approved by a critic. No literary excellence can compensate for bad morals any more than a sweet flavor can render poisonous food desirable. Bad moral ity is bad art in the theater, as in pictures and statues. It ought to be understood, however, that we do not mean truth-telling when we say bad morality. . We do not belong to the ethical school which believes in sup pressing facts In order to uphold vir tue. Virtue, as we see it, is founded on facts and cannot exist without them. The less truth we have the less morality. Hence we cannot Join in any outcry against nude statues or pic tures merely because they are nude, nor can we condemn Ibsen's plays be cause they tell unpleasant truths. The best literature on the stage or in books keeps nearest to the realities of the world. This is no doubt pretty nearly what Mr. Eaton means by sincerity. There has been a fashion of stigmatiz ing a play as immoral when It treated social diseases seriously, while any quantity of amusing trifling with vice was permitted. Indeed vice might be made alluring on the stage, but It must never be dealt with as the cancerous thing It really is. It was this pervert ed way of estimating the drama which caused audiences to look askance at Bernard Shaw's plays years ago and still makes Brieux unavailable in most theaters. Of course a sincere play cannot always end pleasantly. - An author who treats life honestly must bring some of his characters to misery when they deserve happiness, must sunder lovers and slay the good while the wicked triumph. That is what life does and the romanticist who hopes for anything better than momentary popularity must present life as it is re vealed to his vision.- If It is sad his plays will be tragic and he cannot help it. If he sees the Joyous side of the world he will write comedies, but it is preposterous to think that a Jolly play Is for that reason any better or greater than a gloomy one. A SINGLE SIX-YEAR TERM. Two progressive leaders have locked horns in the Senate on the question of a six-year term for the President, with limitation to one term. ' The combatants were Senator. Cummins, who espoused the cause of Senator Works' single six-year term resolution, probably with thoughts of how he might have been the Republican nom inee but for Roosevelt's ambition for a third term, and Senator Borah, who did much to forward that ambition. The debate was interesting, not only as bringing forward the arguments for and against re-eligibility, but as re vealing a difference of opinion among the Progressives as to which is the better means of putting in effect that popular will to which both Cummins and Borah express readiness to bow. With the matter directly at Issue there became involved the subject of the Initiative and that of rendering easier amendments to the Federal Constitution. Cummins contended that the Presi dent should be ineligible for re-election in order that he might be freed from temptation to exercise his im mense power over 400,000 subordi nates in forwarding his ambition for re-election and from the coercion of influences that always surround one invested with great power. As the Constitution now stands, a man. is no sooner elected than he begins to think of re-election. That thought may come to influence his every action. The Senator invoked progressive advocacy of the initiative as a reason why all who are of his way of think ing should vote for submission of Works' amendment, whether they ap proved the amendment itself or not. He maintained that, "whenever a re spectable proportion, of the people demand an opportunity to determine whether a given change shall be made in the Constitution, It Is our bounden duty to give tfem that opportunity." He announced his opposition to recall of judicial decisions, but said if he were shown that half the voters be lieved in such a policy he would vote to submit an amendment carrying it into effect. Borah contended that the proposed change implied distrust of the people's wisdom and would deprive the Nation of the benefits of experience. It would prevent the Nation from continuing good men in office and from displac ing bad men short of six years. He. saw behind the resolution a baseless fear that the people would not act wisely and expressed his readiness to trust them. He foresaw danger that the amendment would force the Na tion to change Presidents when reten tion of the incumbent was necessary to tide over a crisis. As an example he cited the conditions in 1864, when Lin coln was re-elected. He contended that, in voting upon the submission of an amendment, a Senate must vote according to his convictions on the merits of the amendment and not ac cording to popular demand for an op portunity to vote upon it. He upheld the- wisdom of giving a President the opportunity to secure approval or dis approval of his course by popular vote The force of Cummins' argument lies in the temptation held out to a President to use his official power In procuring a re-election. Estimating the electorate at 20,000,000 and the Federal employes at 400,000, an ambl. tious and unscrupulous President might call Into service 2 per cent of the voters to influence the result of an election. With a large proportion already favorable to such a candidate, two active, energetic men, moved by self-interest, working among each hundred voters, could frequently turn the scale. That this is no illusory danger we know by experience, and though the civil service law has great- ly lessened it, we are not secure from it. Relieved of this temptation, the President would be more apt to have a single eye to rendering good service. Here arises the question of whether a President would administer the Government with more upright, de voted, patriotic spirit when ineligible to re-election - than when eligible. In the latter case he would be tempt ed to seek immediate popular applause with a view to reaping its fruits In re election at the expense of that perma. nent fame which would come in after fears. In the former case a man big enough In every way for the office and taking a long look ahead both to the ultimate welfare of the Nation and to his own permanent place in history would be ready to brave tem porary popular disapproval. Had a less strong-willed, patriotic man tnan Cleveland been President during the free-silver craze of the '90s and had he not felt the way to another, term barred by precedent, he might have yielded to the clamor of a majority of his own party and of many of the opposite party. He might have com mitted the Nation to a financial pol icy fraught with disaster and have been rewarded with another term. Cleveland, having no expectation of another term, set his back to the wall and earned the execrations of the sil ver fanatics, but he won lasting re nown as a great, patriotic President. To forbid re-election of a President Implies no distrust of the people be yond that which the people have of themselves. ' The whole Constitution Is a body of limitations, placed by the people themselves, on the exercise or their undisputed power. This would be but an added limitation adopted by the people of their own free will. Borah's objection would be met by facilitation of Constitutional-amendment, which is-recommended by the Roosevelt platform, with which he is in sympathy, though he remains a Republican. The danger to the National interests through a change of Presidents in a time of crisis such as existed during the Civil War is too remote to be a serious factor. The people can be re lied uDon to elect a new President who will carry on those policies of a retir ing President which they approve. The nennle need fewer elections ana their public servants need to be freed from the disturbing influence of fre quent campaigns. With a six-year term and with ineligibility we snouia have longer periods of . calm, better service, more continuity of policy and wider interest in elections when they do come. when ono considers how nearly im- r.ftccihlA mnrlorn Inventions have made It for criminals to hide or outrun the law, one is Inclined to wonder that crime is not on the decrease. tsui v.An atia te romlnilAil that the same means by which the law runs down criminals are also avanaDie ior me mmmisaion nf crime and for evasion of capture. Criminals are as up-to- date as honest men in their metnoas and are free from the scruples which hamper honest men. The odds are in favor of the law only because the av erage criminal is more or less ignor n Kaf-HTSQ thA rnpn who are most (hUH UV.-.fc.Mf' . expert lnt he use of modern inven tions are too highly developed miei i.niiniiv tn hprnme criminals and are ready to lend their knowledge to th detection of criminals and because tne criminal Is handicapped by fear and by the knowledge that every man's hand is against him. Th o-rlef of the British newspapers at the dishonor with which Congress has covered the United states is poig nant and heartrending. They have constituted themselves the guardians of American honor and are filled with waa at nnr fall from grace, we can nnii imhnirt nnr honor in British es timation by refusing, to foster our own coastwise commerce, in wnicn no ior elgn nation can have a part, while leaving Great Britain free to use any means she pleases to foster her own commerce, both coastwise and for Aion ThA onlv kind of a bargain which Is honorable in British opinion is one which gives the English all they ask and leaves the Americans to pay the bills. TTxrnintinn in naval warfare is shown in the use as a target of the ram Ka tahdin, which nearly a generation ago was looked upon as the hope of the Navy, but which, like the dynamiter Vesuvius, failed to connect with ex- pectatlons. Maw Vnrk'a 400 must have the cold shivers on learning that the names of owners of disorderly houses are to be nubllshed and that the owners are to be prosecuted. A large part of the Blue Book may become a piacKiist. ThA autnmnbiln never can wholly i-AniaoA thA horse In action, and he is seen at his best at the Country Club races this week. The trotter is poetry of motion exemplified. Maw nnssihllitien of Wallowa County are discovered with regularity that does not diminish. The latest is an average yield of fifty-four bushels of wheat. There is nothing in the arduous line Portland erirl can't do, from climb ing Mount Adams or Mount Hood to swimming the Willamette. Lnuis Hill's idea of scenery on stamps is good. In that way many people will "see America." ' Little Mildred Green is burled and the case bids fair to go into the list of unsolved mysteries. Alice Brown's release is a demon stration of the power of tears over a senile admirer. - Diplomacy prescribes rheumatism so the Kaiser can keep his hands oft Switzerland. Speaking of "come backs," the can didacy of Bourke Cockran Is hoary. Just enough shower to wash the dust -off the; hops. PRESIDENTIAL. ELECTORS' JJUTY How- the Rooaevelt Periodical Views the Situation. The Outlook. A National convention called by the party leaders recommends to the peo ple of the various states a candidate for the Presidency. Ordinarily, the state accepts, as a matter of course, the decision of the National convention. Thus, when Mr. McKinley was nomi nated, Mr. Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, was a prominent candidate, but when the National convention decided in favor of Mr. McKinley the Republicans in the State of Maine accepted the de cision and nominated electors to vote for him. But the State of Maine was under no obligation to accept the action of the National ' convention, and the Republicans in the State of Maine had both a legal and a moral right to elect Presidential Electors to vote for Mr. Reed. The Presidential Electors are elected by the state, not by the Na tional convention, and when so elected are In honor bound to represent the state, not the National convention. In 1860 a number of the states exer cised this right. The National Demo cratic Convention nominated Stephen A. Douglas. The states south of Mason and Dixon's line refused to accept the candidate recommended by the Demo cratic convention, and voted for Mr. Breckinridge. They voted for him as a Democrat on Democratic tickets. The Presidential Electors chosen in those states voted, without exception, for Mr. Breckinridge, and no one questioned their moral right, and, indeed, their moral duty, so to vote, v In 1912 the Republican National Con vention recommended the states to vote for Mr. Taft for President. Several of the states indicate very clearly that they do not Intend to accept this recom mendation. They nave a penect moral right not to accept it. The Republicans in those states have the same right to nominate Presidential Electors pledged to vote for Mr. Roosevelt, or for any other candidate the state may choose, which the Democrats exercised In the Southern states when they rejected the recommendation of the Democratic con vention and voted for Mr. Breckinridge. There is no eround In law or morals for the claim that the Republicans in the various states are under oWlga tlon to nut on the state ticket the names of electors pledged to vote for Mr. Taft. They have both a legal and a moral right to put on their state tickets electors pledged to vote tor any Presidential candidate whom they wish voted for in the Electoral College. Their whole moral obligation Is fulfilled it thev make it clear for whom the Presi dential Electors intend to vote In the Electoral College. - SPEED REGULATION IS UNFAIR So Says Mr. Winch, Who Glvea Auto Owners Views. PORTLAND, Aug. 24. (To the Edi tor.) I wish to again call the atten tion of citizens to the Impractical and outrageous manner in which the speed ordinance regarding automobiles is beinsr enforced. It Is simply making a laughing stock of us to anyone who knows anything about autos and their management. We might as wen recognize the fact first as last that automobiles have come to stay, that thev are Indispensable in handling the business of our city and country, and as such a necessity they should be treated as such, when properly handled, and the city has no moral right to issue a license to anyone until he has demonstrated he can handle a car practically. This examination snouia De in the hands of an experienced chauf feur and no license should be is sued until a certificate of competency had been secured from him. There are but a small percentage of drivers who are reckless, and with the exercise of ordinary observation they could be easily eliminated. Most drivers are trying to conduct their use of autos properly. There is no reason why autos should travel any slower than streetcars. - You have a speed limit on the bridges of eight miles an hour and I have been holding tne streetcars to that limit since I re turned much to the disgust of the motorman. A speed of 12 miles Is perfectly safe. You have a-speed limit on Grand avenue of ten miles, while you allow the streetcars any old speed. Nieht before last my son iook an auio ride with a friend. Both boys I know to be careful and experienced chauf feurs. They were arrested on Orand avenue and fined $25. My. son is as good a Judge of speed as any man who knows anything about an auto. He tells me there were but few vehicles on the street at the time and no pos sible dansrer to anyone. I think such unnecessary and impractical interpre tation of the ordinance Is an outrage, and can only be interpreted as un necessary and vicious persecution, and I think it Is high time to call a halt in this sort of interpretation of the speed ordinance. MARTIN WINCH. WEST MAKES GRANDSTAND PLAY Governor's Actions and Statements Are Analyzed by Writer. ONTARIO. Or.. Aug. 26. (To the Editor.) After reading Governor West's statements made on last Satur day as to what he is going to do to Portland, and how and why he Is go ing to do it, there can be no doubt in the mind of any disinterested reader that the chief motive . behind all this tumult is the advancement of the Gov ernor's political career. If his motive were tne suppression of vice, on the prosecution of criminals, he certainly knows that those ends can much more effectively be attained by quiet and unostentatious inquiry and a few words of timely warning to de linquent officials here and there, and such a course of action would have saved the cities which he has made the objects of his attacks much unmerited derogatory advertising. If he had the Interests of the state, and the munici palities of the state at heart, instead of his own political prospects, he would not have indulged in the spectacular threats of war talk that have charac terized his speech for the past lew days. "If I can t get it (co-operation oi me local officials) I will clean up the town single-handed. ... I may be taken home on a shutter, but I am here to enforce the law." "I am spending my own money; it is-taking half of my salary, and I will probably go out of the office 'broke,' but I had rather do that, and know that I had done all in my power to enforce the law." These statements, publicly made In conference with municipal and state offi cials in Portland, need no explanation, considered in determining the motives behind the Governor's present actions. a. w. a. Deacent of "Remacadamlilng." Youth's Companion. "Remacadamizing" Is said to be on more mixed descent than any other word In the English language. It owes its derivation to six different languag es. "Re," which denotes repetition, or doing over again, is Latin. "Mac," meaning the son of, is Gaelic. "Adam" is Hebrew for the first man; "iz," an other form of "ize," comes, through the French, from the Greek verbal termina tion "izein;" and "ing" is English. And all this because John Macadam, In 1819, devised a new way of building roads with broken stone! Echo of Befo' De Wan Darkey. Woman's Home Companion. The old "fo" de wah" darkey had asked a young attorney to write him a letter on his typewriter. "And Is that all you want to say, Rastus?" queried' the man of law, at the close of the epistle. "Yes, sah. 'ceptin' yop might say. 'Please scue pooh spellin' an a bad pen." ' RECALL. -OF WEST. IS-- ADVOCATED Sugseatlon Made By Mr. Stewart In doraed By Mr. Wilaon. CORVALLIS. Or., Aug. 2. (To the Editor.) Section IS, page 9, Laws of 1909 Constitutional Amendment, car ried in the election of 1908 by a vote of 58,381 for (and over a vot of 31, 002 against) the amendment, provides, that "every public officer in Oregon is subject . . . to recall by the legal voters of the state, or of the electoral district where he is elected." This re call Is set in motion by a petition of 25 per cent of the number of voters who voted for Justice of the Supreme Court In the preceding election. There may be several candidates voted for in the recall election, and the officer for whom the election Is held may also be a candidate. The one receiving the majority vote Is elected. This at a special election held for that purpose. The letter of Mr. Charles Stewart, printed in'The Oregonian offering to contribute $1000 to a fund to set a re call in motion against Governor West, is strictly to the point, and is bound to attract widespread attention. I voted for Mr. West for Governor, and I am heartily ashamed of it. Not because he is a Democrat, for' there are as many good men who are Democrats as there are good men who are Repub licans; but for the reason he has prac tically annulled the criminal law of the state by an abuse of the power of the veto and of the reprieve. Would Mr. Bowerman have done so? You may be sure he would not. I would like to get another opportunity to vote for Governor and Mr. Bowerman would certainly be my choice. Now, I am not a rich man, but I will give both time, and money to set this recall In motion. I would sug gest the propriety of having Mr. Bow erman placed in nomination by the Re publicans, and any one else they please; and that some good, clean, sound, - law-abiding citizen like, Judge W. S. McFadden, of Corvallis, or J. K. Weatherford', of Albany, or J. W. Ham ilton, of Roseburg, or Evan Reames. of Medford. Let any one of a hundred clean, learned and dignified Demo crats in the state of Oregon be placed in nomination for Governor, and also Governor West. That would give a fair opportunity for every one to ex press an unbiased opinion on the sub ject and would leave a better feeling at home and abroad than the present chaotic condition of the Governor's of fice. If Mr. West Is as Independent as he professes to be, he should be the first man to submit his policies as Governor to a vote of the people of the state, for that is what a recall would mean. There is nothing per sonal In this matter. I have never seen Governor West, or heard him speak. But I have been much humili ated abroad to hear him and his man ner of conducting the Governor's of ice of the great state of Oregon dis cussed by persons who did not know I was an Oregonian. J. H. WILSON, PRAISE OF GOV. WEST'S WORK Executive Policies Defended In Reply to Mr. Stewart a Letter. REEDVILLE, Or., Aug. 26. (To the Editor.) I want to take this opportun ity and this space in The Oregonian to voice my protest against the action of a correspondent who is so very bit ter in his denunciation of Governor West, even so far as calling him "worse than a murderer," because he is holding up the death penalty until the people at the Fall election shall decide whether or not that law shall stand or fall. I am not condemning the death penalty as a punishment for the murderer. I question, however. whether its abolishment would create a condition as alarming as Mr. Stewart would have us believe It would. I don't believe the vision of the gallows ever dawned In the eyes of a man who had murder In his heart; he is Intent only on one thing to shed Innocent blood. Furthermore, the state gives the Governor - the pardoning power The taxpayers stand back of . that power and 'f Governor West is "worse than a murderer, as Mr. Stewart wants us to believe, the people who put him into office and gave him that pardoning power stand guilty with him. Pause and . reflect, Mr. Stewart. We who have read of your son's awful death were grieved and shocked at the occurrence. Surely, we must sympa thize with you In your sad hour. But I must say that Governor West is not quite as bad as you say he is. You say he gives protection only , to criminals. I invite you to keep close tab on- the Governor's doings in some of our cities and towns. In the way of driving out dirty grafting officials from office. I believe Governor West Is one of the cleanest, most honest officials that Oregon can boast of. Your accusation Is not only aimed at Governor West, but at the law which gives him the power and the voter who put him into office. That means not only myself, but thousands of well-respected, law-abiding fellow citizens. O. E. FKAMK. PROHIBITION . STAND OUTLINED. Campaigners Tell of Principles on Which Fight Ia Made. COTTAGE GROVE, Or., Aug. 26. (To the Editor.) We are pleased to observe that in The Oregonian today you are able to approve some features of our campaign as Prohibition party candidates for United States Senator and Congressman respectively. Your criticism of our position seems to be based upon the theory that our National platform recognizes the evils of the liquor traffic as the supreme and only political issue. Allow us to point out that the increase of the consumption of alcoholio liquors of which you speak, together with the consequent increase of crime, insanity, etc., and the tremendous influence of the liquor trust in politics furnishes the best kind of reason for the exist ence of the Prohibition party, and also for the strenuous campaign we are en gaged in putting up for the ticket and for ourselves. The fact, however, is that we are making this campaign no more for the Issue of the prohibition of the liquor traffic than for the fundamental prin ciples of the Prohibition party, that the conscience and intelligence of the decent majority of our citizenship should be effectively represented in the affairs of government. It Is this basic principle of good gov ernment that underlies not only the first plank, but every one of the 16 planks in our platform and it is upon this principle that we are making our campaign. The only means by which. this may be accomplished is by getting the bet ter class of citizens united in one party and working together, instead of con tinuing the old method of destroying the effectiveness of their citizenship by dividing Into two camps, each antag onistic to and fighting the other. B. LEE PAGET. O. A. 6TILLMAN, Woman Made Good as Poatmlatreas. VANORA, Crook County, Oregon, Aug. 26. (To the Editor.) I notice in The Oregonian an intimation from Wash lngton," D. C, that a woman has never been postmaster at an office of any consequence, and consequently it is not good policy to give Mrs. Merrick the appointment of postmistress at Port land In compliance with the request of Portland's moat prominent citizens. In reply to this, I desire to say that Mrs. Virginia Thompson was as good a post mistress as Louisville, Ky., ever had. She was appointed under President Gar field's Administration, and, if I am not mistaken, she served more than one term, too. Louisville is and always has been a city of considerable more population-than Portland. Or. JOHN T. DIZNEY. Spoils of the Chase Why should the sportsman deck hii walls With hides of moose and buffalo. And deer and elk? and say: "My gun Made all this bunch of stuff fall low." Why should he drape the cougar's pelt About his Summer bungalow, And have the bearskin and tli lynx And other pelts all hung below? Thinks he to give a true display -Of prowess of his trusty shotgun? If that's the case, he well might seek A better system and I've got one. Some budding sport might drape his self. With dainty scalps of brown or yel low, Clipped, tn the distant woods, from off The skull piece of some unknown fellow. And each should have a label clear; "Mistaken for a deer, or bison An elk. a moose, an elephant " Each one should have a true device And on the wall, a hat perhaps. With birdshot punctures, neat and pleasant. Would show the record of his friend Mistaken for a China pheasant. Nearby a- skeleton should hang With bones arrayed to waggle neatly; "He was mistaken for a deer," These words would give the tale com pletely. Or if the young sport hath no taste About his den thus to be hanging The trophies of the hunting chase. Why goes he forth with wild bang banging? Better Indeed, if forest air By gunning sounds should not be shaken; Might he not take a camera? Then 'twill not hurt If he's mistakon. Dean Collins, Portland, Aug. 27. Half a Century A.go From Th Oretroninn of AukuM 2S. 1M2 The Union publishes accounts of the war meetings held in the Middle and New England states, and the rapidity with which the ranks were filling up by volunteering shows that the 800,000 men first called for will be filled up without difficulty. New York. Aug7i4. The Tribune's correspondent at headquarters. Army of Virginia, at Cedar Mountain, says the army is again on the march and that march Is a retreat. An order was issued today to be ready to start at once, and before two hours all the tents and baggage had gone to the rear. We understand the whole army of Virginia is retreating. All sorts of rumors are afloat that the whole army of Richmond Is advancing, and the rebels are attempting to turn our left flank. In a word, they are marching straight on to Fredericksburg and Washington. The steamship Oregon sailed last evening for San Francisco with nearly 600 passengers and $150,000 In treasure per Wells, Fargo & Co., and an equal amount per private shippers. The atmosphere yesterday was nearly red hot. The thermometer stood at 92 degrees In cool places, while In the sunshine it ran up to 114 degrees. There was a great demand for ice cream, lemonade and like cooling beverages. COL. WOOD'S IDEAS ARE LAUDED Debasing- Influences of Poll t Ira Also Regretted by Mr. Bargrr. PORTLAND, Aug. 24. (To the Edi tor.) The article in The Oregonian Saturday by Mr. C. E. S. Wood reaches the meat of the principles Involved. Mr. Wood speaks my Ideas exactly and they are the results of sincere thought on Mr. Wood's part; otherwise he could not have made his conclusions so clear. Now If a few more hqnorable citizens of this state would prove their manhood by being as sincere toward the ends for the general good we would not find it necessary to depend on our Chief Exe cutive to enforce the laws. At the same time It does not reach at the bottom of evil things to fly at one thing, then another. I bolleve Mr. Stevens is right in his assertions also. Now one man never did, never can or never will be able to do It all and do It right. I wouldn't care if a man was ten times an anarchist, or anything else, as long as he was sincere and working for the general good of mankind. To blazes with politics if politics means the cor ruption of manhood to such an extent that all the best principles of real man hood are forgotten. Give us enough to live on comfortably with our families and erase the corruptive ideas of graft and greed. Get back Just once In the position where you can remember your mother and her simple but honest teachings, then look over your deeds in your struggle for greed and face yourself honestly to see If you recog nize any manhood. What is more de spicable than a hypocrite? As Mr. Wood says, we should not murder for vengeance and it does no good to the murderer himself to hang him. There fore why not go at every matter In a sincere manner to get results? It is the man who makes a good honest finish that Is to be honored. Think a bit E. G. BARGER. Ia Organized Crime General f BAY CENTER, Wash.. Aug. 23. (To the Editor.) The leading editorial in The Oregonian of August 16 has in terested me much. I have read it, and reread it. It vexes me by some dis quieting questions that persist. A year or two ago the most of the daily press was sedulously cultivating the Impression that the muck had all been raked, the public stables an cleaned. We were instructed that the magazines showed belated intelligence in not recognizing the fact. Since then we have been hearing of Pitts bursr. Atlantic City, Detroit and others not a few, all with the sordid tale. Now comes the latest from New York, to cap the climax. Are these sinners above all the cities In Israel, or merely the ones caught with the goods? There is a perslBtent Impression that the latter guess is not far from truth. That there are a muituuae oi nonesi po licemen and other public servants no nnA of sense doubts. That Is a differ ent matter. Is organized graft, known to those who are "in" and tairiy evi dent to all who have eyes, well nigh universal? If so. wnere . are we air What's up to us? What's the answer? Who Made the First Dollr Dundee (Scotland) Advertiser, History fails to tell the Inventor of the doll, which has been such a boon to mankind, not only In quieting the rowdy youngster, but in stimulating a healthy imagination and affection. Five hundred years before cnrist mtie gins had dolls: there is sure evidence of It, and Edward Lovett. an enthusiastic collector, has a doll from tnose oim ages. It Is little more than a battered stick now, but Is unmistakably a doll. No one could name a tair vaiue ior aucn a prize, which stands out as a proof that the child of today is singularly liks her little sister of some 250O years ago. Sorely a Sick Man. Detroit Free Press. "He never kicks on the umpire's de cisions." "Doesn't, eh? nail- V1m Jn.irn Inr 1 1 Q V I n O- Ailt lata tlA even admits that she's right, too."