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PORTLAND. THURSDAY. DEC. 14. 1905.
RATE DISCRIMINATION.
How far. to what extent, the instruc
tions of Attorney-General Moody to the
District Attorneys of the United States,
directing them to be vigilant In the en
forcement of provisions of the "National
Jhw against rebates and discriminations
of all kinds by carriers, may "be en
forced and bear fruit. It is Impossible
now to conjecture. The instructions
ought to have been given heretofore, as i
ihe act is two years old; but the excusa
tory statement may (be offered, that It
takes time to find out what the signifi
cance and (bearing of such an act may '
be.
But the Attorney-General has now
Issued specific instructions, and has
cited for the Instruction and direction
of District Attorneys the provisions of
the law. The difficulty Is that It is
hard one of the hardest of all things
lo get the Information on which the
complaint may be established.
In his recent annual report the Attorney-General
admits this difficulty the
difficulty of obtaining evidence against
the railroad corporations that have con
tinually violated the law. They will
not "peach" on one another. Each and
all have the same relations with the
public that "touch of nature" which
makes them all kin. Their maxim of
protection and of defense naturally is
that injury to one is injury to all. As
a remedy lor this condition the Attorney-General
suggested that some ad
ministrative body be given the power
to fix a future maximum rate as a
weapon that might be used with good
effect by the Government against dis
rlminating practices, the Attorney
General's idea being that "upon proof
that a lower rate had been given to
some preferred shipper," that rate could
be made the maximum for all shippers
in like situation. The New York Jour
nal of Commerec says that "this is no
new suggestion, but one the sophistry
of which has been more than, once ex-
posed." The President's Idea, follow
ing the suggestion of the Attorney
General, is that in cases of railroad dis
criminations the minimum rate be made
the maximum rate.
Proceeding from this point, the Jour
nal of Commerce says that the reduc
tion of rates for a preferred shipper,
as referred to by the Attorney-General,
"is made only to secure large shipments
and to prevent them from going to
some competing line"; that "it is
the result or a competition which the
law says must not be restrained." and
that "such a rate made to secure large
shipments and to gain trafllc, or to pre
vent Its diversion, may not be a fair
rate for all shippers. It may be confis
catory if applied to all, but the worst
effect of making It the maximum rate
for ail on the offending lines will be to
compel the unoffending lines to come
down to it or to lose the competitive
business."
This is well understood by all who
have practical knowledge of the mak
ing of railroad rates. Enforcement of
the doctrine and no doubt it ought to
be enforced will compel the railroads
to come Into relations and agreements
still closer with each other than here
tofore. The instinct of self-rpreserva-tion
-will bring them together and hold
them together, on agreed rates. But
this will enforce Impartiality to shlp
3ers and communities similarly situ
atedwhich is the main object to be
sought and realized. Thus, enforce
ment of the principle of equal rates to
all anay come as a consequence of the
Jaw. through its reflex action.
Yet the difficulty of making progress
Jn rater regulation and prevention of
discrimination will be great. The Attorney-General
complains that he cannot
obtain evidence to convict the trans
portation systems that violate the law
against rebates and discriminations,
because the railroads "stand in" with
each other. So it wlH be found exceed
ingly difficult for the District Attorneys
to carry out his instructions to push
criminal prosecutions against those who
may have given "lower rates to some
preferred shipper."
Yet the Instructions to do so may and
doubtless will prove a deterrent. The
railroads will hesitate, before they com
mit themselves to violation of the law
and to its consequences. The people do
not object so much to the open rates
of the railroads as too high, as to the
fear and the fact that favorites are
given advantageous rates. This is the
abuse which District Attorneys of the
"United States are specially Instructed
to investigate and enjoined to prose
cute. Yet for the reasons already given
this will be a most difficult undertak
ins. Railway men eay, however, that
such discrimination is much more rare
than the public Imagine it. Very well,
then: the annoyance to the railroads
will be little and the penalties of small
consequence.
SENATOR GEAXIN.
It was to be expected that Governor
Chamberlain would appoint a Democrat
to the United States Senate; and It was
to be hoped that he would select a
Democrat who would go to the Senate
as no mere partisan. John M- Gearin
is a Democrat and a partisan, but he is
first a high-minded American citizen
who will under no circumstances dis
honor himself or the State of Oregon;
and he will make no factitious opposi
tion to any great National policy be
cause it happens to be supported by a
Republican President and to be in fa
vor with a Republican. Congress. At
this time, when many grave matters
are to be solved by the Republican Na
tional Administration, it might have
been deemed a misfortune that any
Senator toe sent by Oregon who by his
political antecedents and affiliations
would seem to be not entirely in accord
with President Roosevelt. But we al
ready know that Senator Gearin Is for
regulation of railway rates, for Jorrec
tlon of trust evils, for free trade with
the Philippines, for the Panama Canal
and for all the essential Roosevelt poli
cies. We could ask no more from any
Democrat; we might get less from
many Republicans. It Is singular that
Senator Gearin should be able to de
clare that he Is for these things with
out his Democracy being In the slight
est measure Impugned by anybody; yet
It Is true. The reason is that he has
never taken part in politics for any per
sonal end. More could not be said for
any other Important Democrat In Ore
gon: and it cannot be said for all Re
publicans. Senator Gearin was born in Oregon
and knows all about its history, tradi
tions, needs and ambitions. He will en
deavor to promote unduly the Interest
of no locality, but he will be, we are
sure, equally concerned for the devel
opment and welfare of every section of
Oregon. He will labor no less diligent
ly for a thirty-foot channel at Coos Bay
than ibr a forty-foot channel at the
Columbia entrance. He will do what
he can to promote the Government's
irrigation plans In Klamath and in
Umatilla; and, so far as he has a voice
in Federal appointments, fitness alone
will determine his choice and his atti
tude on Senate confirmation after
choice shall have been made.
Senator Gearin Is one of the younger
generation of public men who are rap
idly coming forward In Oregon to guide
its affairs. He is a good lawyer and an
unusually attractive and convincing
public speaker. He has tact, good
manners, an easy and graceful ad
dress, great industry and ready com
mand of all his mental resources. He
has, besides, the confidence, respect.
good will and friendship of all who
know him.
The Oregonian extends to him its con
gratulations that his merits have
brought him this distinction, and to the
public its felicitations that out of a
grievous situation of difficulty and em
barrassment the state has emerged
into the light. Above all, Oregon will
have in Mr. Genrln a Senator of honor
able life, record and character.
TAINTED LECTURES.
The Columbus Trades and Labor As
sembly has declined to hear a lecturer
from the Chlwigo University, for the
reason that Rockefeller's, money main
tains the institution. In strict ethics
their action is perhaps justifiable. It
is hardly possible to carry too far all
lawful methods of protest against
Rockefeller and those who uphold him,
but there is something to saj on the
other side in this case. The money
which founded Chicago University may
have been acquired in deplorable ways
by a bad man and yet the institution
may Itself be a very good one. If It is
good and exerts a good influence, then
the Columbus Assembly ought to re
ceive the lecturer and hear what he has
to say.
They do not believe that the Chicago
professors are allowed to teach any
thing but Rockefeller's opinions, but
this is a great mistake. Upon many
subjects, such as mathematics and
Sanskrit, Rockefeller has- no opinions.
Here, then, the professors must-be free.
On other subjects even Rockefeller's
opinions must be sound, and If the pro
fessors agreed with him upon these it
would do no harm. As a matter of
fact, except perhaps rarely and upon
a few matters, Rockefeller does not
bother about what the Chicago profes
sors think or say. They are as free as
most men and freer than many. Some
of them are leaders In great reforms,
Most of them are eminent leaohers and
the Columbus Assembly could sit. at
their feet with intellectual profit and
spiritual edification. It would almost
seem that this sturdy body of working
men has just a touch of spiritual pride.
ANOTHER IDOL SHATTERED.
The outrageous conduct of President
Corey, of the United States Steel Cor
poration, In attempting to put aside the
wife of his early years in order that he
maj' take in her place a chorus girl
with whom he has become infatuated,
is a crime against society. When Mr.
Corey, still a young man, was ad
vanced a few years ago to the head of
the greatest corporation the world ever
knew, and was paid a salary mai.y
times as great as that of the President
of the United States, he became. In a
sense, a public character. His career
was held up before the youth of the
country as model, well calculated to
inspire in the minds xf all young men
a desire to emulate his success. Had
his position been more obscure, his
moral downfall would have been far
less disastrous.
There is too much cynicism in the
world already, and every idol of the
Corey mold that is shattered ony a Ids
to the feeling of distrust The fatlte:
of President Corey is most severe In his
condemnation of his recreant son, and
blames Andrew Carnegie for the ruin
which followed his success. Tills is
probably unjust condemnation, but the
successive failure of two of the young
men who had risen from the ranks in
the Carnegie service would Indicate
that the steel king had been particu
larly unfortunate in choosing his lieu
tenants. The Indiscretions of ex-Pres!
dent Schwab at Monte Carlo and other
public places, while In & measure repre
hensible, were nothing to be compared
to the conduct of his successor, Mr.
Corey. The good wife who stood by
Schwab and bore him children when he
was a humble laborer in the Carnegie
mills is still by his side, and, regardless
of how his rise to wealth and power
may have turned his head, not a breath
of domestic scandal has ever been ut
tered against him.
No more pitiful and at the same time
terrible arraignment of the derelictions
of a son was ever uttered than that
by the elder Corey when told that his
son had stated that the wife he was
endeavoring to cast aside bad never
loved him. Said he:
When a woman works for her buibawt,
when he I setting but 40 a raosth. Ure
for him. mend his clothe beat bint chil
dren, raises the children, guld- the foot
step) of those children to the right rath, and
then, when God so wills, that ne of those
children stall be taken, she hover like as
angel over that death-bed. and almost civ
her life alto as that young life rocs wU
that woman love the man whose ehlWrea be
bore, and Laura loved Ellis. Has EltU gone
mad?
An uncle of President Corey, who
gave the young man his first start In
life, blames, his downfall to football.
baseball and an Inordinate desire lor
wealth and power. The latter may
have been a contributing factor to his
ruin, for, had he failed to secure wealth
and power, the chorus girl with a pretty
face and elastic morals would have haa
no use for him. As to football and
baseball, brutality and degradation
have only recently appeared in the
games, so the can hardly in fairness
be blamed. Some philosopher once
handed down the remark that it was
Impossible to make a silk purse 3Ut of
a sow's ear. That Is perhaps the reason
for the downfall of President Corey. As
a 540-a-month laborer, he was a model
husband and father in his station hr
life. There was nothing in his sur
roundings at that time which made am
an object for the tempter, and, had fate
gleamed more kindly on him and kept
him from rising to heights of greatness.
his limitations might never have been
known.
HEARST WAS JSLKCTED.
It is believed generally that Hearst
was elected Mayor of New York, but
was counted out. Through his counsel
Hearst made an effort to contest the
result. To this end a recount was de
manded. The highest court in the State
of Now York denies the application for
a recount, on the ground that the law
does not authorize such proceeding.
It Is known that the law was "fixed"
In this way. for Just such purposes;
but the judges assert that they must
follow the law. Two of them, however,
find grounds for dissent. The others
could, doubtless, have found likewise.
had they desired qr been willing to
do so.
So McCIellan will serve another term
as Mayor, though Hearst was elected.
McClellan's resistance to a recount was
a virtual admission against himself;
but, as the saying goes in all cases
where justice is denied through legal
forms, he "bad the right to avail him
self of all his advantages within the
law."
In this case the actual result cannot
be discovered, because the law affords
the means, or at least an excuse, for
preventing It, It is not a question
whether Hearst Is a man whom wealthy
New York and powerful Tammany
think "a safe man" for Mayor, or not.
The main fact is that the voters of the
city have been beaten out of their just
rights first. In the election, and next
by rejection of the demand for a re
count. Nobody in New York doubts
that Hearst had an actual plurality.
The first half of the count showed him
steadily leading. Alarmed, Tammany
got In its work on the last half.
INDDKTKIAL INSURANCE.
The insurance investigating commit
tee in Its adventurous progress has now
Teached the Prudential Life, Senator
John F. Dryden and industrial Insur
ance. Senator Dryden's testimony is
what one would expect from a man
of his childlike innocence, directness
and simplicity. He has worked hard In
the Insurance business, as he testifies,
to say nothing of politics and the gen
eral game of high finance, and has
"tried to be honest," If he has not
succeeded, let him still have credit for
trying. Some insurance men and
many Senators have not even tried. As
to corruption, Mr. Dryden has "heard
a great deal about It." but "he has
never found it necessary." In 1S99 his
company spent 15,S0O upon one Legis
lature and another, but It was not for
corruption. Very likely it went to buy
tracts and possibly Bibles for the mem
bers. The Prudential, Metropolitan
and John Hancock companies, which do
'about S5 per cent of the industrial busi
ness among them, seem to have formed
a sort of holy alliance for the conver
sion of legislators. Industrial insur
ance is largely upon the lives of chil
dren, and there is a. prevalent belief
that child insurance tends to eventuate
in child-murder. It is to prevent this
belief from passing into laws that Sen
ator Dryden lavishes his money upon
legislators buying them Bibles, but
never corrupting them.
The principal purpose of industrial
life Insurance, as stated by a high offi
cer of the Prudential. In the "Annals
of the American Academy," is to meet
the funeral expenses of those In hum
ble life. The policies are issued for
small sums, all the members of the
family, old and young, are eligible, the
premiums are payable weekly, and are
collected by agents. The average week
ly premium seems to be about 10 cents.
This pays for $240 insurance at 10 years
old, $100 at 40, and some $26 at 76. The
premium seems small, but it Is really
enormous. Ten cents weekly makes
$5.20 a year- The ordinary yearly pre
mium for a man of 40 upon $100 of in
surance is $3.46. Industrial insurance
therefore costs almost exactly SO per
cent more than the ordinary insurance
at the age of 40. Just as the poor are
robbed upon their tea, coal and rent
because their payments must be small
and frequent, so likewise they are
robbed upon their life Insurance.
The plea is made that the expense of
collecting industrial premiums necessi
tates the heavier charge. If the plea
has any validity at all. It Is only par
tial. The weekly payments are of the
same advantage to the insurance com
pany that "quick sales" are to a mer
chant. They are equivalent to constant
reinvestment of the principal at a high
rate of Interest compounded weekly.
The system of weekly payments may be
a privilege to the policy-holder of small
means; fairly computed, such payments
would be a privilege; but at the present
rate they are extortion pure and sim
ple. The whole number of industrial poli
cies In force In the United States Is
about 15,000,000, representing $2,000,000,
000 of insurance. The annual payments
upon them amount to $75,000,000, or
about $5 per policy. The average age
of those Insured is therefore around 40
years, and the average policy not much
above $100. The business, though small
in detail, is very extensive, and, consid
ering its enormous gains, one Is not sur
prised to learn that the Prudential
Company, the pioneer in industrial in
surance, has accumulated in & quarter
century nearly M.&0,900 profit upon
$2,0W,e00 capital The grots annual In
come of the Prudential from Its lns
trial business is three times what It
pays out to policy-holders.
These payments have amounted to
almost $40,000,000 during the last five
years, which Is a large sum. but not
nearly so large as It would have been
If the policy-holders had been falrly
treated. For example, of the Industrial
policies written In 1900. 72 per cent
lapsed within five years, and 37 per
cent of those written In 1504 lapsed the
same year. Now these policies have no
paid-up value until they have run three
years. They must run 15 years to begin
to draw dividends, and twenty years
to acquire a surrender value. Since
only some 1G per cent of the Pruden
tial's industrial policies continue In
force for fifteen years. It is apparent
that the company pays out very little
either In dividends or upon surrenders
for cash, and that most of the money It
receives Is a dead loss to the policy
holder. The dividends for 1904 amount
ed to $551,000. which Is only one-seventeenth
of 1 per cent of the Insurance
carried by the company. Including or
dinary as well as Industrial policies.
Mr. Dryden himself originated the in
dustrial insurance business In Amer
ica, writing the first policy at Newark
In 1S75. It has been growing; In mag
nitude and success for thirty years,
nearly the life of a generation of men.
Mr. Gore, the actuary of the Pruden
tial, says that It is still In the experi
mental stage, however. Suppose the ex
periment should fail, what would hap
pen to the 15,000.000 policy-holders? But
such a statement Is nonsense. The
business is thoroughly understood,
firmly established and enormously
profitable. It confers a substantial
benefit upon the poor and makes them
pay three prices for what they get. It
is therefore a philanthropy In the typi
cal American sense, and should entitle
Senator Dryden to a tablet in the hall
of fame beside Mr. Rockefeller and Mr.
McCurdy.
The "Washington State Auditor re
fuses to pay Attorney PIckrell, of Col
fax, for legal assistance rendered the
Railroad Commission at its recent
strenuous session at Colfax. The ob
jection is based on the belief that the
Attorney-General should attend to the
employment of any legal assistance
needed In his department. In this case
the Attorney-General declines for the
reason that he did not employ Mr. PIck
rell. Such action on the part of the
Auditor and Attorney-General is most
unkind. If the Commission Is not to be
permitted to employ local political lead
ers to .aid them at their various meet
ings throughout the state, much of the
valuable political capital of the organi
zation will be lost. The Attorney-General
may be all right in trying a Rail
road Commission case on Its merits, but
for political purposes one local politi
cian in the Railroad Commission belt Is
worth more than a dozen Attorneys
General from 'way over the other side
of the state.
A report from San Francisco states
that the Western Pacific has no present
intention of coming to Portland, but
will build only to the California metrop
olis. While the report Is not official, it
Is not unreasonable, when the Gould
policy and the history of the Gould
roads are considered. Mr. George Gould
who is a railroad man by Inheritance,
possesses a singular faculty for getting
less out of his railroad properties than
is earned by any other road in the ter
ritory reached by his lines. Reasoning
from precedent. It is but natural to sup
pose that when building Into new ter
ritory, he would select that which was
the least productive of any which he
might tap with his new line. Other
railroad men of greater sagacity than
Gould was ever credited with have
made the mistake of overlooking Port
land In the past, and are now hastening
to rectify the error and Increase the
dividends.
The bill making an emergency ' ap
propriation of $11,000,000 for the Pan
ama Canal was reported favorably from
the Senate appropriations committee
yesterday, and will be taken up and
passed today. The rapidity with which
the committee took action on this bill
was due to the fact that a large sum
of money already expended at Panama
would be lost unless more was speed
ily forthcoming. Exactly the same con
dition of affairs exists In the Jetty work
at the mouth of the Columbia, and If
the Senate will take the same common
sense view of the matter that It has
shown regarding the greater project,
there will be but little difficulty in se
curing a sum sufficient to prevent
stoppage of the work and attendant
loss.
There are many people In Portland
who believe In civil service: and there
are some who believe, perhaps, that
we have civil service In the police de
partment In Portland, But .they will
change their minds when they read to
day the report of yesterday's proceed
ings at the Bruin Investigation. "Re
formers" before election often become
manipulators after election. We are
having today In the conduct of Port
land municipal affairs a fine illustration
of the same old machine methods.
The Witte Ministry Is growing
stronger, according to advices from
Russia, The growing strength is prob
ably in a comparative sense. The ellm
inatlon of a few thousands of unfortu
nates who disagree with the Witte Min
istry would naturally increase the per
centage of those who arc favorable to
it. As an example of the might which
makes right, Russia Just now cannot be
Improved on.
We know that Chairman Burton Is
friendly to Oregon. We know, too, that
he will do all be can for the Columbia
River. Nevertheless, the assurance
from him Is gratifying that. If an emer
gency appropriation bill shall be passed.
the Columbia will be included: and he
seems to think the outlook favorable
for such a measure.
The way for Prlnevflle to "square
Itself with the public is to make lire
safe and liberty secure within its
boundaries. Then it will huve no rea
son to complain of the "misrepresenta
tions" of The Oregonian.
Mr. Hearst may find consolation in
studying the life and record of that
other famous New York Democrat who
was elected President, or thought he
was. but didn't take his seat.
The retirement of Mr. Moo res from
the Congressional race does not leave
Marion County an aching vacuum in
the matter of candidates. Not exactly.
Whatever happens to them whether
they escape or go to prison, where they
belong It Is to be hoped Oregon Is at
last rid of Pater ana McKlaley.
SILHOUETTES
Good-morning, Senator Gearin- Remem
ber, we want -to feet.
Just at this time the Federal grand jury
sterns to be one of our most popular In
stitutions. Senator Drydcn's declaration. "Wc tried
to be honest," should live In history with
other famous utterances such "as "Don't
give up the ship." and "Malice toward
none": but It should be used negatively
in inculcating- patriotism.
It Is much easier to accomplish, our own
damnation than to work out our own
salvation.
Men declare their love many times:
women confess theirs but once.
Life, to most or us. is a picnic to which
we all go with full baskets, and from
which we return with crumbs and fatigue
and regrets.
When we are victims of the inconstancy
of women, we censure womankind. When
we arc the objects, wc find womankind
charming
No oculist can remedy the defective
sight of those who are illustoned.
Reveries arc the dreams of the soul.
Women admire audacity more than
goodness.
Very small kindnesses console us after
great wrongs have a filleted us. Were the
order reversed, this would be a much more
unhappy world.
Duty is the only magistrate whose de
crees are never reversed. They may be
delayed of execution, but soon or late the
bailiff of Retribution apjjcars to exact the
penalty.
m
It Is coins to be very hard to net alonr
with Vancouver. Wash.. If the Northern
Pacific doesn't quit boosting it as a rail
road center.
Logic does not thrive In the Imaginative
and sensitive mind. Witness a woman.
There Is this consolation for those of us
who want to get even with Alice Roose
velt. She will have to live In Cincinnati.
After all. It would have been an econ
omy to have bottled up Messrs. Puterand
McKInley In some convenient County Jail.
Special Washington dispatch. Dec. 11.
1S. Congress yesterday made its annual
appropriation of J11.CC0.CC0 for the Panama
Canal. It is announced that a new chief
engineer will be appointed next month,
and that the actual work of excavating
for the canal will commence during the
coming Summer.
The De Castellanes entertained King
Charles of Portugal In Paris, the other
night. This probably means another sight
draft on "Brother George" Gould.
A grave Is the one safe shelter.
One may be wronged by his reputation,
or hir conduot, but by his principles;
never.
Most people consult their prejudices
when they seek .wisdom.
a
Physical courage is universally com
mended without an Inquisition, but moral
courage Is ever a ripe subject for an in
veatlgatinc committee.
With each of the great capitals of the
world we associate some particular attri
bute. With Rome, art and glory: with
London, power; with New York, wealth,
and with Paris, lingerie.
The next census of the United States
will embrace more than 40,C0,0 women.
Lucky cuss!
Since the invention of pads, figures fre
quently Me.
As a rule. It Is the undeserving woman
who receives compliments.
The Ideal . marriage Is the union of a
coquette and a fooL
,
Jealousy is the homage the mediocre pay
to tnc superior.
a
After seeing the chorus of the average
musical comedy, one wonders whv th
managers do not Install headlights In
place or footlights.
The law of heredity Is a cowardly make
shift by which each succeeding generation
blames Its meanness on the old folks.
Ex-Qucen LI1 of Hawaii only asks $10
(OO.CCO of this session of Congress, but she
would probably accept a pension of $12 a
month and fire her cook.
ARTHUR A. GREENE.
London Mayors Who Were Obscure.
New York Globe.
' There Is probably scarcely a country
boy who comes to London to earn his
living who does not ponder on the ro
mantic story of Dick Whlttlngton. says
tne Lonoon illustrated .News. Whit
lington was by no means the onlr Mayor.
though, who rose from a low estate to be
Lord Mayor. To name only a few, there
was Sir William de Sevenoake. Mayor in
HIS. who was found deserted In the
streets of London as a boy. and was
brought up by charitable person?: there
was Sir Stephen Foster, a little later, who
began by begging at the grate of Ludgate
Prison, attracted the eye of a rich widow
who paid his debt and released him. and
afterward became the Mayor and married
his benefactress: and there was Kennet.
Mayor In ITS), who began life as a waiter,
and of whom it was said when he had to
appear before Parliament, "If you ring
the bell. Kennet win come, of course!"
This same Kennet. when playing whist
with Alderman Push, who was a dealer
In soap, said most unnecessarily. "Ring
the bell. Soap-suds." "You should be
more used to It, Bar. than I am." re
turned the Alderman.
Comrades.
James E. RIebardsoa in Llppincou.
Out in tlx sunllcbt fierce and Jtrong we- tread
the shifting sand;
We talk of the wonder there and here of the
sea. and the sky and the land;
Bet I think of the un In the hmlr of a. alrl
and the cHn ef a tiny hand.
We aI1c in th tseantlsht pale and pure
bore the fallen laow:
And yea talk the while of the Southern Crcm
and the -weird caphoachor flow;
But J think ef the llfht in the eyes of the
sir! I loved so lens ago.
We one the plec there and here. the. rook
and the cneen asd the paws:
We put then back in the box again, and -pre
ssoke and stretch and yairn:
Be off to bed! and leare ae here while I
dream oi the farther dawn!
Mr. Kaockcr Listen '.
Baltbsore Herald.
Work a little, sins a little.
Whlstl and be say.
Read a little. pUr a little.
Rosy every day.
Talk" a little, laosh a UtUe.
. 'Don't fotxet ta.prar.
Be a bit of xnernr socaclse
Jill the blessed war.
A NECESSARY
An Account of Some Personal Matters in Politics A Temperate
Reply to a Wanton and Gross Attack In Things of This .
Kind, as in Others, it is Well to Get Down to Facts.
The Oregonian Is unwilling to make
any statement which might bring the
name of the late Senator Mitchell Into
any kind of controversy. Ho can no
longer answer for himself. But the fol
lowing article which has been published
by a Portland paper since hl3 death con
tains a statement which The Oregonian
cannot allow to pass without notice and
refutation, namely:
Vow that the Senator's life has ended.
thousands are rehearsing .the facts that
make up bis story. He has been bitterly
fought for 32 yearn by H- W-' Scott- The
reason for the unrelenting opposition of The
OreRonlan newsoaDer editor was siren today
from the standpoint of his friends.
"benator Mitchell s, version of tne origin
of the feud, said one of his closest friends
today, "was oa follows:
1 was in the United States Senate at
the time it haDDened. in 1873. General V.
S. Grant wte President. One day he called
mp to the White House and Informed me
that chances of official Irreiralaritles had
been laid against H. W. Scott, who waathen
collector or Customs of the Fort of rort
land. President Grant said the charges
were serious, that he believed that action
weald be taken by the Department of Jus
tice, ana that prosecution would rollow.
"'1 Induced the President to prevent the
pushing of the ctfarses; the President In
sisted tnat tne most he would do would
be to allow the prosecution to die. but that
Mr. Scott roust be removed from the Col-
Iectorshlp. He was- removed. Mr. Scott al
leged that I caused his removal, and blamed
me for not seeing that he retained the of
fice. To do that I war powerless, and that
wax the beginning of the fight that has
been kept up on me to this very day by the
editor of The Oregonian."
It was no kind friend of Mr. Mitchell,
or of the truth, who gave out this state
ment or caused Its publication. Whether
Mr. Mitchell made the statement here at
tributed to him or not The Oregonian
cannot undertake to say. Perhaps the
person referred to as "one of his closest
friends." through whom the statement Is
said to have been communicated, will ac
cept the Invitation herewith and hereby
tendered him to disclose himself or to
make his Identity known; but. we think,
both for his own peace and his regard
for the-memory of his late friend, he will
be glad to avoid doing so after he shall
have read what follows here.
The statement that Mr. Scott was re
moved from the office of Collector of
Customs for the cause, for the reason, or
In the manner, declared above, is- a false
hood, by whomsoever uttered, proof of
which will now be given, through a letter
written by Mr. Mitchell himself, one page
of which as reproduced in fac simile for
attestation. (See the next following page
of The Oregonian of today).
But Mr. Mitchell's letter will not be
easily and clearly understood at this day
without a short prefatory statement, ex
planatory of a number of conditions and
circumstances to which It alludes. Three
persons were removed from office at the
same time by Mr. Mitchell, and for the
same reason. These persons were Dan
iel J. Malarkey. United States Marshal;
Medorem Crawford, United States Ap
praiser, and H. W. Scott, Collector of
Customs at Portland. For a long time
they had been required to furnish money
for support of the Portland Bulletin, a
newspaper belonging to Ben Holladay. and
devoted to Hollqday's various interests,
and to the political fortunes of Mr. Mitch
ell. Large sums had been extorted from
them, upon the plea that it was neces
sary to support the Bulletin as a party
organ; but. finding it impossible to comply
with the ever-increasing demand, at last
they firmly resolved to give no more
money. Whereupon Holladay himself,
and the coterie of Mr. Mitchell's faithful
servants In Oregon, set up a demand that
the three be removed from office; and re
moved they were. To Mr. Scott Mr.
Mitchell sent the following letter, and to
Mr. Malarkey and Mr. Crawford similar
ones:
United States Senate Chamber. Washing
ton. D. C. March 5. ISTtf. Hon. H. W.
Scott. Portland, Or. Dear Sir: Tours of
February 3. in answer to my telegram of
the 2d; was received about the 22d ult.. hav
ing been delayed several days beyond the
usual time by storms. I presume, on the
overland route, as ail our malls are very Ir
regular the present Winter.
Your letter was carefully read and con
sidered. Had I consulted my own feelings
and felt that I could have been Justified,
before the Republicans of Oregon, in so
doing. I should never have asked for any
change in the office you hold; and I think
I can safely say furthermore If you could
but know the demands made on me by Re
publicans from ail parts of the state you
would not censure me for the course I have
taken. You do me a great injustice (of
which, however. I will not complain) in
stating- and supposing that I have been in
fluenced in this course by the wishes of the
particular person to whom you refer In your
letter. This Is an entire mistake on your
part In fact. I have heard but little from
him on this subject. That he Is not your
friend I do not pretend to deny. I know he
Is not, and you know it, too. What I mean
to say is that events have occurred that
have caused the friendship between nlm and
you, I presume, to cease. This fact ought
not under any circumstances to have had
any Influence with. me. and I am sure it did
not in this Instance. What I have done has
been simply In obedience to a demand of Re
publicans generally, which I felt t could
not in Justice to the party resist not that
I have anything against you personally. On
the contrary. I always have been your
friend. I am yet. and nothing. I am sure,
would give me greater pleasure than to do
you a personal favor or a political favor,
whenever I thought I could do so In Justice
to the party that I am called upon to repre
sent: but I think you understand the causes
that have Impelled me to what I have done,
and I will therefore enter into no elabora
tion of the aubject. Time. I trust, may de
velop the fact that I have been and am yet
your friend. This Is all I can say at present-
If I could see you and talk with you
more fully than I ever yet have done on this
subject I think I could be able to satisfy
you fully. Had I yielded at once to the de
mand made By scores of leading republicans
when I was in Oregon In October- last the
change would then have been made. I de
sired from the bottom of my heart to avoid
anything that might be construed Into any
thing tike going back on my friends on my
part, and therefore I hesitated and waited
week after week and month after month.
When you were here you stated to m that
you -appreciated fully the position In which
I was placed, the embarrassment with which
I was surrounded, and expressed, as I under
stood it, an intention upon your part to re
turn, to Oregon and arrange matters in such
a way that would enable you to send in
your resignation and thus relieve me. I
waited for several weeks after you had re
turnee to uregon. ana hearing nothing from
you. and still being plied with letters on
the subject, I felt It to be my duty to tele
graph you as 1 did. and I can assure yoa
now. In conclusion, that never in my life
have I been called upon to do anything with
so much regret and reluctance as in asking
the appointment of a new Collector of Cus
toms at Portland. Oregon.
Very respectfully.
JOHX H. MITCHELL.
P. S. I have been In very joor health the
past two weeks, and compelled to do my
correspondence through a shorthand re
porter. Very truly. J. H. .M.
The postscript, it will be obserVeJr
from the fuc-slmile on the opposite
page. Is in Mr. Mitchell's own well
known handwriting: the body of the
letter In the handwriting: of his aman
uensis. Use of typewriting; machines
came later.
Observe what reason Mr. Mitchell gave
In this letter, "if you could but know the
demands made upon me by Republicans
from all parts of the state, you would not
censure me." "Had I yielded at once to
the demand made by scores of leading
Republicans when I was In Oregon last
October (observe this letter was written
In the following March), the change would
then have been made," Not a word about
delinquency In office or charge of any;
not a word as to any demand by Presi
dent Grant for resignation or removal on
"charges of official irregularities" or any
thing else. It was Mr: Mitchell's own.
STATEMENT
act. taken, as he said, frankly, because
of "demands" made on him from Ore
gon. It Is not doubted that such demands
were made, They were based wholly on
the newspaper entanglement herctofora
explained. That, at least, was the pre
text Of course there were earnest
patriots throughout the statc.who smelled
"treachery," because Malarkey, Crawford
and Scott had refused to "put up" fur
ther for the newspaper, and they wanted
an excuse for calling for a "new deal '
The whole matter was of little Import
ance thon, and It is not worth talking
about now, after the lapse of 30 years
except for refutation of a grossly falsa
and libelous statement, reflecting on the
personal and official honor of one of the
parties.
Or course, this letter, printed above,
refutes absolutely all assertions now
made or ever made, or hereafter that
may be made, that the person to whom
it was addressed was removed from office
because of any accusation against him In
his official capacity. There was no such
accusation. He. with Malarkey and Craw
ford, was removed solely for the reason
that they refused to be robbed further for
support of Holladay's newspaper. Holla
day was the "particular person" referred
to In Mr. Mitchell's letter, and the failure
of his newspaper through the joint refu
sal of Malarkey. Crawford and Scott to
keep on pouring money Into It. and Hol
laday's rage thereat, together with accu
sations of "treachery" against them from
small politicians In Oregon, who were
seekers of favors through Holladay and
Mitchell, caused this little uproar over
small matters. For they were small mat
ters. Neither of the men who. were removed
was In politics as a profession. Neither
of them made office the end and aim of
existence. For himself, Scott said and
ever has said, that he didn't care for the
office at all. His business was newspaper
work, and at that time he was already In
negotiation for purchase of the Interest In
The Oregonian. which he soon after ac
quired. Upon completion of this pur
chase he intended to resign the office of
collector, and so told Mr. Mitchell; and It
Is to this proposal to resign that Mr.
Mitchell alludes In his letter. The fact
was that though Mr. Scott and his asso
ciates were indignant at the Injustice
with which they had been treated, upon
removal from office for such a cause,
they cared nothing further about It, and
neither of them ever thought of office af
terward. Scott's accounts were all duly
settled, though the department made
some delay In the settlement of a dis
bursement account that Involved many
transactions and large amounts. Includ
ing the disbursements on account of the
erection of the Postoffice building at
Portland.
Afterwards, during many years, the op
position of The Oregonian to the political
ambitions of Mr. Mitchell was due chiefly
and almost wholly to his persistent ad
vocacy of free coinage of silver. The
Oregonian had hoped, and the editor said
plainly to Mr. Mitchell's friends In 1S9
that he hoped Mr. Mitchell would declare
fully for the gold standard and against
free silver, and that if he would do so
The Oregonian would not oppose his re
election, though It could consider itsell
under no obligation to support hlra. The
coming difficulties In the Legislature were
foreseen, and The Oregonian preferred to
accept the election of Mr. Mitchell, If
only he would declare plainly against
silver and for, the gold standard, rather
than witness a contest and take the
hazard of the result. This was not only
stated by the editor to Mr. Mitchell's per
sonal supporters, but was Intimated re
peatedly through the columns of The Ore
gonian. But Mr. Mitchell' friends an
swered that he was a politician and
wanted votes, and he could not afford to
throw away the chance of getting the
silver votes that he might find necessary
to secure his election. So that negotia
tion was "off." But there cannot be the
slightest doubt that had Mr. Mitchell in
1SW made unequivocal public declaration
that he would no more support free coinage-
of silver he would have been elected
by the Legislature that assembled in Jan
uary, 1S97. It may be remarked here
that the willingness of The Oregonian
and its editor to acquiesce in Mr.
Mitchell's election at that time upon this
assurance brought strong protest from
many quarters among supporters of the
gold standard, who insisted that Mr.
Mitchell could not be trusted, and who
were much disposed to remonstrate with
The Oregonian for Its readiness to accept
his public assurance that he would re
verse the course which he had so long
pursued.
In 1001 Mr. Mitchell's final election was
achieved again by the help of Democratic
votes In the Legislature. The Oregonian.
though it made no opposition of a personal
kind to Mr. Mitchell, supported Mr. Cor
bett. But since Mr. Mitchell had again
been elected there was nothing for The
Oregonian but necessary acquiescence. It
ceased all opposition to Mr. Mitchell, for
the silver question had been settled, and
It desired co-operation with him for the
welfare of the state, and for advancement
In particular of the Lewis and Clark Ex
position, In the preparation of which both
In Oregon and at Washington City, Mr.
Scott was called to do much. . The course
of events, without special seeking of eith
er, therefore brought men together whose
intercourse with each other had been In
terrupted during many years. Such was
the state of things when the land fraud
investigations of Oregon made it neces
sary for The Oregonian to publish much
matter with which Mr. Mitchell's name
was connected. He and his more inti
mate friends saw rlt to look upon The
Oregonian's reports which for the most
part were verbatim a renewal, as they
expressed it, of the old hostility. So mat
ters remained till the last.
Doubtless many of the statements
made herein will be deemed matters
of little moment. And the public would
not have been troubled with them but
for tha attack made on the integrity
of Mr. Scott, after Mr. Mitchell's death,
and use of the name of Mr. Mitchell to
support It. Moreover, Mr. Scott con
ceives" that since he has been com
pelled to notice this attack upon him,
he may take the opportunity to re
move a notion that has been most in
dustriously propagated, namely, that
because Mr. Mitchell, urged by a group
of his personal followers In Oregon,
had caused Mr. Scott's removal from a
petty off'ce 30 years ago an office
that was of no consequence to him,
and to which President Hayes later of
fered to appoint him he therefore was
actuated by an Implacable personal
hatred of Mr. Mitchell, which he made
the controlling motive of his -life
through all these years. He will admit
that he never was an admirer of Mr.
Mitchell, either as a politician or as
a man. but Mr. Mitchell never did him
any injury for which ho has felt dur
ing many, many years the least per
sonal animosity or resentment. Cer
tainly, The Oregonian Is willing now
to let Mr. Mitchell rest In peace. Those
who call themselves his special friends
could not now do better than to let
the grave close over all contentions
with which his name has been associated.