THE MOK.NJL.NG- UKEttOjSIAN, -TTJESLYAY, SEPTEMBER" 3, 1901.
IT
subjective freedom of will or caprice for
each and every Individual, the liberty to
do everything according to the fancy of
the moment, 'the casting: away of all so
cial bonds, limitations and associations.
This would be a false freedom, whether
desired by tire capitalist, who regards the
state merely as the night watchman" of
his property, or set before a democracy
as a prospect of the future social state.
Such individual freedom or caprice never
could make any one content. It would
make only dissatisfied, doubters, idlers,
breeders of unrest and despair. True free
dom means the -unhampered development
of the individual in the service, direct or
indirect, of the community, according- to
his particular conditions, under the pro
tection of the whole, and with the main
tenance of a due proportion between his
achievements for society, and the mate
rial and ideal benefits which accrue to
him from society. It is the same with
equality. It could only be the madness
of the extreme subjective fanaticism for
equality which could maintain that each
individual should be cut after the same
pattern,- should labor, enjoy, rule and
serve like every other. The whole ten
dency of the human race, as seen In his
tory, has been to become more and more
manifold. Inequality is grained in us
from our birth by inheritance. It is
clearly provided that even in the future
Individuals never will hecom,e equal; since
tide by side with the integrating processes
of the grouping and. uniting of nations
goes as strong a differentiating tendency
among different sections of the same peo
ple official -differences, Institutions, cor
porations, associations, unions, but espe
cially differences in families and individ
uals. It is well for us that the world's
progress in this direction cannot be re
tarded. True equality consists in giving
to every one the right and possibility of
developing his Individuality in its full
measure. If society presents certain dif
ficulties and obstacles to his development,
it also offers advantages. They are wise
who study how they may best "fit in."
In this recognition and development of
each lies the true and only possible equal
ity, it involves the equal right of all to
develop their own individuality in that
particular line which suits them best.
Many have only partial success. Indeed;
hut adaptation and efficiency cannot be
conferred from without. Tiiey are quali
ties which must be horn within.
Yet the whole doctrine for us is not the
conquest of new rights. The larger part
of the doctrine is the performance of old
duties. The disturber is the man who has
xio duties; only rights -of all kinds.
I do not believe that the capitalist sys
tern of production is Incompatible with
the rights or interests of labor, nor with
its suitable remuneration. It has hitherto
subserved our industrial welfare, and still
will do so, if it do not forget the moral
duties that belong to it in its vast aggre
gations. But capital has not grown faster
xhin the varied interests of society, and
can still he held in reasonable control.
f&s. it has ever been. There is great power
Jn a democracy like ours, if only that
'power be used not unwisely. But reason
ableness and moderation are the first and
necessary principles -that must srulde it.
I admit the introduction of state-organized
enterprises in those cases where they
can accomplish what private industry
cannot so profitably -do. But it is neces
sary always to be cautious In these un
dertakings, which must be limited in the
nature of things to a few fields of activ
ity. Counsel should be taken of experi
ence at every step.
It is a fact In the history and senti
ments of the American workman that he
is neither socialist nor anarchist. He
often, believes, and rightly believes, that
in the distribution of the reward of labor
his share is less than it might be, less
than it ought to be, and that some means
should be discovered by which the un
equal balance should be rectified. He
does not indeed detect the process by
which this advantage can be secured to
him, and he relies, though doubtfully,
upon certain expedients, of which the
strike thus far is the chief one, by which
he thinks he can secure better terms. He
has good reason for believing that he can,
in some degree at least, gain his ends by
a soclation with his fellows and by mak
ing, as far as possible, the cause of one
gr3- of workmen the cause of all. He
cannot have forgotten how angrily any
a tion of his in this direction was for cen
turies Tesented and punished by law, and
how, even now, it is assailed by sophis
tical and Interested criticism. Our Amer
ican colonies brought with them from the
Old "World the notion that it was right
to forbid the organization of labor, and
though the legislation enacted to support
this notion has long "been obsolete, the
feeling still exists among many that
workmen ought not to organize. A book
recently published, entitled, "The Eco
nomic Histocy of New England," has
many curious records of the efforts and
means employed to prevent, by law, the
organization of workmen, and to control
the rates of wages. Law and government
Interposed on the side of the employer in
order to lessen the workman's share.
Such statement will give some idea what
progress has been made from that day
to this. The workman, then, should not
he pessimistic: still less should he despair.
The materials of industry constitute the
capital of a community, of which money
is the symbol. Labor is engaged, wheth
er of head or hand, in Imparting utility to
these materials, this capital. All who are
engaged .In industry strive to complete
their work in the briefest possible man
ner. The employer of labor, if he attends
rightly to his business and keeps In touch
with the people he employs, works as
truly as the artisan, though in a different
manner. His principal function, as far
as the common interest is concerned, is
to interpret the means by which labor
may be continually employed. The mam
evil of the vast capitalistic association
known in our time as "the trust," is that
fVellminates the personal human interest
that ought to subsist between employer
and employe. These now know nothing
about each other. The trust stockholder
"wants dividends and doesn't care for the
workman. The workman thinks of the
trust stockholder only as one of a multi
tude combined to exploit his labor to the
uttermost Thus the old community of
interest and feeling, founded on acquain
tance, personal contact and mutual good
will, is lost. These great combinations
bring capital together, but alienate men.
Strange that men should be able to per
suade themselves that a laborer's partner
ship is not allowable, -while a capitalists
partnership is. Truth is, if workmen do
not act together, their wages will be fixed
without much discretion or volition on
thtir part. A trade union, conducted on
pe-ceful and legal principles, that is to
say. bv moral forces only, and with an
en.ire abstention from violence, both in
its inception and administration, does not
diffor economically from any other joint
stck partnership. When a number of
persons conrhlne their capital, their ener
gies, their experience, in a commercial
undertaking, and so conduct it as to se
cure the greatest possible profits them
s?r ves, they call their undertaking legiti
mate, "and if it is greatly successful the
pr moters of it expect to be stj'led princes
of industry, creators of public wealth,
benefactors of their country and guaran
tors of its progress. By many they are
pre cumed also to be especially fit ,f or or
fl'vs of title and honor. In some coun
tries they are deemed to be especially
qualified to transmit hereditary fortune,
rcxlc and authority; and there are those
who would aspire to such distinction in
our country, if the fundamental condi
tiors of our society did not forbid. So
worhy is combination, so honorable are
the fruits of it. But from this same
source we have it that there shall be no
labor combination; and a great trust of
today gives it -out that it is its purpose
to prohibit partnership of labor, or or
ganization among its workmen. With
fnanlc brutality this capitalistic combina
tion says: "It will be a fight to a .finish.
No quarter will be iglven. We are pre
pared to spend the money and time nec
essary to wipe out the Amalgamated As
sociation in all our mills." These are its
rxat words. Surely this is not the way
to teach the working people of the coun
try that sense of moderation, justice and
equity which is the only safety that the
rights of property can possess.
The workmen have something to sell in
their strength and skill. Like the, capi
talist they wish to sell their labor, which
is their property, to the best advantage;
that is, at a charge which will leave them
something ' above, ,as much as possible
.above, the cost at which they are put in
keeping themselves in efficient condition
for their labor, and which exactly cor
responds to the cost of production In the
case of the manufacturer, and to the cost
of acquisition and distribution in the case
of the merchant or trader. They also
know perfectly well that If they are com
pelled to sell their labor to the first
comer, or at a moment's notice, they sell
at a disadvantage, and they are as much
in their right In withholding their goods
from market till they can get their price,
or in other words, refusing to work till
they can get satisfactory terms, as a
manufacturer who will not bring his
product to market unless he gets his
profit. Again, the goods in which the
workmen deal are costly to keep, and
the owners, liable to loss, have to be very
circumspect to sell their labor; because to
withhold from the market In their case is
a loss that probably never can be made
good. In order to make this loss as light
as possible, though at best It is exceed
ingly heavyvthey adopt the joint-stock
principle of mutual Insurance against the
loss of keeping their goods from market,
and on the widest possible scale. They
seek to enlist the largest possible number
of workmen in their association, to in
clude all In the same trade, they can, to
Include all In a corporation of trades In
the end, so they may be able to strength
en, as far as possible; the exceptional
weakness of their position. A strike may
not be judicious, and It seldom Is fully
successful; but to the economist It Is no
way different from the speculative pur
chase by which the projector hopes to
control the market by shortening the
supply.
I do not deal with this subject In any
sentimental vein. Declamation is noth
ing. We have to deal In this business
with first and fundamental truths. The
public is profoundly interested In the
efficiency and Independence of the work
ingman. "The liberal reward of labor,"
says Adam Smith, "as it is the necessary
effect, so it is the natural symptom of
increasing National wealth. The scanty
maintenanbe of the laboring masses, on
the other hand, is the natural symptom
that things are at a stand, and their very
depressed condition that they are going
fast backward."
Labor never can be under more obli
gation to capital than capital Is to labor.
The two are indispensable parts of an in
dustrial civilization. If labor would starve
without capital, it Is equally true that
capital without labor would tend to
speedy exhaustion. All the wealth In the
world would not support its possessors
beyond a single generation. Wealth must
be continually renewed, and labor is the
only Instrument that can do it. Here Is
a fact that might serve to make even
the greatest aggregations of capital less
arrogant. Wealth Is but a tool of trade
and industry. Whether beneficent or not,
depends on- the way in which it is used.
It Is capable of effecting great good, but
it can by no means be a symbol of intel
lectual or moral worth. We have no
"upper classes" in this country, based on
wealth or heredity. God forbid we should
ever 'have!
In the present time, more-than ever be
fore, men live In the world, and we could
not clear ourselves of its influence upon
us, if we would. I quote here from an
eminent author: '.'Man's social life Is not
confined to the material space or to the
mere moment of time in which It passes.
It ramifies Into the many relations It has
contracted In many localities, and not
only Into them, but into those which It
may contract, or may form an idea of.
It embraces not alone the present, but
the future. Man lives oh a thousand
points which he does not Inhabit, and in
a thousand moments yet in the womb of
time; and if this expansion of his exist
ence suffers compression, if he Is com
pelled himself within the narrow limits
of his material and actual existence, and
to isolate himself both as regards space
and time, social life becomes a truncated
and lifeless corpse."
Thus we are in the world and of the
world. The success with which we adapt
ourselves to It, and serve It while we
make It serve us, is the test of wisdom
and of our fitness to live.
But man must not take his place In the
mass wholly forgetting himself. NaturG
likes no extreme, In any of her opera
tions; he likes no one-sldedness in man.
The old cardinal virtues are potent as
ever. They belong to the individual, and
through the individual they penetrate so
ciety. Personal Industry, foresight, pru
dence, economy, perseverance, sobriety.
is the family of virtues that belbngs to
the individual man. Society cannot sup
ply these qualities, and cultivation of
them .by the individual, even In these
days of universal combination, industrial
and commercial. Is as necessary as ever;
more so. indeed, because the general prob
lem presents now a series of factore that
runs practically to infinity, and these vir
tues are more necessary than .ever for
so large a conquest.
We shall not be so Irrational as to bo
dissatisfied because others are ricner than
we are. It is the very nature of property
to be unequal. iVithout such inequality
civilization could not exist. Our care must
be to prevent individuals from having
special advantages through the laws for
the accumulation of wealth. Such advan
tages these times are sought and gained
through specious arguments for promo
tion of the general good. He is yet young
and green in this old world who does
not know that desire of private gain, not
the public jrood. is the incentive. The
desire of private gain is indeed the main
spring of commercial and industrial ac
tion, and its existence is absolutely neces
sary to human effort. But it should al
ways be watched when it wants grants,
bonuses, subsidies and franchises, and
when such concessions are made, the pub
lic rights should always be guarded with
extreme care. It is a favorable sign of
these times that there is better dleposi
tion now to guard the rights of the pub
lic in these directions than in former
times, when promoters were accustomed
to get everything onerely for the asking.
To the growth of democracy and of an
intelligent spirit within it, to the neces
sity of making appeal to the people and
taking their judgment, this chanire is
due. Much remains to be done, and it
will be done; for an Industrial democ
racy is forced to mix business with poli
tics and politics with business, in order
to conserve its rights and interests, and
to suppose the system will prove a fail
ure would be to despair of mankind.
There is a law in the physical world,
a law of animal life, that requires con
stant effort for maintenance of the high
est powers. In the animal world the
species that become parasites are known
to degenerate, by a law of universal be
ing. And there is a' law of the moral and
spiritual world, under which sthe dead
heads of society degenerate as do nara-
sites in the lower animal kingdom. Rich
persons who may depend on their wealth,
or poor persons who may depend on the
state, commit the same error. Every
idler, rich or poor, violates a great law
of his belns, which demands that every
thought and feeling shall emerge Into
action. Everj' class of people has its
Idlers, men who desire to possess without
earning. The aimless son of wealth and
the tramp tread the same path. Univer
sal Interest in honest, healthful employ
ment would cure nearly all the evils of
society and state The way of life has
not been made easy. It could not be
made easy, consistently with the require
ments of the nature of man. Let no man
be discouraged, therefore; let no man re
pine. I have answered the call to address you
today In the hope that I might be able
to speak an acceptable word. The sub
ject Is a vast one. It covers all the. con
cerns of human life. We live In 'the
world and we must work in It My own
work in Oregon began with my boyhood;
it has extended during a period of nearly
50 years. In my early life, and down to
the time when I was nearly 30 years of 1
age. It covered every description of man
ual labor that belonged to the conditions
of pioneer existence"; and all the usual
and many unusual hardships went with
It. Latterly I have pursued another oc
cupation, not lees laborious and far more
exacting. I speak of these things that
it may be known when Italk of labor I
know what it means. Through long ex
perience and observation I know that the
good old Virtues are still our main reli
ance, and that In making necessary
changes to the new conditions of an in
dustrial civilization we never can afford
to neglect them.
There was a great outburst of applause
when Mr. Scott concluded. George H.
Howell, a prominent member of trne Typo
graphical Union, of Portland, was next
introduced. He speke from a labor union
man's standpoint. Following Is the 'full
text of Mr. Howell's remarks:
Views of a Labor Unionist.
Burke says: "The market settles and
alone can settle the price. Market is the
meeting and conference of the consumer
and producer, wnere they mutually dis
cover each Other's wants." This truth no
longer prevails In these days of comblna-
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FLOAT
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tion, for the modern trust Itself becomes
the market and dictates prices to buyers
and sellers. The aim of the trust is
to produce the largest amount with a
steadlly decreasing amount of labor- and
the smallest amount of material.
"It is said that large investments make
large economies.
"That the more there Is produced the
cheaper it can be produced.
''That the cheaper it can be produced
the cheaper it can be sold.
"That the cheaper it can be sold the
more can be sold; and that cheap plenty
'makes large consumption."
Another advantage urged in behalf of
the trust Is:
"Economy In production, therefore low
er prices to consumers." But it is alleged
that the consumer does not receive the
benefit of trust economy to which he is
equitably entitled under this argument.
As a matter of fact, it has been clearly
shown that under trust management
there has been undoubted economy in
production, but the general public has not
been the gainer thereby. It developed
in Wall street a few days- ago that the
coal trust has been producing and sell
ing much more coal than last year, while
at the same time raising the price of coal
above that of last year. Here's a refuta
tion of one of the trust's best arguments.
Its spokesmen say: The more there is
produced the cheaper it can be produced,
and the cheaper It can be produced the
cheaper it can be sold.
It was officially announced in the street
that the production of anthracite "coal
during last July was 3,G9S,S14 tons, as
compared with 3,599,720 tons in July, 1900,
an Increase of 99,094 tons. .
The coal trust, of which J. Plerpont
Morgan is the master mind, has for the
fourth time since April 1 raised the prico
of coal to the dealers 10 cents a ton, and
it Is stated that there will be another
advance of at least 10 cents on the first
of this month.
This rise of 50 cents a ton will put
$25,000,000 In the trust's pockets, from
which it can easily afford to pay the
$5,000,000 In higher wages which the an
thracite miners won from it by the great
strike of 1900.
But the trust's own figures announced
yesterday prove that it has produced
4,782,901 more tons during the seven
months of 1901 than during the same
period of 1900. So, thanks to Mr. Mor
gan's financial genius, the trust is being
paid more money for more coal.
Notwithstanding this enormous increase
in profits, that the promoters of this
trust are growing richer beyond the wild
est dreams of avarice, an attempt is now
being made to crush the Amalgamated
Association of Iron and Steel Workers,
because this organization has seen fit to
-..
PARADE
ask for recognition. The wage-earners in
all lines of Industry are anxiously await
ing the outcome. The trust with Its abil
ity tor control legislation, its seeming hold
on the judiciary, now seeks to brush aside
labor unions the only remaining obstacle
in its path.
Public sentiment Is with the latter and
I believe that we are going to emerge
from this conflict stronger than ever be
fore, and with a clearer understanding
of the trade union movement by the gen
eral public.
Trusts kill competition. Take what we
ask or we will crush you, apparently is
its motto. "Wealth Against Common
wealth" is the title of a book giving an
'authentic history of the -Standard Oil
Trust, and It tells how this trust had
monopolized the oil Industry, how com
peting firms had been crushed, or their
plants blown up by dynamite, and the
agent convicted for the offense. It gives
an account of the festimonv taken before
legislative ' committees, showing the
frauds and wrongs perpetrated by the
trust It shows that the means used by
Jezebel to obtain Nabob's vineyard were
repeated here. It contains a cdpy of a
letter written by a widow, whose refinery
had been confiscated by this trust. The
letter Is"1 written to the trust magnate.
In this lei'ter this widow says:
" Were it not for the knowledge I have
that there is a God in heaven, and that
you will be compelled to give an ac
count for all the deeds done here, and
there in the presence of my husband will
have to confess whether you have
wronged me and his fatherless children
or not were it not for this knowledge, I
would not endure It--for a moment that
a man possessed of the millions that
you are, will permit, to be taken from a
widow a business that has been the hard
lif.e-work and pride of herself and hus
band, one that was paying the handsome
profit of nearly $25,000 per annum," and
give me in return such a paltry sum,
that will net me less than $3000, and it Is
done in a manner that says, Take this or
we will crush you out. And when on ac
count of the sacred associations con-
nected with the business, and also the
family name It bears, I plead that I may
4 ---$ ?oaoao
OF THE TEAM DRIVERS'
-0 -
be permitted to retain a slight interest
(you having promised the same at our in
terviews), you then, In your cold, heart-
! less manner, send me word that no out-
I slder can hold a dollar's worth of stock
in that concern. It seems strange to be
called an outsider in a business that has
been almost entirely our own, and built
up at the cost it has to ourselves."
This book recites many other transac-
W. XX. Barry, Grand Marshal.
tlons of the trust, but I mention this to
show how utterly powerless the small
dealer i$ in the hands of the trust.
Another advantage of the trust Is al
leged to be better wages and more con
stant employment. But is this true?
Wages paid by trusts are not as a rule
higher than going wages, and are.. not1
as high as trust profits might seem to
warrant. As to constant employment,
It can scarcely be said that a policy which
closes and obliterates factories gives con-
Mr. Dewey, of the Department of La
bor, Washington, D. C, lectured in this
city about a year ago. Among other
things he stated that thee were women
working at the coke ovens of the H. C.
' ----- -
ENTERING THE EXPOSITION
Frlck Company for less per day than the
State of Pennsylvania paid for the board,
per , capita, of Its prisoners in the peni
tentiary. This concern is, or was, I be
lieve, a part of the Carnegie plant. I do
not know how Mr. Carnegie reconciles
this statement with his princely endow
ments to various institutions. To the lay
mind It would appear that this money, so
lavishly bestowed, represents the toll and
life-blood of those, employed In the vari
ous plants of the United States , Steel
Corporation. And I hone that the people
of Portland will put themselves on rec
ord as opposed to the acceptance of any
endowment from Carnegie towards a free
public library. I would not want my
children to patrohize an Institution so
endowed. I would not patronize It my
self. The memory of Homestead Is still
fresh in the minds of the American peo
pie, and all the libraries that he has thus
far endowed will not efface the stain of
Homestead. Like the blood stafii on the
hand of Lady Macbeth, it will not ouC '
t
I have endeavored to picture the trust
as it appears to me, and I will not take
your time any longer with this phase of
my subject. Suffice it to say, I believe
the modern trusts are doomed.
"On thr nns slrtA nro untoltl wealth.
War-seeing management, splendid talents,
unscrupulous methods, and that inordi
nate greed for gain which has no regard
for the laws of the land. On the other
are the slow and silent, but unalterable
determination of the people, the legis
lative bodies, the great and natural laws
of competition, and. most of all, a free,
a fearless and an independent press."
Judge Baker, of the United States Ciri
cult Court, at Goshen, Ind., issued an in
junction prohibiting the 40 pressmen em
ployed by the W. B. Conkey Printing
Company at Hammond, Ind., who are on
strike, from picketing the plant. The in
junction forbids violence or coercion of
all forms explicitly, and even forbids the
strikers from calling at the homes of
the new men. ,
Only the other day a Connecticut Judge
enjoined strikers from persuading or ar-
I gulng with nonunion workingmen. Here
i are uwo decisions from learned men. And
UNION
yet, to the lay mind they seem monu
ments of idiocy. Some few months ago
in 'conversation with a well-known attor
ney of this city, I was told that 'Law is
the perfection of reason." That appears to
be a very good definition. But I fail to
see any "reason" in the two decisions re
ferred to. Take the Connecticut case:
To say. as this judge did, that a man
shall not be free to speak his mind to
another, even on the merits of a strike
concerning Which their opinions differ,
and even though he seeks to win the
other to his opinion, is to provoke n very
general "contempt of court."
Commenting on this decision. Puck says:
"If any court presumes to enforce such
a decision it is to be hoped that the la
bor unions will have the spirit to show
for it, by word and act, that contempt
which It merits and which the constitu
tion of the United States authorizes."
In 1S92, if I remember rightly, the state
of New York passed a law that provided
that 10 hours should constitute a day's
work. That had been passed for some
time, and the switchmen who had been
working at Buffalo were compelled to
work from 12 to 14 hours a day, notwith
standing the Legislature of New York
had passed a law providing that 10 hours
should constitute a day's work. The
switchmen appointed committees, who
called on the officials of the several roads
centering at Buffalo the New York Centra-,
the Erie, the Lehigh "Valley and the
res! of them. These officials would not
treat with the switchmen at all, and as a
last resort the switchmen, about 600 In
number, struck. Mr. Theodore Voorhees,
their superintendent, and latterly gen
eralnianager of the Lehigh Valley, wrote
a paper on that strike, which appeared in
the North American Review of August,
I believe, of that year, In which he prac
tically admitted that the railroad corpo
ration had combined .for the purpose of
disregarding that 10-hour law.
Tvnen the switchmen struck, they par
alyzed all of the roads centering at Buf
falo. There was no riot, no disorder, and
no trouble, but the roads could not get
men to handle the work. There were
some cars on the hospital track old and
disabled cars and they were set on fire.
That looked suspicious, to say the least
and It was currently reported at that
time, and I believe it to be1 a fact, that
t'hese cars were fired by the emissaries of
the corporation, because, what Interest
could the switchmen possibly have In
firing these decrepit, disabled cars? Of
course, that settled the strike. The courts
were appealed to, the militia responded
and the railroad corporations were thus
enabled to set at naught the will of the
people, as expressed by the legislators In
- - - - .
--o
BUILDING
the passage of the 10-hour law. It ap
pears to the lay mind that if the court
had Issued an injunction to the railroad
people, 'compelling them to comply with
the law, there would have been no loss
of life or trouble of any kind whatever.
In reviewing the case, I am led to ask,
Is law the perfection of reason? I will
leave that for you to answer. If Is such
decisions that lead many of our members
to lose their respect for the court and
to say that the courts are arrayed agaJnsP
them.
That Federal Courts find themselves
possessed of this authority is a subject
for wide complaint by persons who have
no affiliation with labor unions, and a
law of Congress is advccatotl prevent'ng
such action. In England. 'picketing bv
strikers, which was formerly prohibited
is now expressly permitted. Its advocacy
In this country is based on the right of
fre? sueech.
Commenting on this, the Chicago News
says:
"If It shall be established that courts
have authority to take such action as
this, either laws limiting the power of
Judges or laws establishing compulsory
arbitration will have to be passed to pro
tect labor In Its legitimate rights."
Trades unions had their origin and still
have their justification in the necessity
of securing to labor a just recognition of
its superior claims to consideration.
In organization lies the hope and well
being of the wage-earner. Physicians
have their medical associations to regu
late fees; the legal fraternity unite on
all matters of common Interest In the
various bar associations; the powerful
financial Institutions of the country find
it necessary to combine in the National
Bankers' Association, to accomplish their
.ends; the merchants and manufacturers
attain the object of their desires through
boards of trade then why should not the
toilers- have an association in every city
and town on the continent? Are the alms
and objects of their organization inimical
to the public welfare? Let us see just
what we are striving to attain. Take the
'preamble found in nearly all constitutions
regulating labor associations:
"To establish and maintain an equit
able scale of wages, and protect ourselves
from sudden or unreasonable fluctuations
in the rate of compensation for our labor;
to defend our rights and advance our
interests as workingmen; to create an au
thority whose seal shall constitute a cer
tificate of character. Intelligence and skill;
to build up an organization where all
worthy members of our craft can partici
pate In the discussion of those practical
problems upon the solution of which de
pends their welfare; to encourage the
principle and practice of conciliationand
arbitration In the settlement of differences
.between employer and employe; to Incite
all honorable efforts for the attainment
of Increased skill in workmanship and
the betterment of our condition."
If these principles are Incompatible
with Individual dignity, and individual
freedom, why do we hear no outcry
against unions of capitalists and business
men, or of unions of professional men.
There is no objeptlon to copartnerships,
to the. various associations of manufac
turers, farmers, merchants, lawyers,
physicians and teachers. We meet with
no denunciation of political parties, which
are nothing but unions for the securing
of certain common ends through legisla
tion and the control of the Government
Every eoolety. every club, has Its rules,
by-laws and "restrictions" upon'lndlvidual
action; but not even Bedlam contends that
because of these "restrictions" the "man
ly" and "free" individual cannot join any
of the ex sting organlzations-wlthout sur
rendering his Independence and dignity.
This threadbare, silly and ridiculous ar
gument Is, In fact, never employed except
in opposition to the effort at united action
by those who need it most, who are al
most helpless without It, and whose grad
ual Improvement absolutely depends upon
it that is the wage-earners.
It is stated that labor unions handicap
ability, discourasre lnltlntive and put a
premium upon mediocrity and Incapacity.
It Is not so. No man has ever been pre
vented by unionism from exercising his
faculties to the utmost. The unions pre
scribe a minimum, and not a maximum,
of wages; they insist on a living rate, but
where and when have they prohibited an
employer from rewarding superior skill
and merit?
We shall not surrender any of our
rights. We know what the trades-union
has done and Is doing for the wage
earner. The trades-union movement has
come to stay. Social fads wax and wane,
but the trades-union has Its fixed place
in tfie social structure.
We believe In organized labor.
First Because It tends to raise wages.
"Were It not for the Typographical
Union, the printers of this country would
not now be getting what they do for their
work by at least one-third." The late
George W. Childs. proprietor of the Pub
lic Ledger. Philadelphia.
Second Because it helps, to prevent re
ductions In wages. Cut-downs rarely
come to well-organized labor.
Third Because it aids In getting short
er hours. Unorganized trades work the
longest hours.
Fourth Because in union is strength.
xnis is as true of wage-earners as of
states.
Fifth Because It makes labor respected.
Power wins Tespect from employers, as
from all men.
I could give many more reasons, but
time will not permit.
In conclusion let me utter a note of
warning:
The living, burning Issue bearing on
the needs of labor constitute a condition
of vital importance, not : theory. Theo
rizing will not build homes, will not feed
the hungry, will not clothe the naked,
will not administer comforts to the sick.
In designing air castles there are many
architects It I3 easy to formulate theo
ries which look beautiful and seem so
attractive until they are tried. Human
nature cannot be changed by a theory-;
neither can the established rules of busi
ness, nor those basic laws governing hu
man conduct, which are as Immutable
as the laws of nature nnd almost as an
cient Put our theories Into practice,
say the socialists, and misery will disap
pear from the earth. The Christian Scien
tists say something to the same effect.
The disciples of Henry .George say
the single tax, If applied, will carry out
God's Intentions that no man can acquire
more land than he actually needs for his
own use; then there will be acres and
building lots enough for all, perfectly free
from cost except for the asking, and the
payment of the single tax at the end of
the year; then all persons can get a home.
New enterprises will spring up during a
night; work will be plentiful, workmen
will be in demand, wages will rise, men
and women, too. can then make a living
with peace and honor; it will encourage
their natural and wholesome develop
ment, the lives of 'all persons will be one
continued day of sunshine, of joy and
pleasure; everything that Is good In hu
man nature will then grow and develop to
its fullest height, and make the human
race better, grander and sweeter than any
that fcver. Inhabited the world before.
This Is la very beautiful word picture
of an ideal state. As a matter of fact,
however, there will probably never come
a time when the moral regeneration of
mankind can be accomplished by legis
lation. Happiness Js within ourselves.
There have Deen pqor men and rich men
from the day of Dives and Lazarus, and
there will be riches and poverty as long
as time shall last o legislation can
fully equalize human conditions. Some
men are thrifty and prudent and econom
ical; others are without aptitude in busi
ness, wasteful, nnd devoid of the energy
and qualifications necessary for success.
There is a book. It Is a very old book.
It was written thousands of years ago.
Its writings have never been improved
upon. It contains a description of the
live l of men who lived In ages past
Types of these men live today. They
have lived In every age and will continue
to exist as long as time shall last. This
book tells us of Dives and Lazarus the
rich man and poor man. It was Christ
who said: "The poor ye have with ye al
ways." Dives and Lazarus left many de
scendants, and in the whirling years the
rich have begged, and beggars have be
come rich, and so I repeat, care can never
bo legislated out of the world, nor happi
ness be legislated into the world.
There Is blazing wealth and abject
poverty side by side.
There are churches and jails, homes
of wealth and homes of the friendless.
There Is too much to eat and too much
hunger, too much clothing and too many
people In rags, too much coal and too
many shivering firesides, and It has been
so ever since pasturage grew scarce for
the joint flocks of Abraham and Lot
This natural difference In mankind 13
what cau&es the collapse of the socialist
theory when put Into effect
The employes of a glass works near
Carmaux, France, were discharged for at
tending a convention of socialists at Mar
seilles. This precipitated a general strike,
in which 220 men Joined.. Public sentiment
was so strongly on the side of the men
that the sum of 50,000 francs was quickly
subscribed for a co-operative glass wrka,
which should be owned and operated by
the men exclusively. Henri Rochefort
was the moving spirit of the project, and
so successful were his efforts that whan
the works opened at Alby there was not
a franc's Indebtedness on the plant
A more favorable fest could not be
given a theory. Yet from the very open
ing of the factory trouble began. The
men refused to obey even the commonest
rules of a work shop. Each man consid
ered himself a proprietor and proeeaelcd
to enjoy the privileges of a proprietor.
The men elected to prsltlons of authority
were more officious ax.J domineering than
the old "bosses" and the employes began
to long for the old days and conditions
when they were simply workmen and not
proprietors. To complete the general dis
satisfaction the capital which the public
had freely given the men was dissipated
and the revenues were Insufficient to
meet operating expenses. So after two
years trial the 320 beneficiaries of the So
cialistic Co-operative Association agreed
to disagree; the glass factory was shut
down and the men began -to look for work
under the old conditions.
So also failed the Ruskln colony In
Tennessee. In our own city we have the
Sun Publishing Company as an illustra
tion. If you remember, this paper was
launched on the turbulent sea of journal
ism by a number of printers. Shortly
after the publication of the first issue the
men began to murmur. Some claimed
that the manager was getting a rak-up.
Others wanted him removeditand this lat
ter faction did remove him and elected a
man to their liking. The old manager
brought suit the new manager well. In
the language of the street "He didn't do
a thing."
The Morning Union, of Tacoma. met a
similar fate.
In proposing remedies for any existing
wrongs it would be weir to keep in mind
the fact that human nature Is likely to
continue very .much the same thing It
has always been. Hawthorne. In his
"Mosses From an Old Manse," speaks of a
time w-hen the whole world, being over
burdened with an accumulation of worn
out trumpery, determined upon a reform
and decided to rid themselves of all this
trumpery by a general bonfire. The plnee
chosen for the conflagration was the
broadest prairies of the West, where a
vast assemblage of spectators might ad
mire the show. Thither was taken all
the old rubbish of worn-out Issues and
customs, coat6 of arms, crests and pedi
grees of illustrious families. From be
yond, the seas multitudes came bearing
the purple robes of royalty, the crowns
and scepters of kings. Innumerable badges,
of knighthood and other relics which had
at one time possessed great significance;
all were cast In the fire. And there eame
old Father Mathew and his disciples,
bringing with them all the barrels of
whisky in the world and consigned them
to the flames. But when this whisky was
sending up great spires of flame that
reached to the blue skys and mlngtad
with the light of the stars the joy was
not universal. Many berated the work, of
the reformers and were calling: out In.
angry voices "a plague upon your refor
mation; we will not live longer In this
cold world.
At this point a stranger addressed tho
complaining one: "Be not so cast down,
my dear friend; you shall see .good days
yet. There Is one thing that these wise
acres have forgotten to throw Into tho
fire and without which all the rest of the
conflagration Is just nothing at all." "And
what is thaf one thing?" demanded the
crowd. "What but the human heart
itself," said the stranger. And unless they
hit upon some method of purifying that,
foul cavern forth from It will reissue all
the shapes of wrongs and cruelties the
same old shapes or worse ones which
they have taken such a vast deal ot
trouble to consume to ashes.
And so 't has always been. Shakes
peare speaks of the "whips and scorns of
time, the oppressor's wrong, the proud
man's contumely, the law's delay, the In
solence of office and the spuVis that pa
tient merit of the unworth t'akea," leav
ing the Inference that these Ills are tfie
common heritage of mankind. The Uto
pian dreamer may tell you how these
things are to be swept away in the dim.
and mystical hereafter, but what is to be
done to meet present necessities and give
present relief? The trades unlont says:
"I will show In a practical way my faith
by my works, and give relief now."
At the conclusion of Mr. HoweH'3 ad
dress the prizes In the voting contest the
result of which was announced In yester
day morning's Oregon'an, were awarded.
The first prize, a flag and a gavel,
was won by the Beer Drivers Union; the
second, a bicycle, by the Typographical
Union, and the third, a large and tooth
some cake, by the Journeymen Barbers.
Music by the band concluded the exer
cises. Criminal XewM From Same
SEATTLE. Wash., Sept. 2. Nome ad
vices received by the steamer Santa Ana
are as follows:
Foreman Langard, of claim No. 7, on
Gold Run. In the Bluestone. was shot at
by Charles Yeager early last monfn. but
escaped unhurt. The men represented
rival factions claiming the mine. The
dispute Is now In the Nome courts.
Brown and Sesman, rival ferryman on
the Flambeau River. In the Fort Davis
country, exchanged shots August M,
Brown receiving a flesh wound. He te
not seriously wounded.
Gregore Yatshneof. a Unlmak Indian,
has been Indicted by the specif grand jury
aiJ Unalaska for the murder of hte threa
wives. The crime is alleged to have taken
place 33 miles from Unalaska. The three
women were found lying at the foot of a
cliff on the seashore. Yatshneof lalms
that the women fell over the cliff and mat
death In that way.
Fred Hardy was to be tried for the mur
der of Con and Florence Sullivan and P..
J. Rooney. on Unlmak Island. August 28.
The special grand jury taken from Nemo
to Unalaska in Judge Wlckersham'3
court brought In an Indictment for mur
der In the first degree against Hardy,
after listening to the testimony in the
case. Hardy claims to be the nephew ot
John Wanamaker. of Philadelphia, and
declares that he served In the Philippine
lsiands with the Tenth Pennsylvania Vol
unteerA, entering as a private and rising
to be Firs J Lieutenant in his company.
Ho afterward, he claims, enlisted in. the
Eleventh Cavalry.
James Slpes. of The Dalles, claims the
peach record with an Early Crawford
12 Inches In circumference.
of the value of a
medicine is al
ways found irT
the record of
cures back of it.
For the pasi
fifty years
Hostetter's
Stomach
Bitters
.HAS BEEN CURIHG
Dyspepsia, Indigestion, Belching,
Insomnia and Nervousness, ami
will not disappcintyou now.
Give it a fair trial anl be caavbecd.
Our Private Die Stamp is over tho
neck of thi bottle.
The Best
Evidence