THE MORNING OREGONIAN. MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 14. 1903.
PORTLAND OREGON.
Entersd at Portland. OrtfOD. Fostofflce a
Second-Claaa Matter.
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rOBTXAXD, MONDAY. SEPT. 14. 1B0S.
LIGHT FROM YAMHJXL.
'Tis a bad habit some have of
"meddling with strife belonging- not to
them." The Yamhill Reporter feels
that It must "get Into the fray" over
a certain Sunday school lesson, which
was criticised by The Oregonian for
Its misconceptions of David and of the
God of Israel; and under the head
line, "Vicious Slander by The Ore
gonian." It proceeds to say:
The editor of Th Oregonian does not in
dorse the beliefs of any of ths well-known
church org animations, but has a particular
auid peculiar doctrine of his own held, how
ever, by a few other and proceeds to
spout some of It for tho benefit of his read
ers on last Frtdave Issue under the title.
"David and tha Temple." - In th article
mentioned The Oregonian writer ridicule
tha position taken "In the published notes
to tha Sunday School lesson" by a certain
author. . . . Ths reprehensible part of
the article In tha aforesaid paper 1 Its
using ths assault on ths writer of the notes
an excuse for a mora subtle, slurring
and contemptible attack upon Jehovah of
The Scriptures. Its statement that Jehovah
was himself a "man of war." and Its Infer
ence that he rather delighted In It la not
according to facts and his character will
2 so construed only by the one who reads
superficially or who wilfully misrepresents
he fact.
The News Reporter seldom takes ud a
-question of this kind, but It becomes dis
trusted when a medium with the wide Influ
ence of The Oregonian uses that influence
to propegate such doctrines among the
weak-minded, and to Insult the good Judg
ment of the great number of the strong
minded people doctrines, too. which are not
according to nature. Scripture pr common
Sense.
It 1 truly to be regretted that The Ore
gonian will o often mix truly 'rotten edi
torials along with excellent ones.
The Oregonian humbly apologizes
both to the "weak-minded" and to the
"strong-minded." and to the able her
ineneutist of Yamhill, who seems to
have assumed the guardianship of
both. It certainly is an original re
mark that "The Oregonian has made
a contemptible attack on the Jehovah
of the Scriptures." It reminds one of
Sydney Smith's witticism about the
man who spoke disrespectfully of the
equator.
All open-minded students of the He
brew Scriptures know that Israel's
conceptions of Jehovah, or Yahweh,
underwent great changes, during the
long period of more than one thou
sand years, covered by the Old Testa
ment writings. The earlier concep
tions of Deity, as therein shown, were
puerile, crude, anthropomorphic. Je
hovah was first conceived as a family
God; then as a tribal God bloody and
cruel. It was much later, in their
theodicy, that he was conceived as the
God of the human race, in whose
hands rests the moral government of
the world. In the development of
these conceptions, during the long
ages of the history of Israel, appeared
those characteristics, mention of some
of which is called by our Yamhill
critic a "vicious slander by The Ore
gonian." Have we a right to read
rlth understanding? Then how are
ne to escape observation, in the text,
of those conceptions of Deity which
would require us to believe that God
to blundered in the creation of man
as to repent and find It necessary to
destroy his own work: that he select
ed one favored people from the rest
of his children, and was Indifferent
to or cruel towards all others; that he
sanctioned fraud, commanded cruelty
and contended for a while In vain
with the magic-of other gods; that
he wrestled bodily with one patriarch,
and ate cakes and veal with another;
that he participated in human pas
sions, ordered robbery and plunder,
commanded his people to slay their
enemies, except the women, whom
they were to keep for themselves
and much more?
Of course, the fact is that -among
any primitive people, any people In
the early stages of their development,
the idea or conception of Deity Is but
a reflex of their own stage of growth.
'With lapse of time these conceptions
became higher and purer with Israel.
Jewish scholars know how to interpret
their own history; but the writers of
some of our Christian Sunday school
lessons, and their apologists, either
2ave no knowledge of the principles
of literary and historical Interpreta
tion, or studiously obscure what
knowledge they have.
The ancestors of all of us once were
savages, and their conceptions of De
ity necessarily conformed to that con
dition. The idea of God. of a God, appears
In lowest fetich worship and in all
songs and incantations and threnodies,
such as we used to hear among our
Indians of the Northwest in early
times. It appears in the frescoes of
Michelangelo in the SIstine Chapel at
the Vatican, and In his works in mar
ble at Florence. It appears in all the
works of great men of all ages in
poetry, in painting, in sculpture and
In architecture, who' have attempted
to portray or to represent their idea of
the Infinite. All the crude representa
tions of It were seen by our pioneers in
the Oregon Country. In the early time.
The songs, the dances, the Incanta
tions, the rhythmic movement and
ehoriamblc dance and flow of words,
corresponding with the chorus of the
Greek tragedy of which our pioneers
however knew nothing, but which,
when one studies the matter, show
the same animating principle or in
spiration, all attest the same religious
principle, universal In man. They
who quarrel over the infinite manifes
tations of It and mistake the husk for
the fruit are among our least wise.
No mere formula of religion Is good
for anything. "The Kingdom of God
Is within you."
The New York bank statement,
which appeared last Saturday, for the
fcrct time this season showed a sub
stantial increase in loans. As the de
posits increased but $13,684,000. while
loans expanded $38,351,000. there was
for the first time in many" weeks a
heavy decrease In the surplus reserve.
The reserve Is still above $50,000,000
in excess of legal requirements, and,
as the last week's changes were all due
to the shipment of money West and
South for crop-moving purposes, there
is nothing unfavorable in the state
ment. It is somewhat remarkable
that there has up to this time" been
such a light movement of funds from
New York. If last week's movement
continues, there may be a slight hard
ening in the money market, but an
other change, will soon follow when
the crop-moving money begins on the
return flow after the crop is marketed.
SACCK FOR BOTH GOOSE AND GANDER.
If every Democrat in Oregon who
registered as a Republican and made
oath to his registry should vote for
Taft, there would be 50,000 Taft ma
jority In the state. And every Democrat
thus registered Is under as strong
moral obligation to vote for Taft as
any Statement One Republican, of the
Legislature is to vote .for Chamber
lain; and stronger for solemn oath
obligates one and no oath the other.
But it "Will be said by Democrats who
have registered as Republicans yet
won't vote for Taft, that It is the vot
ing that counts, not the registration.
Then will it not be the voting on Sen
ator in the Legislature that counts,
not a juggle of pre-election state
ments? It seems that every one of our
Democratic brethren considers, him
self at liberty to change his mind be
fore an election to pledge one thing
In advance, and then do another when
the election comes on but his politi
cal opponents are to have no such
liberty. You see on one side there is
"a moral obligation," on the other,
none. There is nothing obligatory for
Democrats; everything is obligatory
for their opponents. To hell with
such a game!
WHO SPEAKS FOB UNION lABORt
Is or is not union labor in politics?
The Portland Federated Trades Coun
cil says It (s; the National executive
council of the American Federation
of Labor says it Is not. "We shall In
the future, as we have in the past,"
declares the executive council, in reso
lutions adopted Saturday, "shape our
course on a nonpartisan basis. . . .
We have so conducted and propose so
to conduct our course that the labor
movement shall remain as free and
Independent from political partisan
domination as It has ever been In its
history." It is clear, then, that the
American Federation of Labor is. not
for Bryan or Debs or any other can
didate for President, and that it is
taking no part In the campaign made
by certain labor leaders against Taft.
Indeed, these resolutions must be re
garded as a distinct official repudia
tion of any effort by anybody to In
volve union labor in the present cam
paign. This Includes the Portland
Trades Council.
Does the American Federation of
Labor or does the Federated Trades
Council, a subordinate body, speak
for organized labor? What busi
ness had the Portland Council
to suggest to any of Its members
that they vote for anybody or against
anybody for President? If the Na
tional Council speaks by the card
for organized labor, the Portland
council Is all -wrong in meddling in
politics; if the National body has no
right to voice and represent union la
bor in this Important matter, then of
course the Portland council knows
what it Is doing and has a right to
make politics Its business. But who
will say that the American Federation
docs not speak for organized labor?
THE 'TARIFF.
In his daily speeches Mr. Bryan tells
us this:
In all tariff legislation In true principle
is bet maintained by the Imposition of
uch duties as will equal the difference be
tween the cot of production at bom and
abroad, together with reasonable profit to
American industries!
This means Just nothing.' Every
protectionist, even the extremist, will
accept the statement. Who is to de
cide what Is reasonable profit? Who
is to decide what may be the fair dif
ference between wages at home and
abroad? The problem presents an In
finite number and variety of factors, as
well as of differences to be adjusted.
Men never will agree upon them.
They will agree upon the loose state
ment, as presented by Mr. Bryan; but
never upon the details in working it
out. They can't. It is not a problem
of mathematics. The human spirit
controls it all. Agree on the Bryan
statement, yet you are no nearer the
solution than you were before. The
formula offers no sure values or defi
nite quantities. For in the same con
ditions and under the same laws, for
equalization of the difference between
the cost of production at home and
abroad, and of a fair profit for capi
tal, some men will succeed and others
will fail. Many Insist that the condi
tions required by the orator exist now.
And it Is certain that under any ariff
or under none, some will succeed and
some will fall; and those who succeed
and capture and hold the business will
be called monopolists, while those who
fail will be victims of something or.
other, but never of their own Ineffi
ciency or other faults.
The only way to give all men an
equal show, or a perfectly fair show.
Is to abolish all tariffs, to cut off all
duties, give nobody protection, wheth
er laborer or capitalist. Then the
best talents, the highest powers, the
greatest Industry and skill, will do the
business. Bryan's suggestion is no real
departure from the policy of the pro
tectionists. It is.' as he defines it, a
protectionist policy, not different in
principle from that of Cannon, Payne
and Dalzell, but keeping open a way
to the splitting of hairs on schedules,
on wages In this industry and that, on
reasonable or unreasonable profits.
Short of absolute free trade, so that
the tariff laws may help nobody, there
Is no principle on which the decision
may be made.
Should Bryan be elected President,
and a Congress with him, and attempt
be made to adjust a tariff for "Impo
sition of such duties as will equal the
difference 'between cost of production
at home and abroad, together with
reasonable profit to American Indus
tries," we should dlsonver at once the
charlatanry and futility of the un
dertaking. On this formula there could
be no possible agreement. Nor would
any agreement, if made, have any
value whatever. The only principle
of tariff is tariff for revenue. But
that "will not be adopted by either
party. And tariff for revenue only is
virtual free trade. Bryan never speaks
for tariff for revenue only. He al
ways has vague notions of "protec
tion" some kind or. degree of protec-,
tlon In his mind; and so has his
party. Consequently, if they come into
power again they will simply shift
the incidence of duties, put "the other
fellow" on the free list as they did
when last in power, and "protect"
the special interests that have the pull
on them as friends. Never will there
be any genuine reform of the tariff
upon the principle stated above by
Candidate Bryan.
IMITATIVE ART.
Says the Outlook: "The truth is that
the lawyer's ignorance of the law Is
something beyond the power of words
to describe. We do not even know
What the law is. No lawyer today can
tell whether we are administering a
system of inherent and permanent
principles of Justice, or whether we
are administering a system of human
customs established without regard to
any Inherent or permanent principle;
whether there are any principles of
the. law which are fixed and immut
able, or whether they are all shifting
and changing."
It is Just as in merely mechanical
painting and statuary, or In glyptic
art, where the workmen do not use
the original models, which Indeed they
do not possess, but use copies, and
then make copies of copies without
end each and every successive one
losing sight more and more of the
original. So lawyers and Judges, try
ing to follow precedents, make blun
ders, and then others make blunders
on their blunders. Is It too much to
say that this is the state of the law?
Is It not becoming more and more an
imitative art, copying blunders?
THE OUTLOOK.
The Harrlman system has a large
force of men at work finishing the
Wallowa Railroad, another force at
work on the Tillamook line, and more
engineers In Central Oregon than have
ever been there before.
The Oregon Electric is extending Its
Valley system, and the United Rail
ways have 00 men and 300 teams
pushing their road out into Washing
ton County.
Meanwhile the Northern Pacific
and the Great Northern are making
final arrangements for handling the
heavy traffic that will pour Into Port
land as soon as the new North Bank
line is completed, next month.
The railroad development now actu
ally under way and projected for Port
land Is of sufficient magnitude to in
sure a greater growth in this city
within the next two years than we
have ever before witnessed In a similar
length of time.
THE FISH LAW FARCE.
The present trouble over the en
forcement of our peculiar laws for fish
protection is neither surprising nor
unexpected. It Is the logical conse
quence of the continued assumption
by some of our wise men that the Co
lumbia River Is exclusively an Oregon
possession. In season and out of
season The Oregonian has repeatedly
called attention to the necessity for
uniform fishing laws in the two states,
but whenever the Legislature meets,
personal interests seem to be shoved
far enough to the fore to prevent ac
tion that would result in a law that
would be satisfactory to both states
and at the same time offer some pro
tection to the fish. It is folly to as
sume that either the cannerymen or
the fishermen in Washington are less
Interested than the Oregonians in
protection of the salmon. But, re
gardless of their Interests, they have
not yet reached a point of helplessness
where they will permit Oregon to
make and enforce their fish laws.
The Columbia River is the dividing
line for the two states for a distance
which covers practically all of the
fishing territory involved in the pres
ent squabble. The legal significance
of that dividing line has been repeat
edly established by the courts In vari
ous cases involving ownership of tide
lands and sands forming in the river.
If Oregon has no Jurisdiction over cer
tain lands which at high tide are cov
ered by the Columbia River, we cer
tainly have no Jurisdiction over the
fish which swim In the waters that are
on the Washington side of that legally
established boundary line. Seeming
impossibility for the lawmakers of
the two states to get together on a law
which would be of mutual value again
suggests that It might be to the . ad
vantage of all concerned if the entire
fish protection problem were turned
over to the Federal Government for
solution. This, of course, would take
the matter out of local politics, and
we might occasionally be able to retain
in office a Fish Commissioner or Fish
Warden for a few months after he had
learned something about the office he
was endeavoring to fill.
The confidence with which the Ore
gon fishermen ar violating the laws,
even on their own side of the river,
and the apparent willingness of their
employers to supply bonds, would in
dicate that a vast amount of campaign
literature was wasted last June on
some fishing laws that are worthless
and inoperative. It is needless to
state that, under Federal control, such
a situation would be almost an impos
sibility. Federal contrql of the indus
try would carry with it other advan
tages, for the National and not the
state government would then be
obliged to carry on the work of arti
ficial propagation, the regulation of
fish ladders and other appliances for
aiding In maintenance of a permanent
supply of salmon.
A Fish Warden working under di
rect appointment from the Federal
Government would have authority to
arrest a lawbreaker on either side of
the river, and with such power It
would be possible to maintain a uni
form (Observance of the laws. Mr.
McAllister's announcement that he
would arrest "all persons caught vio
lating the laws either on the Oregon
or the Washington side of the river"
reads well In print, but, as Oregon
cannot make laws for Washington and
the Washington laws are different
from those of Oregon, an attempted
arrest In Washington waters by the
Oregon Fish Warden might develop
a sequel showing that It is the Fish
Warden, Instead of the fisherman, that
Is a lawbreaker.
The situation is in a bad tangle and
the climax may show up our ridicu
lous policy of fish protection so effec
tually that It will soon be possible to
secure legislation that Is of some
value, pending success of an effort to
bring the entire subject under Fed
eral control.
A new and unexpected complication
has been Introduced into the Indiana
campaign by Governor Hanly. who
has called an extra session of the
Legislature, to convene late this week.
It appears that he has taken this step
in defiance of the wishes of many Re
publican politicians. He has two ob
jects in view: The first, additional leg
islation whereby he may be enabled
to check the work of "night riders"
in the southern section of the Hoosler
State; second, more legislation regard
ing local option In the sale of liquors.
Governor Hanly is an aggressive tem
perance man. His party is not In ac
cord with his radicalism on this re
form. Well informed politicians be
lieve If He tries to force more rljld
legislation at the crisis of the cam
paign, the results will be disorganiza
tion of Republican voters. It Is cer
tain that the Democrats will grasp
whatever opportunity the special ses
sion affords to make all the mischief
possible for the party in power and
advance the interests of their own
state and National tickets.
Mr. Hearst says he was "surprised
and humiliated" when Mr. Bryan
made a bid for Hearst support by
promising to support the Independ
ence party man for President In 1912.
The Bryan proposition, said Hearst,
"showed that he considered me merely
a traitor working for some personal
advantage or promotion in politics."
It is inconceivable how Bryan could
have made such a mistake In his esti
mate of the Hearst character, as the
whole world knows how Mr. Hearst
has always shrunk from "personal ad
vantage" In anything. As both of
these "Bills" are politicians with a
"past," the only feature of the inci
dent that offers any ground for spec
ulation Is Hearst's reason for refusing
the tempting bait. It is possible, how
ever, that he might have regarded the
free-and-easy manner In which Bryan
has forgotten free silver, imperialism
and a few other Isms as a criterion
as to what would happen to the
Bryan promise of support four years
hence.
Senator Ankenys paper at Walla
Walla urged Democrats to vote in the
primary for Ankeny, saying:
It 1 the absolute right of any man. with
out regard to party affiliation, to ask for
any ticket he may desire to vote and to
mark auch names thereon as he approves
and to cast that vote today without regard.
In the slightest sense, to what he may do
on the 8d of next November. Any talk
to prevent the elector from exercising this
prerogative can be eopsldered In the light
of an intimidation.
Such exhortation, from whatever
source, is nothing less than positively
Immoral. It was made quietly In Ore
gon, and acted upon in the primaries
by great numbers of Democrats who
voted for nomination of Republican
candidates, with intent to vote against
them In the election; but no newspa
per in Oregon had the effrontery to
urge It openly.
A great Are in the San Gabriel for
est reserve, in California, .is burning
up timber by the square mile, 'and the
fire which threatened destruction of
the giant redwoods is also still burn
ing. The forest reserves... which -are,
of course, guarded by Government em
ployes, have suffered more than any
other timbered region this season, and
if some of the energy spent in Wash
ington for the purpose of keeping the
timber out of the hands of the set
tilers were to be devoted to guarding
it against fire, the country as a whole
would be the gainer. The negligence
which permitted the destruction of
some of the magnificent California
redwoods was but little short of a
crime, and the loss is one that can
never be repaired.
Oregon may yet become a corn
grwing state, when experiment has
produced the right variety. Then will
cease the importation of hog products
that now figure largely in the flow of
money eastward. A Milton man has
a number of stalks that measure 15
feet from tassels to roots, loaded with
plump ears, that will be used as a
background for an exhibit at the Pen
dleton Fair. Seeing is believing.
"Let the people rule," shouts Mr.
Bryan: What people? All the peo
ple? Then what becomes of the Solid
South? If there should be no Solid
South, what becomes of Bryan? What
Bryan wants Is for a part of the peo
ple to rule, not all; for the rule of all
the people spells the ruin of Democ
racy. Possibly Mr. Edison, while he is
here, may be able to Invent some de
vice to enable the Columbia River fish
ermen to catch all the fish in the river
and keep the river full of other fish to
catch. The Statem'ent-No.-Oners, too,
can think of a thing or two they would
like to have Mr. Edison do for them.
"Poor old Linn County," says the
Brownsville Times, "cannot muster
enough energy to provide a suitable
exhibit at the State Fair." What! Is
all the energy of Politicians Milt" Mil
ler and Sam Garland going to waste?
The primary law needs amendment
at least to the extent of stopping
wholesale baby kissing by the candi
dates that much for sanitary rea
sons. The State of Washington discovers
It has big interest in the Columbia
River In salmon. It has far bigger In
ters t in commerce.
Judge Galloway was mistaken by a
waitress In Albany for a preacher.
Wouldn't that make a real preacher
envious?
The Independence League has put
up its electoral ticket in Oregon.
That's four votes. If everybody plays
fair.
Governor Mead should have visited
Oregon before the primary campaign
and seen some of the Oregon politi
cians. Maine fires another opening gun to
day. But don't look upon it as con
clusive. The campaign Isn't over.
It is probably better for girls to be
shot by repulsed suitors than to marry
them.
. Editor Geer aays Oregon oould give
Taft 20,000 majority If not a speech
were made. Better no speeches, then.
BRYAN AKD THE NEGRO.
Studied Evasiveness of the Candidate,
and the Reason.
Brooklyn Eagle, Ind. Dem.
Mr. Bryan hopes to derive advantage
at the polls because of the dismissal
"without honor" of the battalion sta
tioned at Brownsville. He has more
than once been questioned on that
subject. To any and all overtures for
an opinion-he has responded by de
claring that he has had and will have
nothing to say about It, This, though
he claims to be the heir of Roosevelt,
who dismissed the troops.
To repeat, there's a reason. Should
he Indorse the dismissal he would for
feit the ballot box advantage he ex
pects to derive. On the other hand,
should he denounce the President,
there Is not a Southern state In which
he would not have to pay dearly for
such denunciation on election day.
For Southern opinions concerning
what -happened at Brownsville are
neither divided nor negative, uney are,
on the contrary, unanimous and posi
tive. So Mr. Bryan stations himself
midway between the horns of thlB di
lemma, lest, stirring, he be impaled
on one of them. His preference is for
the safety of silence.
Other questions have been asked.
Several Southern newspapers have
been wondering whether Mr. Bryan,
In the event of his election, would do
anything calculated to alter the politi
cal' conditions by which the negro is
confronted. They are not captious.
They do not question Mr. Bryan for
the purpose of embarrassing him. It
v. . .!, .,,. tn xrontA the condi
tions they refer to, and they were not
invoked witnout tremennous mi.
Their anxiety for an answer corre-
been of no
service' to them. Mr. Bryan will not
tell them what mey want. iu ii...
is between the horns, in the safety of
silence.
In this he exercises a privilege to
which others are entitled, others who
do not happen to be running for office.
They have a right to repel the inqui
sitive, but Mr. Bryan is a candidate
for the Presidency. Moreover, the ne
gro question, so called, is losing its
sectional aspect It took 6000 of the
tin..i. .tat, militia n Gatlina- gun
company and the combined efforts of
the police and fire departments two
days to restore oraer in oiiimSi.u,
where the mob did not discriminate
.... h. Innnoont and the Kuilty.
It ran amuck. It exacted penaltlts
from those who had committed no
- . t , n,oa -ariid wanton and
merciless. It did not draw the line
at murder.
Comparisons have been Instituted.
. i' 1. 1 vqh-b and Courier
after saying that the white man's rage
was kindled by a little fire in Spring-
j..ia,.a that tha Northern mob
cannot and does not endure half of
what the potential eoumern otouduoio
l.w ......a nlmftv .V.rv H fl V . T tlfi At-
lanta Constitution reminds us that
human passions are not sectional and
that cause and effect are not varied
by position. The Mobile Register says
a Southern mob goes sirer mo b"".
w... oil nnerrnp. ionic alike to in
flamed Northerners, who will not tol-
. utinn ti-Vi U in the South
ert&ie buiujj5i."., " ---
the white and the black work side by
side.
tVilnirn will Mr. Bryan
take Into account. He will talk of the
tariff and of trusts. He will become
eloquent with "equal rights to all" as
his theme and he will appeal to the
emotions when asking. "Shall the Peo
ple Rule?" But he becomes a sphinx
when Brownsville Is mentioned, and
,i, n ftllnslnn to the
ne win iMituiiu . . t
Fifteenth Amendment. His solicitude
has well denned limitations, jmu
VI. ..minathv nrt hl ChamDlOn-
shlp. He has no use for any bread not
politically outterea ana. no -
pouse only sucn
: . . .,(v... vtitt s,wn welfare
latea to cun"'""" -
He is as thrifty, politically, as he
, . . ' . ,innnAi.iw - vIiati he
sougm uu ue utiati. --
framed a last win ana wbtamcui.
GUIDE TO THE HEADQUARTERS
How Country Voters May Find the
Dough Rooms In New YorK.
w Jones in New Tork American.
For the benefit of voters visiting New
York, and especially for the benefit of
those visiting New Tork for the purpose
niini T).mnrrjits. we Rive a
brief guide to the National committee
headquarters. ,..'..
The rooms snd entrances are lettered
In the order in which they are to be
found In the Hoffman House corridor.
A. Public entrance for Dollar Demo-
B. Public entrance for more expensive
Democrats.
X. Secret entrance for Thomas Ryan,
r. iaai. fur M-Knlfers' Club, fur
nished with files of Louisville Courier
T..n.l anA Vis York World.
D. Cage containing main Southern
contributions to campaign iuna-i
calf from Texas, 1 Hongkong gander from
E (locked). Lumber room, piled with
slightly shopworn planus, euun a
silver. Immediate government ownership
of railroads, etc., etc.
F. Faro Lick Bprlngs Club Room.
Roulette wheels for accommodation of
visitors above the Dollar Democrat ciass.
G and H. Reception rooms with liquid
1 tnl.nillnp nn t Hhll ttWR.
uneei tut " t -" .
I. Press bureau, tenanted by Colonel
Watterson and 10.000 tumultuous aajec
tlves. ,
j.8enator Culberson s room, equipped
with phonographs for testing would-be
orators. ,
K. Safe containing the dollar contri
buted by a genuine Democrat.
Not iu Position to Attack.
New York Evening Mail.
Mr. Bryan Is e6topped by his own plat
form from making any point against "Re
publican extravagance." although he es
sayed It at the Minnesota State Fair.
It Is true his platform attempts the
point, and denounces the "great and
growing laereaae In the number of office-holders."
Yet the same platform
pronounces for a scheme of internal im
provements in roads and waterways
whose cost would be measured by the
hundreds of millions, at least. The plat
form would also .load new duties, of in
spection, etc., on the Federal Govern
ment, and these duties imply more "office-holders."
Mr. Bryan is. in no position, .personally,
to make his point. He Is on record for
Government ownership of the railroads,
a scheme that would add 1.672.074 office-holders
to the payrolls of the Nation
and the states.
Whatever capital he can make over
the Republican policy of maintaining a
real Navy and an Army of 60,000 men,
instead of 2S.OO0. Mr. Bryan Is welcome
to. Let him go out to the Pacific Coast
and repeat his Minneapolis speech there.
Include Coal and MUk.
Chattanooga Times.
If we are really going to quit trusting
people and adopt the policy of bolstering
human weaknesses by statutory enact
ments and taxing the honest to make
good the defalcations of the looters, why
stop at banking? Why not make the
honest coal ajaler supply the deficiencies
of his "short weight" competitor, and
apply the same rule to the groceryman,
the butcher and the drygoods emporiums?
Auto-Speedlna; Federal Judre Fined.
Philadelphia Dispatch.
United States Court Judge James B.
Holland, of Conshohoeken, Pa., was
caught in the net set by Fallsington
township officials for auto violators
and fined $10 and costs by 'Squire
Woolaton. Judge Holland paid the fin
without protest.
rt
ORIGIN OF THE ROOSEVELT POLICY
Careful and Candid History of the Movement Leading Up to Effective
Demand for Public Control of Private Highways Complete Answer
to the Democratic Assertion That the President Has "Stolen" Bryan's
Policies and Principles. From the Outlook, September 5.
THE Democratic friends of Mr. Bryan
and the Republican enemies of Mr.
Roosevelt have so often said that Mr.
Roosevelt borrowed his policies from
Mr. Bryan that they have come to be
lieve that this is true; For the Information-
of readers who wish to know
the truth we give here a condensed
chapter of recent American history.
Something like 40 years ago Senator
Booth.- of California, put the railway
problem In a sentence (we quote from
memory): "Formerly the means of
transportation-were poor, but the high
ways were free; now the meana of
transportation are admirable, but the
highways are private property." How
to have the highways administered as
private property for the public welfare
is the railway problem of the Tfnlted
States.
At first the states took it up. State
Legislatures attempted to regulate.rall
way rates. State railway commissions
were appointed; some with authority,
some without OriS of the earliest of
these commission's was that of Massa
chusetts In 1869. The legislation was
experimental, often crude, sometimes
partiaUy effective, sometimes wholW
disastrous. But the principle, legisla
tive regulation of the public highways
for the public benefit, was gradually
getting itself established In the Ameri
can mind, and in time this public con
viction reached Congress. In 1887 the
Reagan-Cullum bill was enacted. It
forbade discrimination and provided for
an Interstate Railway Commission. Mr.
Reagan was a Democrat from Texas.
Mr. CuIIum was a Republican from Illi
nois. The bill was thus not sectional;
it was not partisan; it was the expres
sion of a National conviction adopted
after 25 years of public agitation. At
the time of Its adoption Mr. Bryan was
a young man 27 years of age, practic
ing law in Illinois; Mr. Roosevelt, two
years his senior, had Just been defeated
as the Republican candidate for the
Mayoralty of New York Cty. Neither
of them was a National figure; neither
of them had been heard by the Ameri
can people on the railway problem.
The Reagan-Cullom bill, like all com
promise, was an inadequate measure.
The coifrts. construing it strictly, made
It by their interpretations still more
Inadequate. The railway managers In
sisted on regarding the highways - as
private property to be operated for
private profit. To give favored rates to
favored shippers was the common, al
most the universal, custom. The pro
teetants were few and the protests
were futile. The result was inevitable.
The favored shippers crowded their un
fortunate competitors to the wall. A
small advantage In freights was suffi
cient to give its possessor a practical
monopoly. The rich grew richer If the
poor did not grow poorer. Multi-millionaires
appeared in increasing num
bers, and with rapidly-increasing
wealth during all thle period of In
creasing railway development under
private corporate control. Wrote James
Bryce In 1888: "The most remarkable
phenomenon of the laet 25 years has
been the appearance not only of those
few colossal millionaires who fill the
public eye? but of many millionaires of
the second order, men with fortunes
ranging from $5,000,000 to $16,000,000."
In a single graphic sentence he por
trayed the social peril: "No spot in
Europe conveys an equal impression of
the lust of the eyes and the prtde of
life, of boundless wealth and a bound
less desire for enjoyment, as does the
Ocean Drive at Newport on an after
noon in August." In another equally
significant sentence he Indicated the
political perils: "The influence of
money is one -of the dangers which the
people have always to guard against,
for it assails not merely the Legisla
tures but the party machinery, and Its
methods are as momentous as they are
insidious."
e
In his famou "cross of gold" speech
before the Democratic Convention in
1896 Mr. Bryan effectively expressed
the popular discontent and the popular
apprehension. But hie diagnosis of the
cause of the plutocrats' power was the
gold standard; the remedy which he
prescribed was free silver. The railway
problem received from him scant atten
tion. In his letter of acceptance all
that he had to say about It wag the
following:
The right of th United States Govern
ment to refculate interstate commerce can
not be questioned, and the necessity for the
vigorous exercise of that right Is becoming
more and more imperative. The Interests
of the whole people require such an en
largement Of the powers of the Interstate
Commerce Commission as will enable It to
prevent discrimination between persons and
places, and protect patrons from unreason
able charges. ,
This statement was entirely correct,
but it was only a statement of what
both parties stood for In previous legis
lation, In state and Nation. No empha
sis was laid by Mr. Bryan uppn railway
rate regulation; no special measures
were proposed. The country's danger,
as Mr. Bryan caw it, was in the cur
rency; the remedy for the peril was
free silver. "In the presence of this
overshadowing issue," said he, "differ
ences of opinion on minor questions
must be laid aside." For ,the " three
months of the Presidential campaign,
the country studied this problem as it
had never before studied an economic
problem. By a decisive vote it rejected
both Mr. Bryan's diagnosis and his rem
edy. Four years later he sought and
obtained a rehearing. He had nothing
more to say on the railway problem in
1900 than .In 1896. "In 1896 he regarded
the currency question as the paramount
issue. In 1900 he declared the colonial
question to be the paramount issue.
"No other question," he said, "can ap
proach It In importance: no other ques
tion demands such immediate consider
ation." The country did not agree with
him. His interpretation of tho coun
try's needs was rejected even more de
cisively than before.
A year later (September, 1901), by
the tragic death of Mr. McKlnley. Mr.
Roosevelt was made President of the
United States, and less than a year
after his inauguration (August 23,
1902), by his famous speech at Provi
dence, R. I., noted as a home of corpor
ations, he began his public campaign in
favor- of legislative control of the
"great corporations commonly called
trusts," and especially of those which
are charged with the administration of
the Nation's highways. By that cam
paign, continued in a aeries of speeches
delivered in Boston, Fitchburg, Wheel
ing, Cincinnati, and other cities, he fo
cused public attention on this problem.
Backed by the public opinion which r.e
had not created, but which he had in
terpreted and made definite and so ef
fective, he won from a reluctant Con
gress new legislation for the regula
tion of railway rates. Supported by
officials in hearty sympathy with him,
he enforced laws which had long lain
as s dead letter, both against combina
tions in restraint of trade and against
the well-nigh universal practice of giv
ing special rates to specially favored
skippers. And by this triple process
the vigorous enforcement of existing
laws the enactment of new legislation
and the arousing and focusing of public
opinion he hag driven the practice of
giving rebates and favored rates t ithei
out of existence or Into nlding like
other criminal violatlona of public law
and disregard of public welfare.
Meanwhile occurred tha Presidential
election of 1904. In this election Mr.
Roosevelt represented the demand for a
Federal Railway Commission with pow
er to prescribe rates; Mr. Parker repre
sented opposition to that demand: and
Mr. Bryan gave Mr. Parker his support.
After his candidate was overwhelming
ly defeated, Mr. Bryan left the country
for a trip around the world. Return
ing in 1906. he found the whole coun
try converted to the Importance of
making the public highways serve the
public interests; the opposition was re
duced to a numerically insignificant
minority. Now . for the first time tMd
Mr. Bryan address himself seriously to
the railway problem. In so doing he
accepted Mr. Roosevelt's diagnosis, but
not Mr. Roosevelt's proposed remedy.
He tardily recognized the importance
of the raiiway problem, but he rejected
Government regulation of railway
rates. In lieu thereof he proposed
Government ownership. And he found
his proposal so instantly and over
whelmingly rejected by the people that .
he did not think it worth his while to
take a vote, even of his own party,
upon the proposal.
It Is evident from this history that
Mr. Bryan can lay no Just claim to be
the originator of what is popularly
known as the Roosevelt policy. He is
not the author of Government owner
ship; that is borrowed from Europe.
Nor of the Railway Commission; that
was adopted by Jlasseehusetts when he
was a Doy s years oi age. ivor oi me
notion that plutocracy Is one of the
great perils of democracy; that was
pointed out by Mr. Bryce three years
before Mr. Bryan was in public life at
all, and, it can hardly be necessary to
say, by more than one economist and
moralist long before Mr. Bryce. In
1896 Mr. Bryan thought the power of
the plutocracy came from the gold
standard and the remedy was free li
ver; In 1900 he thought the paramount
Issue before the Amertcan people was
immediate self-government for the Fil
lDlnos before they had any preparation
for self-government; In 1906 he thought
the remedy for railway Inequalities was
Government ownership.
Mr. Roosevelt was not the first to se,
but he was the first to make the publlo
see, that the paramount issue is not
what Mr Cleveland thought it to be,
the tariff, nor what Mr. Bryan thought
It to be in 1896, the currency, nor what
Mr. Bryan declared it to be in. 1900,
colonial administration, but the problem
how to make privately-owned railways
serve the public welfare; he wag not
the first to see, but he was the first to
make the public see, that no adequate
remedy for favoritism in railway ad
ministration Is afforded by leaving the
individual shipper to appeal to the
courts, that the only remedy is to cre
ate machinery by which the great rail
way corporations can be controlled by
a greater corporation, namely, the Gov
ernment: he was not the first to see, but
he was the first to make the public see,
that this is primarily a Federal, not a
state, problem. And by making the
people see these truths Mr. Roosevelt
has' not created, but he has developed,
focused and made efficient a before
vague, undefined and inefficient public
sentiment in favor of a Just and equal
administration of the National high
ways as a public trust a sentiment
which, once having been aroused, fash
ioned and directed to a definite end and
by definite means, will never be wholly
lost by the American people.
It should be added that Mr. Taft, In
his Detroit speech In 1895, the year
before Mr. Bryan's first candidacy, laid
down the fundamental principles which
are embodied in the Roosevelt policy;
that he has been one of Mr. Roosevelt's
trusted legal advisers; that on him Mr,
Roosevelt has in no small measure de
pended for counsel In his endeavor to.
secure a railway rate regulation law
that would be both constitutional and
practically efficient; that the principle
that the Constitution Invests complete
control of interstate commerce in the
National Government has never been
more clearly and vigorously stated than
by Mr. Taft; that the policy of exercis
ing this control has had no more reso
lute defender than Mr. Taft; and that
thus It may truly be said that the
Roosevelt policy Is not less truly a
Taft policy. It Is difficult to see. in
view of the history of the past, how,
even by a spirit of accommodation, it
can properlv be called a Bryan policy.
The -Whole Thing; la Here. .
Governor Hughes at Youngstown. Ohio.
The Republican party makes appeal to
public confidence as the most Important po
litical agency for conservation and for
progress. By virtue of its achievement!. Its
leadership snd its alms it stands forth as an
efficient Instrument for strong and capable
administration, as a safeguard ' of stability
and of the prosperity which depends upon
stability, and as an unrivalled power for th
correction of abuses, it stands In striking
contrast to th record of vacillation and
ineptitude presented by th chief opposing
party. That opposing party proffsrs a can
didacy which is at one a monument and a
guldepost. It memorialise the fallacies
and unsafe policies we are asked to forget,
and It points the way to business uncer
tainty and to the Impaalrment of th confi
dence which Is the security of Industry and
trad. ' m
Lincoln aa a Landlord.
Boston Herald.
As to the latest charge brought against
Abraham Lincoln, that he was once ac-
.1 1.. aniravori In thn mm Vlt 1R I fl PHS and
dispensed intoxicating liquors at retail.
an exhaustive searcn oi autnormes
his career, including Hay and Nlcolay,
shows that the only basis for the allega
tion is that in his early career Mr. Lin
coln opened a tavern in Sangamon
County, Illinois, and set forth In detail
the prices he should be permitted to
charge for liquors, wines, lodging and
meals. Before beginning actual business,
however, Landlord Lincoln disposed of
his tavern and resumed rall-splittlng.
This history seems to let Lincoln out by
a close shave. '
Aa It Seemed to Him.
' From Judge.
A man who Intended to take up a
homestead claim, but did not know how
to do it, sought information of a friend
about It.
"Mike." said he, "you've taken up a
homestead, and I want to know what you
had to do 'to prove up and earn your
title to the land."
"Well. Jerry. I don't know the law.
word for word, concernig homesteadlng,
but it seemed to me like this: The Gov
ernment is willing to bet ye 160 acres of
land agin $14 that ye can't live on it
five years without starving to death."
Rabies-Infected Physician Now Safe.
. Chicago Dispatch.
Dr. A. Lagorio, of the Pasteur Insti
tute of Chicago, who has been taking
treatment for an infection of rabies ob
tained by a scratch on his hand in his
laboratory, has been declared out of
danger. Dr. Lagorio was Infected 12
days ago.