THE MORNING OREGONIAN, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 14, 1903.
8
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rOHTLAKD, SATURDAY, FED, 14.
a brief review.
The Pierce bill,- though .there was a
weak attempt to disguise it. was leveled
at the Associated Press. The object waa
to compel an association that cvllects
news by Its own enterprise and at its
own expense, for publication in news
papers owned by its members, to share
that news with others though it has
no favors of any kind from government
or from telegraphs, and has no means
whatever of performing the functions of
a common carrier.
The attempt has failed because it waa
Irrational. More, It was foolish and ab
surd. It was an attempt to deprive
persons, by legislation, of their lawful
and rightful property. It could not have
succeeded had the bill passed, for the
courts of the land will not permit such
attacks on the rights of property to suc
ceed. The most and worst that could
have proceeded from It would be the
annoyance It would cause to those whose
rights of property and business had
been attacked, and the Impulse it would
give to similar efforts in other direc
tions. Np legislative body could pass
an act of this kind, and yet concede
that any rights of private property re
main.
Though the Democratic members of
the Senate voted for this bill, we as
sume they would not have done s
certainly not all of them could their
votes have carried it. But they could
save themselves from Importunity or at
tack by yielding to the demand of a
Democratic newspaper or of those who
are endeavoring to found -one by vot
ing for the bill; knowing that the bill
wouldn't pass anyway. Let us do the
Senators who stood for the bill the
credit of supposing that they voted for
this assault on the rights of private
property and business, merely for par
tisan buncombe. These Senators would
like to keep their own property, of
course. But they couldn't if other per
sons were not allowed to keep theirs.
It has been shown that the news re
ports of the Associated Press are gath
ered. written and telegraphed entirely
at the expense of the members of the
association. Further, that neither this
association nor any of its members have
any advantage whatever in telegraphic
rates over others. It Is a field of enter
prise or business open to all who desire
to publish newspapers. Having no
franchises, no preferential advantages.
.there is nothing in the Associated Press
"for government to regulate. Since it
has feo means of carrying news, it is
mere perversion of words to call It a
common carrier.
Senator Pierce began his statement
with misrepresentation. He said: "The
Intent of this bill is to bring about con'
dltlons in the matter of news publica
tion that exist in several states, notably
In Nebraska, and in Illinois." In fact.
no such conditions as the Senator as
sumed exist in Nebraska, In Illinois, or
in other states. The Associated Press op
erates in those states in precisely the
same way as in Oregon. The decision he
cites from the Supreme Court of Illinois
is obsolete, because the conditions on
which it was rendered no longer exist.
As organized in that state, the Associat
ed Prera could have been a common car
rier, aa it had the right to build tele
graph lines and otherwise to exercise
the right of eminent domain though it
never had done so. The mandate that
It -should serve all papers alike was
based on this ground. The Associated
Press of today is not amenable to this
judgment. It Is organized tinder the
laws of the Stale of New Tork. It has
no capital stock and no power to build
or operate telegraph lines; its articles
expressly declare that It is not to sell
-news, make profits or declare dividends.
This attempt In Oregon is the first yet
made in any legislature to compel its
members to share with others the re
ports gathered and written for Itself and
for them. The Supreme Court of Mis
souri, in an elaborate opinion. In which
all the Judges concur, has denied the
demand of the St. Louis Star to a copy
of the news reports of the present Asso
ciated Press. No court could hold any
thing else, so long as any right of pri
vate property Is to stand.
The Associated Press is not a public
news agency. It doesn't gather news
for the public, nor Xor public-distribution.
It gathers news solely for its own
members, for publication in newspapers
pwned or represented by them. This is
the only object of its existence. It
would cease at once to exist were its
object changed to that of a collector of
news for sale. This would destroy the
whole purpose of its being. Had It any
monopoly of the collection or trarasmls
elon of news, there would doubtless be
good reason to legislate It out of exist
ence; but it has no feature of privi
lege or monopoly. Everybody may
Rather news, and everybody may tele
graph It, on equal terms. No Legisla
ture, of any state. Is ever going to be
so absurd as to declare that news re
ports are not the property of those who
gather and telegraph them.
BRYAX AT COLUMBUS.
All agree as to the escape from the
true Democratic fold. But the identity
of the nlnety-and-nlne continues the
theme of unavailing dispute and recrim
ination. Which outfit Is really lost the
ten tribes of Bryanlsm or the Judah and
Benjamin of Cleveland and Vilas?
It is a pleasure to refer this contro
versy, as the close observer must, to
that ancient and honorable recipe con
fusion of terms; The wandering Bryan
has In mind and the wandering Cleve
land has in mind are two entirely dif
ferent wanderings. The state of being
found and never having been lost Is
entirely different In the minds of the
two factions. Hence there can be no
agreement as to which specific phenom
enon Is referable to the general law.
In other words, while the Bryanltes
are wandering In the wilderness of In
tellectual vacuity, the Cleveland band is
lort in the desert of party irregularity.
No Gold Democrat can contend that the
Chicago proceeding of 183S was irregu
lar In form or invalid In procedure, how
ever much he may deplore the mental
and moral obliquity which guided It.
And he would be equally precarious of
position who should maintain that re
sults have approved the course taken at
Chicago In 1S9S or at Kansas City in
1900. Dearly as Democrats love "prin
ciples," almost any of them can tell
you how the battle of 1895 might have
been won if he had been in control and
directing It just a little differently. The
Cleveland tribes bolted the party fold.
the Bryanltes jumped the fence of po
litical prudence.
But the larger question arises as to
which of the two wings has been the
truer to Democratic "principles." Bryan
Is true to the principles of 1S96 and 1900
which Is not perhaps heroic as it
looks, cc(isldering the fact that he dic
tated them on both occasions. Bryan is
simply true to Bryan, and for such
fidelity he should not expect an immod
erate measure of veneration. But it Is
the contention of the Cleveland element
that the party Itself got lost In ISM, and
that it then turned its back upon tradi
tional Democratic principles. In their
view, therefore, this prolonged famine
In the wilderness of no ofllces is the due
punishment for the idolatry of 1895.
Unfortunately for the general peace
of mind and that contentment which can
only follow the settlement of vexed
questions, the Cleveland contention Is
not susceptible of direct proof. It is
truethat many Democrats have been for
honest money. Bayard was, and Sena
tor Francis Kernan. But Blaine and
Hayes stood for the gold standard and
Pendleton was among the craziest of
cheap-money enthusiasts. Seymour Is
offset by Thurman, and the Bland-Alli
son law fitly enshrines in its name the
equal culpability of the two parties. If
Carlisle was once as strong for silver
as McKlnley was, where else shall we
go for an Interpretation of Democratic
principles" on money, unless to the
platform of 1896, which caase as the re
sult of the fierce discussions that had
raged ever since Cleveland was inaug
urated In 1892?
There is no more ground for charging
recreancy to Democratic principles upon
the platform of 1896 than there is In
charging recreancy to Democratic prin
ciples upon the "antl-imperlallst" utter
ances in the Kansas1 City platform of
1900. Bayard and Seymour were no
more eminent exponents of honest
money than Jefferson and Polk were as
exponents of expansion. Cleveland is as
far from Jefferson on expansion as
Bryan is, from Jefferson on coinage. It
is an inescapable conclusion, therefore,
that Democratic "principles," on money
or on any National policy, are subject
to violent change without notice. There
la nothing in the Cleveland contention
that the platform of 1896 turned its back
on anything In Democratic precedent
which the Chicago convention was
bound to respect: and from a party
standpoint Mr. Bryan is strictly within
his rights jo his Columbus denuncia
tion of the Gold Democrats.
But from no other standpoint. There
Is a higher standard than the standard
of party loyalty, and that standard Is
truth. A party Is not an end in itself;
it is a means to an end, and that end is
the Nation's welfare. The party man
that is worth while to his country is
that man who, like the lover In the old
poem, "could not love thee, dear, so
much, loved I not honor more." The
party man that is worth while adheres
to his party not because it is his party,
but because he sees in it the instrument
of advancing truth and promoting the
welfare of his country. It Is evident
that Mr. Bryan Is not this kind of party
man. He is Incensed with the Gold
Democrats because they contrived his
own defeat, and he confesses a loyalty
to party that transcends loyalty to the
truth. It is sufficient revelation of his
Intellectual extremity that he is com
pelled to resort to the ridiculous asser
tion that the free-silver declarations of
the Chicago platform are true now as
then. There Is probably not a mature
mind In the country but knows the as
sertion Is false. The Inevltableoess of
the gold standard is universally ac
knowledged by all but Bryan. His use
fulness seems restricted to his- function
as a living monument to his own stupid
ity. AX OMIXOUS SITUATION.
A week ago Secretary Root in a
speech before the Union League Club, of
New Tork City, confessed that negro
suffrage had failed after & trial of more
than a generation to produce the results
expected when the fourteenth and fif
teenth amendments were added to the
Constitution. The failure of negro
suffrage is not of and by Itself an omi
nous fact; the ominous fact is the seem
ing hopelessness of the elevation of the
negro at the South, so far as It depends
upon the intelligent aid and sympathy
of the ruling white classes. An able
South Carolina editor publishes in the
Springfield Republican p. long letter re
garding the attitude of the South toward
the negro. With that frankness and di
rectness that is characteristic of South
em men, this editor bluntly says that
the negro of the South is today essen
tially a slave, and will remain so; that
the only race freed by Lincoln was the
poor white; that the white people aa a
whole will not tolerate the negro except
as a menial; that It has the power to
keep him there, and will exercise that
power at all hazards: that the negro is
bound to menial service so long as he
remains In any considerable numbers
at the South; that equal Industrial con
sideration with the whites is as much
out of the question as equal social and
political consideration.
Brute force will b employed to keep
the negro down whenever necessary,
and lynchlngs and murder will be oc
casionally resorted to, and finally this
able, educated Southern editor with
brutal frankness asks the negro sympa
thizers at the North what they are going
to do about it. He says truly that our
only recourse would be to renew war.
We could not triumph save by exter
mination of the whites. The South
knows perfectly well that the North
could not afford to war upon them; that
we could not If we would. All this is
true. The North will not attempt to do
anything about It, because the bitter
experience of time has proved that
nothing can be done for the negro ex
cept what the South chooses to do. The
fate of the negro will be fixed by the
South, and the ominous thing Is that
an able, educated Southern man should
say that the Immovable fate of the ne
gro Is to remain a peon at the South,
kept in a menial position by force, and.
when necessary, by force In excess of
law. Of course, so long as this deter
mination is universal among the leaders
of the ruling classes at the South, the
negro will remain exactly what he is to
day. President Lincoln, this Southern edi
tor says, shattered the slaveholdlng
aristocracy and distributed the black
millions among the poor white masses,
who are now winning wealth by the
peon labor of negroes. The negroes
work on the farms at 30 to 40 cents a
day, and are multiplying the number
of white landlords. All Lincoln did was
to change the tenure of servitude, to
sponge out the name of the bond but
leaving the bond itself unimpaired. Is
there anything In Bight that promises
anything better than the perpetuation
of quasl-slavery and peonage at the
South for the negro? The negro could
not hope to resort to arms. A race too
weak and Ignorant In thirty years to
use and courageously exercise the suf
frage is not a race to put. up a desper
ate, organized Insurrection against "op
pression." An appeal to public justice
would be useless at the .South, where
the educated leaders of opinion hold
that "the negro treated In any other
way than as a menial becomes a sav
age; his subjection by brute force is
necessary to our own survival as a sep
arate race."
If the negro Is hopeless of an appeal
to insurrection, if he Is hopeless of an
appeal to public sentiment, what Is left
to him? There Is left to him the appeal
to the strongest force of all, to that of
public policy. It will not take many
years of government of eight millions
of negroes by force to make It clear
that such conditions as would result
would not pay. The negro serfs and
peons will gradually become either a
pauperized class whose support will se
verely tax the state or they will become
a class of desperate criminals, who will
be found expensive to hunt down and
destroy. The negro will eventually get
equality in industrial opportunity and
some share in the Government by eco
nomic consideration, for no state can
afford to perpetuate conditions that are
sure to breed paupers and criminals.
The South cannot afford to hold the
negro by force In a state of Industrial
and political subjection. It must ulti
mately abandon the attempt. An ap
peal to humane considerations may
n n ... . . I
easily fall, but an appeal to economic
considerations is not easily silenced, as
it touches every taxpayer's pocket.
TUB LAW OP ORGANIZED LABOR.
If the anthracite Inquiry has accom
plished and is to accomplish nothing
more than the present exhaustive dis
cussion at Philadelphia, It will perhaps
be worth all It cost In bringing the con
troversy out Into the light of day, where
intelligent criticism can deal with it
and where public opinion can take
shape as to Its attitude toward the em
battled masters and men. President
Baer's long and In many respects admir
able speech Is a concession to public
opinion Xery far removed from the la
conic utterance "nothing to. arbitrate,"
end his remarks teem with testimony
that the questions of labor and capital
are at last correctly apprehended by
capital as matters of public concern and
not mere details of private business to
be adjusted in secret with no account
ability from either side to society en
masse. Very pregnant and engaging is
this passage from President "Baer's ad
dress: ,
In general, no one denies tha right of men to
organize for any lawful purpose, but the rlcbt
to organize and the power of the organization
when organized must still be governed and con
trolled by tha general law of th land under
which our Individual and property rights are
protected. We concede to organised labor the
same rights that w claim for organized cap
ital. Both must keep within the law. There
cannot be one law for clttzena and corporations
and another for labor organizations.
Our main purpose is to point out the
fact that the status of organized labor
toward the law Is yet In a fluid state
and cannot be appealed to as something
fixed and known. But the quoted pass
age needs a footnotevor two to remove
Its possibly unintended fallacies. One
Is that citizens and corporations belong
in one class and labor organizations in
another class. Citizens are not to be set
apart from either labor's or capital's
camp. Observe also that Mr. Baer must
be guilty of conscious or unconscious
mental reservation when he extends to
organized labor tho same rights he
claims for organized capital; for it Is
an axiom with the operators that the
delegation of power to agents enjoyed
by the officers of the coal corporations
la inadmissible when exercised by
agents of delegated power from the
workmen. Few miners have ever talked
with the owners of the mines for whom
Mr. Baer is walking delegate; but the
operators find it 'improper to recognize
the officers of the miners labor trust.
Mr. Baer says that the general law
of the land must "govern organized la
bor. Now it is perfectly clear that the
only law he has in mind is the law
against violence, and the only aspect of
organized labor which he admits to his
purview Is Its occasional outbreak. The
law of the land does Include riots, but It
Includes other things that might be
mentioned for example, the law of
Pennsylvania against the company store
and that section of the constitution of
Pennsylvania which forbids railroads
to own coal mines. To say that there
cannot be one law for corporations and
another for labor organizations may
mean simply that a corporation must
not get up in the night and sandbag a
nonunion miner which would not seri
ously inconvenience either the corpora
tion itself or Its gentlemanly officials In
Philadelphia. The laws controlling
trusts will not serve to suppress flaw
less strikers, nor will the law ag'alnst
disorderly conduct reach conspiracies In
restraint of trade. The law of the land
Is more comprehensive than Mr. Baer
seems to apprehend.
But what is the law of the land con
cerning labor organizations? Well, it is
very largely yet indeterminate. The
law in Us complete sense is not statutes
alone. It Is a composite of common law,
Roman, Teutonic, English; of statutory
enactments; of judicial rulings, and of
public opinion. The source of law Is not
statutes. The source of law is experi
ence. American life, like every growing
national life, is full of Institutions, In
jurisprudence as in everything else, that
are In a formative period. The status
of these Institutions In society is In a
state of flux. We do not know what
the law of the land Is until the jury
comes in or the United States Supreme
Court hands down Its opinion, or the
returns are counted In November. There
Is the law of the automobile, and of the
trolley, and of the sky-scraper, and of
fuel oil, and of wireless telegraphy, and
of debts owed by Latin America to
Europe, and of Presidential Interference
with labor troubles. Out of experience
we shall In due time get a law of the
land; but meanwhile It would be some
what premature to dogmatize.
It Is so with the law of the land re
garding organized labor. What it is we
do not. as yet, know. In general we
know that the courts are leaning more
favorably toward labor than they did a
dozen years ago. Just as they are leaning
less favorably to railroad land grants,
leas favorably to trusts. In general we
know that public opinion sets more
store by the lowly and the poor and less
by the rich and proud. In general we
can see that society turns more expect
antly to the man trained In poverty's
hard school than to the scion of aristoc
racy. In general we have keener eyes
for the grievances of the striker and axe
slower to denounce him offhand as a
pestiferous creature fit only for Jail. But
the law of organized labor Is yet inde
terminate, as is the law of organized
capital. Mr. Baer himself has written
one important provision of that law
which will never be repealed: and that
Is that never hereafter as heretofore will
capital undertake to Impose Its will
upon labor without "a decent respect to
the opinions of mankind."
The citizens of Anaconda, one of the
copper cities of Montana, are sorely af
flicted with the stifling vapors that have
ascended from the chimneys of the
smelters. Loaded with the fumes of
arsenic, antimony, zinc and sulphuric
acid, these vapors have been anything
but agreeable or healthful. Experi
ments looking to their elimination have
been carried on for the past three
months, and It has finally been discov
ered that by cooling the gases of the
volatilized compounds they will con
dense, and by building flues sufficiently
large so that the velocity of the gases
will bo very low, the condensed parti
cles win settle at the bottom of the flue.
allowing only the permanent gases to
escape. These are not Injurious, either
to vegetable or animal life, hence it is
thought that the "smoke nuisance" of
the copper city can be abated. A flue
sixty feet In width and twenty feet deep
will be constructed at once in connec
tion with the new smelter of the Ana
conda Company, which will pass Its
gases into a monster stack thirty feet
in diameter and 300 feet high, deliver
ing the permanent gases and products
of the combustion at an elevation so
high above the valley that no trace of
.1 ttu L OI 'ne lo
or the valley below. The expense will
, V. l .lt 1 1 I . ... .
be enormous, but if there Is a business
that can stand It, It Is the copper busi
ness. The effort of- the company to
abate this disagreeable feature of Its in
dustry cannot be charged wholly to Us
regard for suffering humanity, since It
was undertaken tq quiet clamor raised
against the location of its-new reduction
works. However, no one Is inclined to
look the gift horse in the mouth, and the
people will accept the relief promised
without questioning the motive that
prompted It.
Pity for the sufferings of the unshel
tered, unfed flocks and herds on the
great Wyoming ranges is intensified by
late dispatches which tell of snow lying
several feet deep on the bllzzard-swept
plains of that state and literally filling
the gulches, to which the animals had
retreated for shelter from the biting
blasts. The human negligence that sub
jects dumb brutes to such suffering dis
tills the very- essence of cruelty. Against
It law and public sentiment are alike
powerless, both having been evoked in
years past"agalnst it without avalL It
waa supposed that financial considera
tions would Induce cattle and sheepmen
to provide against the decimation of
their flocks and herds by exposure to the
blizzards of Winter on the ranges, but
they probably argue that beef and mut
ton will go higher because of scarcity,
thus making good the loss of stock.
Hence the wretched brutes ore left to
perish by hundreds upon the storm-
swept ranges.
Chief Joseph's mission to Washington,
in so far as it relates to the restoration
of the lands In the Wallowa Valley to
his people. Is hopeless. The time has
gone by -when white people can be dis
possessed of their homes by Indians.
This fact was made clear to Joseph on
his last visit to Washington; hence It Is
probably only the ostensible object of
his present visit, the real motive being
his human desire to be made much of
In the official and social circles of the
Nation. This is a perfectly legitimate
desire, since It has human nature for
its basis and the rulers of the earth are
its exponents.
Chief Joseph, disdaining the swallow
tail, but majestically and gorgeously
blanketed, attended the Army and Navy
reception at the White House Thursday
evening. The taciturn old chieftain of a
vanished tribe is said to .have been de
lighted over the attention shown him
by uniformed braves of the conquering
race, as well as by the sensation he cre
ated among the multitude of women
who, doubtless to bis primitive Idea of
the use of clothing, needed blanketing.
All of which proves that vanity
neither a vice of civilization nora 'trait
distinctly feminine.
It is natural and reasonable that each
of the soldiers of the Second Oregon
should desire a copy of the history of
the regiment. The order heretofore
made would not furnish more than one-
third of the number of copies required.
Hence the request that a sufficient nam
bcr of copies be supplied Is reasonable.
It will gratify the pride of the soldier
and be a stimulation to the patriotism
of his descendants.
Though granted an absolute divorce,
it is said that the ex-Crown Princess of
Saxony cannot marry Glron and get rec
ognition of her marriage under the Ger
man law. Is there in this statement the
lurking possibility that the pair may
come to the United States? Liberty Is
a fine thing, but It subjects a people to
sundry pains and perils at times from
which they would fain escape.
SEMI-CENTENARY OF WASHINGTON
Seattle Times.
Washington, formerly a part of Oregon,
was organized as a separate territory
under an act of Congress passed March 2,
1SSJ. The second day of March next will
therefore be the 60th anniversary of the
birth of the territory, now the 33rd state
In population, and of the bestowal upon
this commonwealth of the distinguished
name of the Father of H!o Country. The
coming eemi-centenary of Washington
should be celebrated with appropriate ex
ercises and demonstrations. Less than
three weeks intervene before the M of
March, but the Legislature of the state is
In session and there Is ample time lor
preparations If the mater be taken up by
the Legislature and state officers at once.
The BOth anniversary of the establlsn-
ment of the territory of Washington
should be celebrated at the state capital
with ceremonies befitting the occasion.
Commemorative exercises should be held.
the Legislature and state officers attend
ing in a body. Professor Meany. of tho
State University, the first authority in
the state on historical matterc, should be
Invited to deliver an address, and other
eloquent and distinguished sons of the
young commonwealth should be heard.
The Governor of tho stato and the state
Legislature should extend an Invitation to
all the surviving residents of the territory
at tho time of its organization in 1&3, to
assemble at tho state capital on the 2d
of March. Every early pioneer should be
Invited, not only to attend the celebration
but also to contribute a statement of his
or her personal experiences in the early
days to the State Historical Society for
preservation In the archives of that useful
state Institution. The next number of the
Washington Historian, the occasional pub
lication of the society, should be devoted
to the semi-centennial celebration and to
the historical papers then presented, and
the reminiscences of the pioneers which
this interesting memorial will evoke, should
be given to the public In permanent form
In the Historical Society's magazine as
arly as possible.
It may be in order further to suggest
to the Legislature and state officers and
to the citizens of Olympla that a banquet
should also be given at the state capital
on the evening of March 2 In honor of the
anniversary. Many citizens from varlOBS
parts of the state would be proud to at
tend -the exercises and participate In the
celebration. Indeed, it would be aulte In
keeping with a proper regard for the Im
portance of the event to be commemorated
for the Legislature to cause the National
guard of the state to be mobilized at
Olympla. on that day to participate In the
celebration. Let the demonstration at the
state capital be spontaneous, hearty and
appropriate.
But the observance of the anniversary
should not be confined to Olympla. The
Governor should Issue a proclamation call
ing attention to the event -which It Is de
sired to. commemorate, and recommending
a ouuame observance of it in every com
munity. The public school children of
the state should observe the day with ap
propriate exercises in every schoolhouse.
March the 3d. 1903. is a day worthy or a
grand demonstration In every part of the
proud state of Washington.
"Jlanywherc" Is a Good Word.
Chicago Tribune.
Lord Avebury's suggestion about "many-
where" may be regarded as an attempt
to restore ancient liberty to the English
tongue. There once was a time whan a
poet (Shakespeare) could say: "How
happy soma o'er otbersome can be!"
Otheraome" was a well-knit, forcible
word, and was. therefore, a good word.
Anotner poet (Heywood) was even bolder.
Some like this kind of food, says Hey-
wooa. ana some like that kind, "but of
all somes none is displeased to be wl
come." The reception that would be
given to "soroce ' by the purists and pre
clstans who have since tried to prune and
shave and "stunt the English language can
be readily Imagined by any person who
has been coerced or cajoled Into reading
rhetoric books, which contain a com
plete set of rules for elevating the writing
nf Enclish from an art Into a craft. Tho
Elizabethans would have burlesqued such
books out of exlsence. What they want
ed to do was, by training themselves and
by testing their public, to arrive at a style
which would please the reader and Impress
him. No rule would have seemed to them
good unless It considered not what so-
and-so thought or what so-and-so had
been in the custom of dong, or what logic
and etymology demanded, but, on the con-
trary, what the effect would be upon read
crs and hearers. An effective style is a
good style. Usefulness is as good a test
as usage. Anything that accomplishes
anything justifies Itself for being. If a
word conduces to force, brevity, and ln-
telllclbllity It Is, or will become, a cood
word. "Manywhere' seems to be a word
of this kind. It helps. It Is shorter and
more vigorous than "In many places.
Let us use it manywhere. It Is as respect
able as "otherwhere" or "otherwhlle.
each of which is In good standing. '
Habits of Orators.
Manchester Guardian.
The accident which befell Lord Rose
bery's notes at Plymouth has set people
discussing the practice of various speak
ers In retard to the preparation of their
speeches. The most Inveterate writer-
out of speeches was the late Lord Derby,
of whom a story went that the manuscript
of one of his most statesmanlike dis
courses, being picked up from the floor,
where It had fallen, was found not only
to be freely sprinkled with "Hear, hear,
"Laughter," and "Applause," but also to
contain a rjassace beginning "But I am
detaining you too Ions (cies of No, no,'
and 'Go on.')" Sir William Harcourt
used to declaim his great orations In the
rountrv from sheets of manuscript written
within and without, with an ine laminar
accessories of the penny readlng-aesK.
xnvororl with srreen baize, canaiesucus.
wniPTbottle. and all complete. Mr. Glad-
tn make falrlr full and ex
tremely distinct notes, but. nu spienu u
dexterity in the use oi mem m
fnnret their existence. Mr. Bright
used to eay that the right way was to
AM,.tn Timrtr nf "Islands
prepare u. v mm.
meaning neat and pointed sentences-and
that one should then trust one's self to
ncim Mt liv pitemtore effort from island
to Island, reserving always the beat island
for the peroration. Mr. Asquith's speeches,
"faultily faultless. Icily regular." always
strike one as being, like Macaulays and
the late Lord Sherbrooko's, learnt by
heart and dellverea irom memw.
The Canteen.
There are bonds of all sorts In this world of
our.
Tetters of friendship and Ues of flowers,
. -a ,-.lrtvrV knots. I ween;
The rlrl and the boy are bound by a kiss.
P.! fl"J:. .v,r . bond, old friend, like thls-
We have drunk from the same canteen!
It was sometimes water, aad sometimes milk.
And sometime applejack, fine aa llk:
n... hotaver the tlrble has been.
We shared it together, lr. bane or "; -And
I warm to you. friend, when I think of
this ,
We have drunk from the same canteen!
v. .a the rreat alt down to dine.
And they quaff to each other In sparkling wine,
cvnm iIuim of crystal and green;
But I guess In their golden potations they tolas
The warmth or regaru w
We have drunk from tho same canteen!
We have shared our blanketa and tenta to-
And have marched and fought In all kinds of
breather.
And hungry and full we have been:
Had daya of battle and days of rest.
But this memory I cling to and love the beat-
We have drunk from the same canteen!
Tor when wounded I lay on the outer slope.
With my blood, flowing -fait, and but little hope
Upon whlcn my rami spinj couia lean
nh! then. I remember, you crawled to my side,
And, bleeding so fast It seemed both must have
aiea,
Wa drank from the same canteen!
LESSLER, D0BIIN AND QUIGG.
Washington Post.
With all respect, we are unable to see
that the report of the House committee
on naval affairs has settled anything as
regards the bribery alleged In the Lessler
case. Mr. Lesslers front name, we be
lieve. Is Montague, and a mighty pretty
name It Is. We may say. Indeed, that the
conjunction represents most of the ma
jestic alliance now exploiting Itself in
Venezuelan waters, for Montague reminds
us of the British aristocracy, while Less
ler suggests the cautious, modest, self
sacrificing German. It is to be considered,
also, that tho Han. Montague Lessler is
the gentleman whose election to Coneress
deprived the Nation of the services of
Hon. Perry Belmont. And that Is worth
thinking about, too.
But, as we were saying. It Is difficult
to allay our deep though perfectly natural
curiosity by an examination no matter
how studious of the committee's report.
Mr. Lessler, not long ago, emitted a loud
and piercing scream to the effect that his
virtue had been assailed. He related, in
accents choked by emotion, that some one
had approached him with an offer of KftOO
for his vote In favor of a submarine torpedo-boat,
or something of that sort. He
felt Injured and alarmed by this Impious,
not to say feline, suggestion, and so, after
some months of boiling Indignation, he
screamed. Of course, there followed an
investigation. Mr. Lessler's virtue called
for protection. Never, hever, should It
be said that innocence might remain tho
prey of wickedness. The agencies of
purity were to rally around the trembling
form of Lessler. Down South. Judge
Lynch would have hastened fondly to his
rescue. Here, In this home of the higher
civilization, he must take covcr behind
the Moral Forces. Besides, there was
Doblln a dark, devious, and recondite
agency. Doblln had offered Lessler the
now famous 15000, and Doblln. It was said,
had been- -instigated by Qulgg we all
know Qulgg. A party named McCullagh
figured somewhere. And there were oth
ers, of whom it is not now necessary to
peak.
Under the lynx-eyed observation or tho
committee Doblln leaked with great abun
dance. He said. In effect, that he had at
tacked the virginal purity of Lessler with
$5000 a douceur instead of a bludgeon
and he mentioned Qulgg as the deus ex
machlna. He did not have any S3000 him
self. He was simply promoting civiliza
tion at the Instance of the opulent- There
was consternation. But 21 hours elapsed,
and Doblln returned, to say with regret
and most becoming sorrow that he was a
liar If hard-hearted people choose to say
say. a perjurer. And thus the committee
were moved to the perfectly natural con
clusion that Lessler had been approached,
but not by anybody worth mentioning,
whereas Qulgg must be bowed out wltn
deference, "plus blanche que la blanchp
hermlne." And McCullagh whoever he
may bo escapes In the general rejoicing!
This Is beautiful and touching; but is
It business? If Lessler was approached
and. after a prayerful contemplation of
his features, we admit the possibility
who approached him? If Doblln, who nrst
acknowledged his crime and afterward
denounced himself ns a false witness and
a slanderer If Doblln says he didn't, what
are we to think of the committee s report
which says that Lessler was approached.
but that nobody did It7
Well, say!
The German Xavy and Our Own.
Harper's Weekly.
Germanv has 22 battleshJcn In service
where the United States has ten. She la
building eight to our ten. She has four
armored cruiser where we have but two,
but sho Is building only three where we
are building nine. In protected cruisers
she has 19 to our 14, and Is building three
to our six. In unprotected cruisers she
has 20 to our six. In coast defenders she
has 11 to our 15 ours are of the monitor
type and is building no more, while we
are constructing four. She has something
like 140 torpedo-boats -to our 32, but these
vessels are already out of date, and
neither country Is building any more. She
haB 30 torpedo-destroyers to our 20. We
have eight submarines to none for Ger
many. Altogether she has about 273 war
ships to our 140, but Inasmuch as she
has over 100 more' torpedo-boats than we
have vessels that are useless the present
disparagement between the navies of the
two countries Is not eo great as the total
figures would Indicate.
One of the latest of the German battle
ships has Just been launched. It repre
sents the new type. It Is not as large as
the more recent of American battle-shlpc.
but la compact and of the bulldog order.
Its name Is the Braunschweig. It Is 393.62
feet long, 73.S0 feet wide. 23.10 feet draught.
It displaces 13,200 tons, as against about
16,000 tons of the newer English and
American battleships. It has a speed of
IS knots an hour, which Is about the aver
age required of the largest vessels of this
class. The new battleship carries 600
officers and men.
British Wires In the Pacific.
New Tork Tribune.
While Americans are congratulating
themselves on the completion of the first
link in the American Pacific cable. Consul
General J. P. Bray, at Melbourne. Aus
tralia, sends a report on the British wires
which now connect London and Australia,
wiin tneir stations exclusively on uritisn
territory. The sections are as follows:
Vancouver to Fanning Island, 3210 nautical
miles; Fanning ManJ to FIJI. 2093 miles;
FIJI to Norfolk Island, 961 miles; Norfolk
Island to Brisbane, E34 miles; Norfolk
Island to New Zealand, C37 miles. s
Power of Sew Yorlc State.
Detroit Free Press.
There are indications that the opinion of
New York will weigh less In the political
balance in 1904 than ever before In the his
tory of the country. An "anythlng-to-beat-Roosevelt"
campaign In order to be
successful must have something more be
hind it than the1' greed and the vindictlve
ness of Wall street. Wall street may be
able to swing the United States Senate In
the absence of a concentrated public sen
timent, but the nomination and election
of a President are not to be' achieved by
angleworm processes.
Old Nnmes That Should Be Retained.
Utlca Observer.
In this country old names, many of
them of aboriginal origin, are being re
placed by names not nearly so attractive,
not nearly so distinctive, not nearly so
American. The nomenclature of a coun
try Is one of Its possessions that should
be guarded with the utmost vigilance. It
Is something that comes down to It. an
ancient heritage, from Its earliest settlers.
Respect for the pioneers. If nothing else,
should prompt a retention of the early
names.
One Comfort la Left Va.
Detroit Free Press.
Max Nordau Inclines to the belief that
the American people aro degenerates.
What makes his opinion tho more Inter
esting Is the fact that he has gracefully
narrowed this thing down until he now
holds that he Is about the only fellow
In the vineyard who Is not a degenerate,
whereat the rest of the world seems some
what reassured.
A Woman's Battle.
Helen Hunt Jackson.
Dear Foe. 1 know thou'lt win the fight.
I know thou hast the stronger bark.
And thou art sailing In the light.
While I am creeping Jin the dark.
Thou dost not dream that I am crying.
Aa I come up with colors flying.
lclear away my wounded, alaln.
With strength like frenzy, strong and swift;
I do not feel the tug and strain.
Though dead ara heavy, hard to lift.
If I looked In their faces dying.
I could not keep my colors flying.
Dear Foe. It will be short our fight
Though lazily thou traln'st thy guns;
Fate ateera us me to deeper night.
And thee to brighter seas and suns;
But tbou'It not dream that I am dying.
As I sail by with colors flying I
NOTE AND COMMENT.
Now that the Lewis and Clark authori
ties have raised the wind the dirt will
fly out at tho fair grounds.
If you don't believe that the way of
the transgressor Is hard. look at the news
paper portraits of Hooper Young and John
D. Rockefeller. ,
It Is only fair to the country that It
should know what Mr. Bryan thlnk3 of
the Democratic party. Twice we have
heard what the Democratic party thinks
of him.
rrinevllle. Or.. Feb. 0. Wheat for chicken
feed has becoma so scarce In Crook County
that one of our progressive scientists Mr.
Weiss, civil engineer of bend. Crook County,
Or. Is buying ana using aiiana cay, sieamins
It to render It soft for feeding to his chickens.
who respond to the toast by depositing as much
as one egg per diem lor eacn teniaie conino-
utor. - S. J. riEWSUME.
Dr. HIHIs In his sermon on "Success and
Failure." published In the New York
World of February 1, says:
In Western Oregon when tho wheat train
starts toward Portland an engine is put on to
furnish the brakes, for the road runs dawn hill.
and the wheat Is carried by Its own momentum.
To carry the same wheat to Seattle means that
the train must be divided Into three parts, and.
as many engines are needed to draw the wheat
up tha hill toward the top and over the divide.
Now It Is up to Seattle to prefer heresy
charges against the reverend gentleman.
"Ting-a-llng-a-llng." went tho telephone
In the editor's sanctum. The man of
many woes responded and received this
inquiry In well-modulated feminine tones:
How's the prizefight getting along.
please?"
'I don't know," answered the weary
man. "and I don t care.
"Don't care? Why, that's funny."
"Maybe it is, madam, but I'm the re
ligious editor and I don't give a d n for
prizefights."
At the Kilties concert yesterday:
The Incorrigible Mamma, why don't
they all have on
"Sh-eh-h."
A pause.
"Mamma, why don't they all have"
"Sh-h. I say."
Short pause.
"Mamma, why don't they all have"
"Sh h sh h, do you hear?"
Kntr'act five seconds,
"Mamma, why don't they all have on
caps like that old man's down In front?"
Sweet Maid of Mists In yonder sky,
1 pray thee come and solace me;
Three day I've been so chill and dry.
And all my thoughts have boen of thee I
Fain would I grab my coat of gum
And emigrate to raolster clime.
My aching pericardium
Would have thee for Us valentine.
Eweet Maid of Mists, just now so shy.
We need thee here in Oregon.
Thy gentle touch and melting eye
Would work quite a phenomenon.
Our home Is bleak and parched and Ions
When thou art far In Winter time.
Come thou today and be my otrn
Warm-hearted, Webfoot valentine.
The appointment of Dr. Randall David
son to the archbishopric of Canterbury Is
but another Illustration of how tho Scot
is conquering south of the border. The
Archbishop of York Is likewise a Scotch
man. In the British government 10 Scotch
men aro drawing yearly 37,617 from the
treasury, viz.. Arthur Balfour, the Pre
mier; Gerald Balfour, secretary of the
Board of Trade: Mr. Ritchie, the Home
Secretary; Lord Balfour, of Burleigh. Sec
retary for Scotland; II. T. Anstruther. a
Junior Lord of the Admiralty; Hon. T.
Cochrane, Parliamentary Secretary for
the Home Office; A. B. Law, Parliamen
tary Secretary for the Board of Trade;
Sir R. B. Finlay. Attorney-General; Gra
ham Murray, Lord Advocate for Scot
land, and Scott Dickson, Solicitor-General
for Scotland. Moreover, tho Earl of
Mlnto, Governor-General of Canada, Is a
Scot, and Lord Hopetoun, until recently
Governor-General of Australia, Is of tho
"tiame nationality.
Limerick Competition, No. 4.
The fair contributor who Is responsible
for starting this Limerick competition is
not to be outdone and has sent In another
gem which we label No. 4. We hope it is
not her last. She does not deny the
charge of femininity and the chances
are that If she were arraigned she would
plead guilty without more ado. She doesn't
even sign a pen name. Her communica
tions are needlessly brief. She doesn't
even say: "Mr. Note and Comment Man,
Dear Sir I liked your nice verse and
"Here's another." No. She Just sends In
the verse as much as to say: "There, read
that. It's much better than yours." Here
it Is:
The man on his way from Cathlamet
Said: "I can't tell how sorry I am It
Is on the wrong side
That I chance to reside.
The east side of the river Willamette."
The Sherlock Holmes editor was hand
cd the pome and he Immediately an
nounced: The handwriting Is that of a bookkeeper In a
small wholesale house. How do I deduce that?
The firm persists In using ruled paper and has
r.o typewriter. She u not seeking tame. e
how artfully she has cut oft the top of the let
terhead to conceal her IdentUy. She has red
hair. Don't you see the beautiful wisp of au
burn that was caught , underneath the new
George Washington stamp! There Is also a
clever cipher concealed In the verse which tells
roe that her name la Mamie. How do I know?
Do yu dare doubt Sherlock Holmes, Jr.?
And Just to show us that tho versifying
talent of the country could be controlled
by no trust, he dashed off tho following
on his typewriter:
A dashing young miss who wrote rhymes
"On an editor called a few times.
With the rushing Willamette
She coupled Cathlamet.
And he only paid her In dimes.
rLmSAXTTUES OF rAUAGRAPHEnS
He My" brother carries the brains of the fam
ily. She Doesn't make him round-shouldered,
does ltT Yonkers Statesman.
Maude So she married and did well? An
nieTea. She get?25 a week now. Maude
Pin money? Annie No; alimony. Judge.
Dolly Does Mrs. Torque like domestic ani
mals? Polly EvIdenUy, for she declares she
Is going to marry her second husband. Balti
more Herald.
Brlgga Btlkins didn't get along with that
rich girl he married, did he? Griggs No. She
went back to her family, and he went back to
his creditor. Life.
"What's the matter. Bill? You look kind o'
weatherbeaten this morning." That's exactly
what I am. I bet S5 It would rain yesterday,
and It didn't." Chicago Tribune.
"Tour daughter tells me. Mrs. Kenwood, that
the West Side Is really terra Incognita to. her."
"Yes. Margarita has got to be such a hand to
Ulk French since we srent that Winter In
Paris." Chicago Record-Herald.
' "Tour paator must be a financier." "I should
say so! Why, he has a scheme to fund the
church debt at 2Vs per cent, and I believe that
some day he'll capitalize the church and Issue
common and preferred stock." Puck.
Mr. Hopeford The date you have set for our
wedding comes on Friday. Friday Is supposed
to be an unlucky day. Mrs. Lakeside (from
the West) So I've heard, but it can't bo any
more unlucky than the other days. I've tried
all the rest. New Tork Weekly.
Mrs. Newrlch (In the art store) What! A
thousand dollars for that little picture? Deal
er Tea. ma'am. Tou see, it's done In oil. and
genuine oil paintings are rather expensive. Mrs.
Ifewrlch Tes. I suppose so. The Oil Trust mo
nopoly la certainly getting to be something ter
rific Chicago Dally New.