THE MORXIXG OREGOXIAX, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 7, 1913.
promises to do everything would reduce
business to complete ruin If tt were not
also so drawn aa . to accomplish almost
nothing.
As construed by the Democratic platform
tne anti-tiuat law would. If It could oe en
forced, abolish all business of any fllxe
any efficiency. The promise thus to apply
and construe the law would undoubtedly be
broken, but the mere fitful effort thus to
apply tt would do no cood whatever, would
accomplish widespread barm, and would
bring all trust legislation Into contempt.
Contrast what has actually been accom
dished under the lnter-stats commerce la
with what has actually been accomplished
under the anti-trust law. The first has. on
the whole, worked in a highly efficient
manner and achieved real and great re
suits, and It promises to achieve even great
er results (although I firmly believe tha'
if the tower of the Commissioners growi
greater. It will be necessary to make them
and their superior, the President, even
more completely responsible to the people
for their acts). The second has occasion
ally done good, has usually accomplished
nothina. has generally lert tne worst con
dltionn whotlv unchanged, and has been re
sponsible for a considerable amount of
downright and posltlvo evIL
Administrative Plaa Favored.
What Is needed is the application to all
Industrial concerns and all co-operating In
terests encaged in interstate commerce
which there Is either monopoly or control
of the market of the principles on which
we have gone in regulating transportation
concerns engaged In such commerce. l n
anti-trust law should be kept on the statute
books and strengthened so as to make It
genuinely and thoroughly effective against
every big concern tending to monopoly or
guilty of anti-social practices. At me same
time. a National industrial commission
should he created which should have com
plete power to regulate and control all the
great Industrial concerns engaged In inter
state business which practically means all
of them In this country. This commission
should exercise over these Industrial con
rerns like powers to those exercised over
the railways by the interstate commerce
Commission, and over tne national nan
by the Controller of the Currency, and
additional powers If found necessary. The
establishment of such a commission would
enable us to punish the Individual rather
than mereley tne corporation, jusi u w
now do with banks, where the aim of the
Government is. not to close the bank, but
to bring to Justice personally any Dana
official who has gone wrong. This com
mission should deal with all the abuses
of the trusts all the abuses such as those
developed by the Government suit against
the Standard Oil and Tobacco Trusts as
the Interstate Commerce Commission now
deals with rebates. It should have com
plete power to make the capitalisation ab
solutely honest ana put a stop to au
watering. Such supervision over the Issu
ance of corporate securities would put a
stop to exploitation of tne people by Dis
honest capitalists desiring to declare divi
dends on watered securities, and would
open this kind of Industrial property to
ownership by the people at large. It should
have free access to the books of each cor
poration and power to find out exactly how
It treats its employes, its rivals, and the
general public It should have power to
compel the unsparing publicity of all the
- acta of any corporation which goes wrong.
Tha regulation should he primarily under
the administrative nranca 01 tne uovern
ment, and not by lawsuit- It should pro
hibit and effectually punish monopoly
achieved through wrong, and also actual
wrongs done by Industrial corporations
which are not monopolies, such as the artl-
rirlal ralilns of orlces. tne artltlciai re
striction on productivity, the elimination of
competition by unfair or predatory prac
tlres. and the like: leaving industrial or
ganisations free within the limits of fair
and honest dealing to promote inrougn me
Inherent efficiency of organization the
nower of the United States as a competl
tive nation among nations, and the greater
abundance at home that will come to our
people from that power wisely exercised.
Any corporation voluntarily coming under
the commission should not be prosecutea
under the anti-trust law as long as it obeys
in rood faith the orders of the commission.
The commission would be able to Interpret
In advance, to any honest man asking the
Interpretation, what he may do and what
he may not do in carrying on a legitimate
business. Any corporation not coming un
der the commission should be exposed to
Drosecutlon under the anti-trust law. and
any corporation violating the orders of the
commission should also at once become ex-
nosed to such Drosecutlon: and when sucn
a prosecution Is successful. It should be the
i . . - -iW i i . . . . , V. A
UUIJ VI 1MB CVU1UIUOIWH 11 " I ... I ...V "
cree of the court Is put Into effect com
Dletelv and in good faith, so that the com
bination is absolutely broken up. and Is not
allowed to come together again, nor the con
stituent parts thereof permitted to do busi
ness save under tne conditions iaia aown
by the commission. This last provision
would prevent the repetition of such gross
scandals as those attendant upon the pres
ent Administration's prosecution of the
Standard Oil and the Tobacco Trusts. The
Supreme Court of the United States in con
demning these two trusts to dissolution used
language of unsparing severity concerning
their actions. But the decree was cameo
out In such a manner -as to turn into a
farce this bitter condemnation of the crlm
Inals by the hlghert court in the country.
Not one particle of benefit to the commun
ity at larce was sained: on the contrary.
the prices went up to consumers, independ
ent competitors were placed In greater
ieoDardv than ever before, and tne posses
ions of the wrong-doers greatly appreciated
In value. There never was a more flagrant
travesty of Justice, never an Instance In
which wealthy wrongdoers benefited more
conspicuously by a law which was supposed
to be aimed at tnem. ana wnicn onuouui
edly would have brought about severe pun
ishment of less weaitny wrong-uoers.
Honest Business Not Threatened.
The Progressive proposal is definite. It
is practical. We promise nothing that we
cannot carry out. We promise nothing
which will Jeopardize honest business. Wo
promise adequate control of all big business
and the stern suppression or tne evils con
nected with big business, and this promise
we can absolutely keep. Our proposal Is to
help honest business activity, however ex
tensive, and to see that it Is rewarded with
fair returns so that there may be no op
pression either of business men or of the
common people. we propose to make it
worth while for our business men to de
velop the most efficient business agencies
for use in International trade; for It is to
the interest of our whole people that we
should do well In International business. But
we propose to make those business agencies
do complete Justice to our own people.
Every dishonest business man will unques
tionably prefer etther the programme of
the Republican convention or tne programme
of the Democratic convention to our pro
posal, because neither of these programmes
means or can mean what it purports to
mean. But every honest business man. big
"or little, should support the Progressive
programme, and it is the one and only
programme which offers real hope to all
our people: for tt la the one programme
under which the Government can be used
with real efficiency to see Justice done by
the big corporation alike to the wage-earners
It employs, to the small rivals with
whom it competes, to the investors who
purchase Its securities and to the con
sumers who purchase its products, or to
the general public which It ought to serve,
as well aa to the business man himself.
We favor co-operation in business, and
ask only that It be carried on in a spirit ot
honesty and fairness. We are against crooked
business, big or little. We propose to pen
alize conduct and not size. But all very
big business, even though honestly conducted,
is fraught with such potentiality of menace
that there should be thoroughgoing govern
mental control over It. so that Its efficiency
In promoting prosperity at home and In
creasing the power of the Nation In In
ternational commeree may be maintained
and at the same time fair play Insured
to the wage-workers, the small business
competitors, the Investors and the general
public. Wherever it is practicable we pro
pose to preserve competition; but where
under modern conditions competition has
been eliminated and cannot be successfully
restored, then the Government must step In
snd itself supply the needed control on be
half of the people as a whole.
It is Imperative to the welfare of our
people that we enlarge and extend our
foreign commerce. We are pre-eminently
fitted to do this because as a people we
have developed high skill In the art of man
ufacturing: our business men are strong
executives, strong organizers. In every way
possible our Federal Government should co.
operate in this important matter. Any one
who has had opportunity to study and ob
serve first-band Germany's course in this
respect must realize that their policy of
co-operation between government and busi
ness has in comparatively few yeara made
them a leading competitor for the com
merce of the world. It should be remem
bered that they are doing this on a na
tional scale and with large units of busi
ness, while the Democrats would have us
believe that we should do It with small
units of business, which would be controlled
not by the National Government but by 41)
conflicting state sovereignties Such a pol
icy is utterly out of keeping with the
progress of the times and gives our great
commercial rivals in Europe hunfc-ry for
International markets golden opportunities
f which they are rapidly taking advantage.
Foreign Trade Is Needed.
I very much wish that legitimate busi
ness would no longer permit Itself to be
frightened by the outcries of Illegitimate
buslnesa into believing that they have any
community of Interest. Legitimate busi
ness ought to understand that its interests
re Jeopardized when they are confounded
with those of Illegitimate business; and the
latter, whenever threatened with Just con
trol, always tries to persuade the former
that It also Is endangered. As a matter
of fact. If legitimate business can only be
persuaded to look cool-headedly Into our
proposition, it is bound to support us.
There are a number of lesser, but still
Important ways, of Improving our business
situation. It Is not necessary to enumerate
all of them: but I desire to allude to two.
which can be adopted forthwith. Our pat
ent laws should be remodeled; patents can
secure ample royalties to Inventors without
our permitting them to be tools of mo-
noply or shut out of general use; and
parcels post, on the zone principle, should
be established.
Protective Tariff Favored.
I believe In a nrotective tariff, but I be
lieve In It as a orinclDle. approached from
the standpoint of the Interests of the whole
people, and not as a 'bundle of preferences
to be given to favored lnaiviauaia. in ?
oDlnlon the American neople favor the prln
ciple of a protective tariff., but they desire
such a tariff to be established primarily In
the Interests of the wage-worker and tn
consumer. The chief opposition to our
tariff at the present moment comes from
the general conviction that certain Interests
have been Improperly favorea ny over-pro
tection. I agree with this view. me com
m,ni tnfltiKtrla.1 exDerlence of thl
country has demonstrated the wisdom of
the protective policy, but it nas aieo uom
onstrated that in the application of tha
policy certain clearly recognised abuses have
developed. - it is not merely ine i.nn ..
should bo revised, but the method of tariff
making and of tariff administration. Wher-
b nnwArfava an IndUStrV la - to D pro
tected It should be on the theory that such
protection will serve to keep up the wages
and the standard of living of the wage
worker In that industry with full regard for
the interest of the consumer. lo accom
pllsh this the tariff to be levied' should as
nearly aa is scientiricaity poasiui vv
mate the differential between the cost of
nr.vtni-tlon at home and abroad. 1 nis an
ferentlal is chiefly. If not wholly. In labor
cost. No duty should be permntea to si.uu
as regards any Industry unless the workers
receive their full share of the benefits of
that duty. In other words, there Is no war
rant for protection unless a legitimate share
of the benefits gets into the pay envelope
of the wage-worker.
Th. nra.-rir nt -u ndertak In w a general re
vision of all the schedules at one time and
of securing information as to conditions in
the different Industries and as to rates of
duty desired chiefly from those engaged In
the Industries, wno tnemseives dvhcih
wtiv tmm the rates thev nropose. has been
demonstrated to be not only Iniquitous but
futile. It has afrorded opportunity tor prac
tically all of the abuses which have ctept
inin nnr tariff-making and our tariff ad
ministration. The day of tne log-roning
.riff mint end. The progressive tnougni
of the country has recognized this fact for
several years, and the time has come when
all genuine progressive snouio inw "H""
a thorougn ana raaicai cna-asa m ...-.-.
od ot tariff-making.
Tariff Commlsstoa Suggested.
The first sten should be the crestlon of
a permanent commission or non-partisan ex
pert whose business shall be to study scien
tifically all phases of tariff-making and of
tariff effects. This commission should be
large enough to cover an the oilierent ana
!l nrvlnv branches of American Indus-
irv. ft should have ample powers to enable
It te secure exact ana reuaoie iniurunuvn.
it should have authority to examine closely
all correlated subjects, such as the effect of
any given duty on tne consumers or tne arti
cle on which the duty Is levied: that Is. It
should directly consider the question as to
what any duty costs the people In the price
of living. It should examine into tne wages
and conditions of labor and lite or tne worn
men In any Industry, so as to Insure our
refusing protection to any industry unless
the showing as regards tne snare taoor re
civm therefrom is satisfactory. This com
mission would be wholly different from the
present unsatisfactory tariff board, wnicn
was created under a Drovtslon of law which
failed to give It the powers indispensable
if it was to do the work It snoum aa.
It will be well for us to study tne expert
ence of Germany In considering this ques
tion. The German Tariff Commission nas
proved conclusively the efficiency and wis
dom of this method ot handling tariff
questions. The reports of a permanent, ex
pert, and non-partisan tariff commission
would at once strike a most powerful blow
against the chief iniquity of the old log
rolling method of tarui-maicing. un m
the principal difficulties with the old method
has been that it was Impossible for the
niiMI. fffinerallv. and eSDeclallv for those
members of Congress not airectiy coniiwiw
with the committees handling a tariir 0111.
to secure anvthlnr like adequate and lm-
nartiai information on the particular sub
jects under consideration. The reports of
such a tariff commission wouia at o
rr-i this evil and furnish to the general
public full, complete and disinterested in
formation on every suDjeci uiea in
tariff hill With such reDOrts it would no
longer be possible to construct a tariff bill
In secret or to Jam It through either house
of Congress without the fullest and most
Illuminating discussion. Tne pain ot me
tariff "Joker" would be rendered Infinitely
difficult.
Piecemeal Revision Proposed.
As a further means of disrupting the old
crooked, log-rolling method of tariff-making.
all future revisions of the tariff should be
made schedule by schedule as changing
conditions may require. Thus a great ob
stacle will be thrown in the way ot the
tradinr of votes, which has marked so
scandalously the enactment of every tariff
bill of recent years. The tarltr commission
should render its reports at the call of
Congress or of either branch of Congress
and to the President. Under the Constitu
tion. Congress is the tariff-making power.
It should not be the purpose in creating a
tariff commission to take anytning away
from this power of Congress, but rather to
afford a wise means of giving to Congress
the widest and most scientific assistance
possible, and of furnishing it and the pub
lic with the fullest disinterested Informa
tion. Only by this means can tne tarin
be taken out of politics. The creation ot
such a permanent tariff commission, and
the adoption of the policy of schedule by
schedule revision, -will do more to accom
pllsh this highly desired object than any
other means yet devised.
The Democratic platform declarea for a
tariff for revenue only, asserting tnat
nrotaetlve tariff Is unconstitutional. to
say that a protective tariff Is unconstitu
tional, as the Democratic piatiorm insists.
tm nnlv excusable on a theory of the Con
stitution which wouia mute it unconsuu-
tlonal to legislate in any shape or way
for the betterment of social and Industrial
conditions. The abolition of the protective
tariff or the substitution for it of a tariff
for revenue only, as proposed by the Demo
cratic platform, would plunge this country
Into the most widespread inaustriai oe
nreasion we have yet seen, and this de
pression would continue for an Indefinite
period. There Is no hope from the stand
point of our people from action such as
the Democrats propose. l ne one ana oniy
chance to secure stable and favorable busi
ness conditions In this country, while at
the same time guaranteeing fair play to
farmer, consumer, business man and wage
worker, lies In the creation of such a com
mission as I herein advocate. Only by such
a commission and only by such activities of
the commission will it be possible for us to
get a reasonably quick revision of the tariff
schedule by schedule a revision which shall
be downwards and not upwards, and at the
same time secure a square deal not merely
to the manufacturer, but to the wage
worker and to the general consumer.
Coot of living Important.
There can be no more important question
than the high cost of living necessttlea The
main purpose of the Progressive movement
Is to place the American people in possession
of their birthright, to assure for all the
American people unobstructed access to tne
fountains of measureless prosperity which
the Creator offers them. We In this countiy
"are blessed with great natural resources.
and our men and women have a very high
tandard of Intelligence and or industrial
capacity. Surely such being the case, we
cannot permanently support conditions under
which each family Unas it increasingly air
ftcult to secure the necessaries of life and
a fair share of its comforts through the
earnings of its members. The cost of liv
ing in this country has risen during tne
last few years out of all proportion to the
Increase of most salaries and wages; the
same situation confronts alike the majority
of wage-workers, small business men, small
professional men, the clerks, the doctors,
clergymen. Now. grave, though the prob-
em Is. there Is one way to make ir- graver.
and that Is to deal with It insincerely, to
advance false remedies, to promise the Im
possible. Our opponents. Republicans and
Democrats alike, propose to aeai witn it in
this way. The Republicans In their plat
form promise an Inquiry into the facta
Most certainly there sbould be such Inquiry.
But the way the present Administration
has failed to keep Its promises In the past,
and the rank dishonesty of action on the
part of the Penrose-Barnes-Guggenhelm
National convention, makes tneir every
promise worthless. The Democratic plat
form affects to find the entire cause of the
high cost of living In the tariff, and prom
ises to remedy It by free trade, especially
free trade In the necessaries or lire. In
he first place, this attitude Ignores the
patent fact that the problem Is world-wide,
that everywhere. In England and France,
as in Germany and Japan, it appears with
greater or less severity; that In England,
for Instance, it has become a very severe
Droblem. although neither the tariff, ner
save to a.emall degree, the trusts can there
have any' possible effect upon the situation.
In the second place, the Democratic plat-
QUAKTET OF CAMPAIGN MANAGERS CHOSEN TO CONDUCT
NATIONAL PROGRESSIVE CAMPAIGN.
l -f ssssa Maai PMi iJ Jj
jt 1 $ - a- ' ' ' -
"V,j ;:. f;ii
sssassssssssmssaaawastsanav i mi si I rilfniilgaswsn'iiriflilflr
ABOVE. WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE, OF KANSAS (LEFT), AND JOHN
FRANKLIN FORT. OF NEW JERSEY (RIGHT) BELOW, GOVERN
OR VESSEV, OF SOUTH DAKOTA ( LEFT), AOU JIILIO.1 u.
FURDY, OF MINNESOTA (RIGHT).
form, if It Is sincere, must mean that all
duties will be taken off the produots
of the farmer. Yet most certainly
we cannot afford to have the farmer
struck down. The welfare of the tHler of
the soli Is as imoortant as the welfare of
the wage-worker himself, and we must sed
ulously guard both. The farmer, the pro
ducer of the necessities of life, can himself
live only if he raises these necessities for
a nroflt. On the other hand, the consumer
who must have that farmer's product In
order to live, must be allowed to purchase
It at the lowest cost that can give the
farmer his profit, and everything possible
must be done to eliminate any middleman
whose function does not tend to increase the
cheanness ot distribution of the product;
and, moreover, everything must be done to
stop all speculating, an gamDling witn tne
bmd-basket which has even the slightest
deleterious effect upon the producer and
consumer.
Many Middlemen Hiinerriuous.
There must b. legislation which will
bring about a closer business relationship
between the farmer and the consumer. Re
cently experts In the Agricultural Depart
ment have figured that nearly 50 per cent
of the nrtce for agricultural products paid
by the consumer goes into the pockets, not
of the farmer, but ot various miaaiemen;
and It is probable that over half ot what
Is thus paid to middlemen Is needless.
can be saved by wise business methods
(introduced through both law and custom!.
and can therefore be returned to the farmer
and the consumer. Through the proposed
Interstate Industrial commission we can ef
fectively do away with any arbitrary
control by combinations of the neces
sities of life. Furthermore, the govern
ments of the Nation and or the several
states must combine In doing everything
thev can to make the fanner's business
profitable, so that he shall get more out
of the soli, and enjoy better business fa
cilities for marketing what he thus gets.
In this manner his return will be Increased
while the price to the consumer is dimin
ished. The elimination of the middleman
by agricultural exchanges and by the use
of improved business methods generally, the
development of good roads, the reclama
tion of arid lands and swamp lands, the
improvement in the productivity of farms,
the encouragement of all agencies which
tend to bring people back to the soil and
to make country life more Interesting as
well as more profitable all these move
ments will help not only the farmer but
the man who consumes the farmer's products.
Expert Examination Kequlrea.
"There i urgent need of non-partisan ex
pert examination into any tariff schedule
which seems to increase the cost of living.
and. unless the Increase thus caused is more
than countervailed by tne Denent to tne
class of the community which actually re
ceives the protection, It must of course mean
that that particular duty must be reduced.
The system of levying a tariff for the pro
tection and encouragement of American In
dustry so as to secure higher wages and
better conditions of life for American la
borers must never be perverted so as to
operate for the Impoverishment of those
whom It was intended to benefit. But, In
any event, the effect of the tariff on the
cost of living Is slight; any householder can
satisfy himself of this fact by considering
the increase In nrtce of articles, like milk
and eggs, where the Influence of both the
tariff and the trusts is negngmie. no
conditions have been shown which warrant
us in believing that the abolition of the
orotectlve tariff es a wnoie would onng
nnv tihuia.ntial benefit to the consumer.
while It would certainly cause unheard of
Immediate disaster to all wage-workers, all
business men, and all farmers, and in all
probability would permanently lower the
standard of living here. -In order to show
the utter futility of the belief that the aboil
tion of the tariff and the establishment of
free trade would remedy the condition com-
nlalned of. all that Is necessary is to looa
t the course of Industrial events in Eng
land and In Germany during the last 30
years, the former under free trade, the lat
ter under protective system. During those
30 years It is a matter or common Knowl
edge that Germany has forged ahead rela
tively to England, and this not only as
regards the employers, but as regaras me
wage-earners In short, as regards all mem
bers of the industrial classes. Doubtless,
many causes have combined to produce this
result; it Is not to be ascribed to the tariff
alone, but, on the other hand. It Is evident
hat It could not have come about lr a pro
tective tariff were even a chief cause among
many other causes of the high cost ot liv-
. . . . ,
Bulttnior 1 1 at tor m imieizea.
It Is also asserted that the trusts are re
sponsible for the high cost of living. I have
no question that, as regards certain trusts,
this is true. I also have no question that It
will continue to be true Just as long as tne
country confines Itself to acting aa the Balti
more platform demands tnat we act. inn
demand Is. In effect, for the states and Na
tional Government to make the futile at
tempt to exercise 49 sovereign and conflict
ing authorities In the effort Jointly to sup
press trusts, while at the same time the Na
tional Government refuses to exercise proper
control over them. There will be no diminu
tion in the cost of trust-made articles so long
as our Government attempts the Impossible
task of restoring the flint-lock conditions or
business 60 years ago by trusting only to a
succession of lawsuits under the anti-trust
aw a method which It has been definitely
hown usually results to the benefit of any
big business concern which really ought to
be dissolved, but which cause disturbance
and distress to multitudes of smaller con
cerna Trusts which Increase production
unless they do It wastefully. as In certain
forms of mining and lumbering cannot
permanently Increase the cost of living:
It Is the trusts wnicn limit production, or
which, without limiting production, take
advantage of the lack of governmental coa-
trol. and eliminate competition Dy com
bining to control the market, that cause
an Increase In the cost of living. There
hould be established at once.' as I nave
lsewhere said, under the National Govern
ment, an lnter-state Industrial commission,
which should exercise full supervision over
the big Industrial concerns doing an Inter
state business Into which an element of mon
opoly enters. Where these concerns oeai
with the necessaries or we tne cuminiraivn
hould not shrink. If the necessity is proved.
of going to the extent of exercising regu
latory control over the conditions that create
or determine monoply prices.
Contributory Cause Can Be Removed.
By such action we shall certainly be able
t? remove the element of contributors'
ausation on tuo part ui m, n ui m, -
tariff towards the high cost of living. There
will remain many other -elements. Wrong
taxation, including failure to tax swollen
inheritances and unused land and other
natural resources held for speculative pur
poses. Is one of these elements. The modern
tendency to leave the country for the town
Is another element; and exhaustion of the
soil and poor methods of raising and mar
keting the products of the soil make up an
other element, as I have already shown.
Another element is that of waste and ex
travagance. Individual and National. No
laws which the wit of man can devise will
avail to make the community prosperous if
the average Individual lives in such fashion
that his expenditures always exceed his in
come. National extravagance that is, the expen
diture of money which is not warranted
we can ourselves control, and to some degree
we 'can help In doing away with the ex
travagance caused by international rivalries.
These are all definite methods by which
something can be accomplished In the di
rection of decreasing the cost of living. All
taken together will not fully meet the
situation. There are in it elements which as
yet we do not understand. We can -be cer
tain that the remedy proposed by the Demo
cratic party is a quack remedy. It Is Just
as emphatically a quack remedy as was
the quack remedy, the panacea, the univer
sal cure-all which they proposed 18 years
ago. It is Instructive to compare what they
now say with what they said in 189ft Only
16 years ago they were telling us that the
decrease in prices was fatal to our people,
that the fall in the production ot gbld. and.
as a consequence, the fall in the prices
of commodities, was responsible for our Ills.
Now they ascribe these Ills to diametrically
opposite causes, such as the rise In the price
ot commodltlea It may well be that the
Immense output of gold during the last
few years Is partly responsible for certain
phases of the present trouble which Is
an instructive commentary on the wisdom
of those men who 16 years ago Insisted that
the remedy for everything was to be found
in the mere additional output of coin, sil
ver and gold alike. There Is no more cur
ious delusion than that the Democratic
platform is a progressive platform. The
Democratic platform, representing the best
thought of ' the acknowledged Democratic
leaders at Baltimore, is purely retrogres
sive and reactionary. There is no progress
in it. It represents an effort to go back:
to put this Nation of 100,000,000. existing
under modern conditions, back to where it
was as a Nation of 25,000.000 in the days
of the stagecoach and canalboat. Such an
attitude is toryism, not progresslvlsm.
Revision of Currency Urgent.
In addition, rlien. to the remedies that
we can begin forthwith, there should be a
tearless. Intelligent and searching Inquiry
Into the whole subject, made by an abso
lutely non-partisan body of experts, with
no prejudices to warp their minds, no ob
ject to serve, who shall recommend any
necessary remedy, heedless of what In
terest may be helped or hurt thereby, and
caring only for the Interests of the people
as a whole.
We believe that there exists an im
perative need for prompt legislation for
the Improvement of our National currency
system. The experience of repeated finan
cial crises In the last 40 years has- proved
that the present method of issuing, through
private agencies, notes secured by Govern
ment bonds is both narmtui and unsci
entific This method was adopted as a
means of financing the Government dur
ing the Civil War throuch furnishing a
domestic market for Government bonds. It
was largely successful tn fulfilling that pur
pose: but that need is long past, and the
system has outlived this feature of Its
usefulness. The Issue of currency is fun
damentally a Governmental- function. The
system to be adopted should have as Its
basic principles soundness and elasticity.
The currency should flow forth readily at
the demand of commercial activity, and
retire as promptly when the demand di
minishes. It should be automatically suf
ficient for all of the legitimate needs of
business in any section of the country.
Only by such means can the country be
freed from the danger of recurring panlca
The control should be lodged with the
Government, and should be safeguarded
against manipulation by Wall street or the
larre Interests. It should be made im
possible to use the machinery or perquisites
of the currency system wr any speculative
purposes. The country must be safeguarded
against overextension or unjust contrac
tion of either credit or circulating medium.
Conservation Is Important Issue.
There can be no greater issue that that
of conservation in this country. Just as
we must conserve our men, women and
children, so we must conserve the resources
of the land on which they live. we must
conserve the soil so that our children shall
have a land that is more and not less
fertile than that our fathers dwelt in. We
must conserve the forests, not by disuse
but by use, making them more valuable at
the same time that we use them. We must
conserve the mines. Moreover, we must
Insure so far as possible the use of certain
types of great natural resources for the
benefit of the people as a whole. The
public should not alienate Its fee in the
water power which will he of incalculable
consequence as a source' of power In the
Immediate future. The Nation and the
states within their several spheres should
by Immediate legislation keep the fee of
the water power, leasing its une only tor
a reasonable length of time, on terms that
will secure the Interests of the public. Just
as the Nation has gone Into the work of
irrigation in the West, so It sbould go
into the work of helping reclaim the swamp
lands of the South. We should undertake
the complete development and control of
the Mississippi as a National work. Just
as we have undertaken the work of build
ing the Panama Canal. We can use the
plant, and we can use the human experi
ence, left free by the completion of the
Panama Canal In so developing the Mis
sissippi as to make It a mighty highroad
of commerce, and a source of fructification
and not of death to the rich and fertile
lands lying along Its lower length.
In the West, the forests, the grazing
lands, the reserves of every kind, should be
so handled aa to be In the Interests of the
actual settler, the actual home-maker. He
should be encouraged to use them at once,
but in such a way as to preserve and not
exhaust them. We do not intend that our
natural resources shall be exploited by the
few against the interests of the -many, nor
do we Intend to turn them over to any man
who will wastefully use them by destruc
tion, and leave to those who come after
us a heritage damaged by Just so much.
The man in whose Interests we are work
ing is the small farmer and settler, the
man who works with bis own hands, who
is working not only for himself but for his
children, and who wishes to lea,ve to them
the fruits of his labor. His permanent
welfare Is the prime factor for considera
tion In developing the policy of conserva
tion; for our aim is to preserve our natural
resources vfor the public as a whole, for
the average man and the average woman
who make up the body of the American
people.
Chicago snouia Be uctnupru.
Alaska sbould be developed at ooce. but
in the Interest of the actual settler. In
Alaska the Government has an opportunity
of starting In what is almost a fresh field
to work out various problems by actual
experiment. The Government should at
orll'e construct, own. and operate the rail
ways In Alaska. The "Government should
keep the fee of all the coal fields and
allow them to be operated by lessees with
the condition In the lease that non-use
shall operate as a forfeit. Telegraph lines
should be operated as the railways are.
Moreover, it . would be well in Alaska to
try a system of land taxation which will,
so far as possible, remove all the burdens
from those who "actually use the land,
whether for building or for agricultural
purposes, and will operate against any man
who holds the land for speculation, or de
rives an income from it based, not on his
own exertions, but on the Increase tn value
due to activities not - his own. There Is
very real need that this Nation shall
seriously prepare itself for the task of
remedying social injustice and meeting so
cial problems by well-considered Govern
mental effort; and the best preparation for
such wise action is to test by actual -experiment
under favorable conditions the
devices which we have reason to believe
will work well, but which It is difficult to
apply in old settled communities without
preliminary experiment. ,
National Defense Views (iiven.
In International affairs this country should
behave toward other nations exactly aa an
honorable private citizen behaves toward
other private citizens. We should do no
wrong to any nation, weak or strong, and
we should submit to no wrong. Above all.
we should never In any treaty make any
promise which we do not intend In good
faith to fulfill. I believe it essential that
our small Army should be kept at a high
pitch of perfection, , and in no way can it
be so damaged as by permitting it to be
come the plaything of men in Congress
who wish to gratify either spite or favorit
ism, or to secure to localities advantages
to which those localities are not entitled.
The Navy should be steadily built up: and
the process of upbuilding must not be
stopped until and not before it proves
possible to secure by international agree
ment a general reduction of armaments.
The Panama Canal must be fortified. It
would have been criminal to build it if we
were not prepared to fortify It and to keep
our Navy at such a pitch of strength as to
render it unsafe for any foreign power to
attack us and get control of it- We have
a perfect right to permit our coastwise
traffic (with which there can be no com
petition by the merchant marine of any
foreign nation so that there is no dis
crimination against any foreign marine) to
pass through that canal on any terms we
choose, and I personally think that no toll
should be charged on such traffic. More
over, in time of war. where all treaties be
tween warring nations, save those con
nected with the management of the war. at
once lapse, the canal would of course be
open to the use of our warships and closed
to warships of the nation with which we
were engaged in hostilities. But at all
times the canal should be opened on equal
terms to the ships of all nations. Includ
ing our own. engaged In International com
merce. That was the understanding of the
treaty when it was adopted, and the United
States must always, as a matter of hon
orable obligation and with scrupulous nicety,
live up to every understanding which she
has entered into with any foreign power.
The question that has arisen over the
right of this Nation to cnarge iuiib on
canal vividly illutstrates the folly and
Iniquity of making treaties which cannot
and ought not to be keot. As a people
there Is no lesson we mbre need to learn
than the lesson not in an outburst of emo
tionalism to make a treaty that ought not
tn h. and could not be. kept: and the
further lesson that, when we do make a
treaty, we must soberly live up to it
lnno- n rhnne-Ad conditions do not war
rant the serious ster of denouncing It. If
had hn so unwise as to adopt the
general arbitration treaties a few months
ago. we wouia now do duumu l" i'i"
the question of our right to free our own
coastwise traffic from canal tolls; and at
any future time we might have found, qjir
selves obliged to arbitrate the question
whether. In the event of war. we could
keep the canal open to our own war ves
sels and closed to those of our foes. There
could be no better Illustration of the ex
(.mo unwisdom of entering Into Interna
tional agreements without paying heed to
the question of keeping them. On the other
hand we deliberately, and with our eyes
open, and after ample consiaeration anu
discussion, agreed to treat all merchant
ships on the same basis; it was partly be
cause of this agreement that there was no
question raised by foreign nations as to
our digging and fortifying the canal; and.
having given our word, we must keep It.
When the American people make a promise,
that promise must and will be kept.
Views Gained From Knowledge.
Now. friends, this Is my confession of
faith. I have made it rather long Deoause
I wish you to know Just what my deepest
convictions are on the great questions of
todav. so that if you choose to makel me
your standard-Dearer in the fight you shall
make your choice understanding exactly how
I feel and If. after hearing me. you think
you ought to cnoose someone eiae, x ni
loyally abide by your choice. The con
victions to which I have come have not
been arrived at aa the result of study In
the closet or the library, dui rrom me-
knowledge I have gained through nara
experlenca during the many years In which,
under many fend varied conditions, I have
striven and toiled with men. I believe In
a lars-er use of the governmental power to
help remedy Industrial wrongs, Because ii
h hAn home In on me by actual ex
perience that without the exercise of such
power many of the wrongs will go unrem
edied. I believe in a larger opportunity for
the people themselves directly to participate
In government and to control their gov
ernmental agents, because long experience
has taught me tnat witnout sucn contrui
many of their agents will represent them
had iv. Bv actual experience In office I
have found that, as a rule, I could secure
the triumph of the causes In which I most
hAilvH not from the nolitlclans and the
men who claim an exceptional right to speak
in business and government, but Dy going
over their heads and appealing directly to
the people themselves. I am not under
the slightest delusion as to any power that
during my political career I have at any
time possessed. Whatever of power I at
any time had I obtained from the people.
I could exercise It only so long as, and to
the extent that, the people not merely be
lieved in me. but heartily backed me up.
Whatever I did as President I was able
to do only because I had the backing of
the people. When on any point I did not
have that backing, when on any point I
differed from the people. It mattered not
whether I was right or whether I was
wrong, my power vanished. I tried my best
to lead the people, to advise them, to tell
them what I thought was rignt; ii necessary.
I never hesitated to tell them what I
thought they ought to hear, even though
I thoueht it would be unpleasant for them
to hear it; but I recognized that my task
was to try to lead them and not to drive
them, to take them Into my confidence, to
try to show them that I was right, and
then loyally and in good faith to accept
their decision. I will do anything for the
people except what my conscience tells me
Is wrong, and that I can do for no man and
no set of men; I hold that a man cannot
serve the people well unless he serves his
conscience; but I hold also that where his
conscience bids him refuse to do what the
people desire, he should not try to con
tinue In office against their will. Our Gov
eminent system should be so shaped that
the public servant, when he cannot con
scientiously carry out the wishes of the
people, shall at their desire leave his of
fice and not misrepresent them in office;
and I hold that the public servant can by
so doing, better than in any otner way,
serve hoth them and his conscience.
Surely there never was a fight better
worth making than the one In which -we
are engaged. It little matters what be
falls any one of us who for the time being
stand In the forefront of the battle. I
hope we shall win. and I believe that if
we can wake the people to what the fight
really means we shall wlrt. But, win or
lose, we shall not falter. Whatever fate
may at the moment overtake any of us.
the movement Itself will not stop. Our
cause is based on the eternal principles of
righteousness; and even though we wno
now lead may for the time tail. In the end
the cause Itself shall triumph. Six weeks
ago, here In Chicago, I spoke to the honest
representatives of a convention which was
not dominated by honest men; a conven
tion wherein sat. alas! a majority of men
who. with sneering Indifference to every
principle of right, so acted as to bring to
a shameful end a party which had been
founded over half a century ago by men
In whose souls burned the fire ot lofty en
deavor. Now to you men. who. In your
turn, have come together to spend and be
spent tn tne endless crusade against wrong,
to you who face the future resolute and
confident, to you who strive In a spirit of
brotherhood for the betterment of our Na
tion, to you who gird yurselves for this
great new fight In the never-ending war
fare for the good of humankind. I say In
closing what In that speech I said in clos
ing: We stand at Armageddon, and we bat
tle for the Uord.
1$ And now mark you
this: your grandchildren
will praise you for the
Packard. It grows sweet
er and better with age
and service. Price $425.
The Packard "Interpreter" is the last word
in player-pianos a worthy member of the
illustrious family of Packard products.
Pianos and player-pianos on terms at The
Wiley B. Allen Co., Seventh and Morrison
streets. But the proof of the Packard is in
the playing, and you are cordially invited
to a demonstration.
Made Clean
Sold Clean
Delivered
Clean
I
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Try
FRANZ'
Butter-Nut
BREAD
Phones East 6044; A 2428
The
Digestion
is troubling too many
folks these days.
Eat the wholesome
Butter -Nut and your
digestion will improve.
Butter-Nut is baked
right for the digestion.
A scientific .exactness
is observed in the com
bination of its ingredi
ents. Each loaf is palat
able, agreeable, tasteful,
healthful. And the dust
proof wrapper on each
loaf insures cleanliness.
KEEN WATCH KEPI
Havemeyer on Lookout
Competition in Sugar.
for
IDAHO FIELD PROMISING
Get
Letter Instructing Agent to
Refusals or Buy Most Necessary
Parcels" Introduced at
Salt Lake Hearing.
SALT LAKE, Aug. 6. The keen
watch kept by officers of the Ameri
can Sugar Refining Company to fore
stall competition In the beet sugar re
gions was emphasized by letters read
today Into the record of the Govern
ment suit for the dissolution 01 me
company on the ground that It is a
restrictive monopoly.
A letter from H. O. Havemeyer to
David Eccles, of the Amalgamated
auear ComDanv. and another from w,
B. Thomas to Thomas R, Cutler, of the
Utah-Idaho Sugar Company, were
placed In evidence today at the hear
ing conducted by Commissioner Brice.
The Eccles letter was aatea in iu.
Mr. Havemeyer wrote:
"I fear that somebody will be look
ing out to build beet factories, and the
Elgin (Idaho) bench land appears very
attractive. So I think the matter is
reallv worthy of your close attention,
to get refusals or. if necessary, to buy
the most necessary parcels. .
The Cutler letter, written in 1908,
ftavs:
"I hODe you will keep us Informed
of any proposed additional beet sugar
factories In your territory, eiiner mure
proposed by any competitor or of any
suesrestlon that has been made to you
that your company snouia duiiu in
some new locality.
Georae C. Parkinson, of Preston,
Idaho, testified as to the construction
of sugar factories at i-ayene ana
NamDa. Idaho. '
Soren Hanson told of his career as
a sugar factory promoter and dented
testimony given yesterday that he had
contracted to build a factory at Black-
foot, Idaho.
churches, will leave for their field in
November.
RESISTANCE BRINGS FINE
Men Who Object to Being Arrested
Must Pay for Actions.
ATHEISTIC TREND FOUGHT
Ministers Told of Open Air Move
ment In Ireland.
The open air movement in Ireland
was presented to the Methodist min
isters of Portland yesterday noon at a
luncheon to Bishop Frank W. Warne.
held at the Y. M. C. A. Dr. Randall
Phillips was the speaker. He told of
large " numbers of church members in
France, Italy and Spain leaving the
church, and said they have become ath
eistic. To prevent a repetition of this
in Ireland, he said, the Protestant min
isters are holding open-air meetings In
order to reach the people.
Bishop Warne. of India, and Bishop
Waterhouse. of Los Angeles, were In
troduced to Bishop Cooke. Bishop Wat
erhouse Is a member of the Methodist
Episcopal Church. South. Bishop
Warne told of the development of
Methodist mission work in India, and
urged liberal contributions to mission
work.
At a meeting of the Methodist min
isters at Taylor-street Church yester
day. Bishop Warne was also the speak
er, saying that the Methodist foreign
mission fund decresed $39,500 lsst year,
and urging all district superintendents
and ministers to endeavor to Keep up
their apportionments
Bishop Warne and other missionaries
who are traveling throughout the
country and speaking at the Methodist
All Marquam's Gulch, chorusing its
testimony, was not sufficient to refute
the story told in Municipal Court yes
terday by Patrolman Courtney, upon
which D. Gurin was fined S50 and Sam
Steinberg 2S for resisting an officer.
The incident which led to the arrest oc
curred several days ago at First and
Sheridan streets.
Men, women, children and dogs Joined
in the hubub which accompanied the
trouble, says Courtney. He had gone
to arrest Gurin, a contractor, for ob
structing the street, and Gurin objected
to accompanying the officer, tie says
he asked only for a few minutes in
which to get bail money, but Courtney
asserts that he refused to go to the
station until after working hours.
The policeman, who Is a veteran, was
knocked down and lost his helmet In
the scuffle, while the population of the
gulch swarmed about htm and set up a
Babel of cries. Only when other po
licemen arrived was the disturbance
quieted.
Steinberg was found guilty for Jump,
ing out of a window between the con
testants, making It possible for Gurin
to flee.
Coffee and 8uar.
NEW YORK, Aug. . Coffe tuturrs
closed barely steady, net four points to five
points lower. August. 12.72c; September,
12.82c; October. 12.88c: November, 12S2r;
December. 12.96c; January, I.97c: Febru
ary, 12.S5c; March. 13.02a; April. 1103c;
May, 13.60c; June. U.04c; July. 13.02c.
Spot steady. Rio, 14c. Santos, No. 4,
15 'ic; mild dull: Cordova. 16 18c,
Raw sugar firm. Muscovado. .89 tent.
3. Sic; centrifugal. .96 test. 4.0oc; molasses,
.89 test. 3.30c; refined quiet.
INDEPENDENCE
is not gained without ef
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The successful person
is the methodical per
son, the energetic per
son, the provident per
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can develop and amplify
by opening an account
with us with the firm
resolve to better your
condition each day.
Let us assist 3rou. No
restrictions in amounts
to open an account.
Merchants
Savings & Trust
Company
Sixth and Washington Sts.
Open Saturday Evening's
6 to 8
IQD 108.2 1