''I
10
THE MORNING OREGONIAN. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1901.
LABOR DAY OBSERVED
GREATEST DE3IOXSTRATIOX
PORTLAND'S HISTORY.
IX
Idcnl Weather Multitudes Lined the
Streets Along: the Route
o March.
(Continued from First Page.)
berlng 20 members, were led by H. P.
Emory, president of the lodge. Their silk
banner was Inscribed, "Portland Lodge,
No. 28. National Alliance Stage Em
ployes' Each man wore a badge of blue,
ornamented with gold fringe.
The Custom Tailors In the parade were
over -56 strong, Charles MIckley president.
Their trade banner was carried by A. Na
deau. A white field bore the triangular
union label, whose number was 74.
The Retail Clerks' Association was led
"by the president, F. D. Smith, who rode
with Fred Merrill, In the latter's electric
automobile. L. M. Rice, the secretary, ac
companied J- A. Richardson, who oper
ated a steam locomobile. There were 250
clerks in line, each bearing on his breast
the badge of blue and gold. Inscribed, "R.
C. L P. A., Local Lodge 294, Portland,
Oregon." A number of carriages carry
ing the women clerks followed.
White muslin inscribed in blue letters at
tached to the horses bore the legend.
"Local Retail Clerks, 293." The footmen
were well supplied with cards, upon
which this appeal was printed: "Don't
buy anything after G P. M. except Satur
day. Kelp the early-closing movement
and give the clerk his evening to devote
to his family, friends or self-Improvement.
Patronize only stores that close
at 6 P. M., except Saturday." These
cards were handed out liberally, as the
procession passed through the city.
"By the time the third division was pass
ing Sixth and Morrison the band of the
first division was heard playing its
sprightly marching music at the head of
the column passing up Washington street.
The third division was in command of
Marshal C W. Ryan, with E. A. Carse
and Joseph Bagley as aids. De Caprio's
band was at, the head of the column, play
inj? music that kept the throngs of people
on the street tapping time, while every
member in the ranks kept a quick, lively
step. .In a -carriage with the banner of
the Building Trades' Council rode the offi
cers: C. E. Eagan, president; Frank Carr,
-vice-president; James Robson, secretary;
A. F. Velguth, financial secretary and
treasurer. Following came the members
of the Plumbers' International Union,
carrying thefi-green silk banner, and led
by their president, J. H. Morrow. They
were in all SO strong. The Electrical
Workers' International Union was 50
strong, led by Vice-President M. C. Fris
bee. The members presented a neat ap
pearance, wearing white caps and blue
badges. The members of the Plasterers'
International Union wore their distinctive
working costume, white duck suits, blue
sashes and soft white hats with blue
and white ribbons. They were 50 strong,
led by their president, L. D. Reed. Carry
ing tin batons, adorned with red, white
and blue ribbons the members of the Tin
ners' Union, No. 1G, followed, led by Presi
dent George Hurd, 40 strong. Fifty mem
bers of the Carpenters' Union were In
line under the leadership of President C.
Zeigler, and the union captalnv Victor
Johnson. The 24 men of the Lathers'
Union wore their white duck suits, with
"blue ties, marching under the leadership
of their president, Hardy Carse. The
Longshoremen and Stevedores' Interna
tional Union had one of the largest turn
outs in the procession. The General Long
shoremen, Local Union No. 265, turned out
250 strong, under the leadership of Presi
dent Phillip Carroll. The International
Grain-Handlers, Local Union No. 2G3, had
250 men In line, led by President F. H.
Curtis. The Longshore 'Workers, Local
Union 264. also turned out over 200 strong,
tmder the leadership of President Martin
Haley.
Printers Won the Prize.
First prize for best appearance in the
parade was won by the printers. The
committee of award made the following
report last night:
We. the undersigned, appointed to award the
banner presented by the Pacific Regalia Com
pany to the organization presenting the best
appearance. In the Labor day parade, unani
mously decide that Multnomah Typographical
tJnlon, No. 58, is entitled to the prize.
EDWARD HOLMAN.
J. P. KENNEDY,
JULIUS L. ilEIER,
Committee.
AT THE EXPOSITION BUILDING.
Addresses by Prominent Citizens on
the Labor Question.
Immediately following the parade the
literary exercises were held in the Expo
sition building, where the parade dls
, banded. About 2500 people were present
during the -exercises, and gave close at
tention to the speakers of the day. The
acoustics of the hall are not of the best,
tout sufficiently good order was preserved
to enable the speakers to make themselves
heard in all parts of the big building.
The exercises of the day opened with an
overture by the Third Regiment band, J.
H. Everest director. John A. Goldrainer,
vice-president of the Federated Trades
Assembly, and chairman of the Labor day
committee, presided, and Introduced the
speakers, the first of whom was Mayor
Rowe. In Introducing Mayor Rowe Mr.
Goldrainer said:
It has fallen to my lot to preside at this
meeting. I have but a few remarks to make.
The State of Oregon began in 3SS7 to set apart
ana -declare one day In the year a public holi
day under the name and title of Labor day.
Organized labor has called you together on
this, -the first Labor day of. the twentieth cen
tury, reallzlns the fact that this day should
not be spent altos-ether In pleasure, but also
in thought and reflection. The committee In
arranging this programme had this point In
view.
The order of he programme will be opened
by a few remarks of welcome by the aiayor of
the City of Portland. I take pleasure in pre
senting te you Hon. H. S. Kowe, the gentle
man who now Alls that office."
Mayor Rovre's Speech.
Mayor Howe said:
"It is a significant matter that in this
country a day has been set apart to be
devoted to the Interests of labor. A large
majority of laboring men will spend this
day in all the amusements which the sea
son and surroundings afford, but there
will be In every locality a number who
are interested in bettering the conditions
of laborers and who will devote a part of
the day to the consideration of the great
problems in which labor is an important
factor, and upon which it appears now,
largely depend progress In business, the
policies of nations, the perpetuity of pres
ent system of government, and the ad
vancement of humanity In those virtues
and accomplishments conducive to right
living.
"Labor is often referred to as honorable,
. and of late many prominent ; men have
been delighted In reviewing their earlier
years of toll. All this is pleasing, but the
recognition which the toiler now seeks is
more substantial and helpful.
"He demands to be accepted as some
thing more than a mere chattel, that la
bor shall be something infinitely more
than a commodity and that he shall be
given reasonable hours and a fair pro
portion of the profits of his toll after
capital shall have received a liberal re
turn 6n an "honest and actual invest
ment. "One of the main theories which has
been interwoven with all human progress
for centuries has been the establishment
and protection of the rights of property.
"The grandest consummation of the 20th
century "will be the establishment and
protection of the rights of labor. Prop
erty has its rights and privileges. La
bor should have the same, and it is only
by proper maintenance and equal regard
for each that further progress is pos
sible.
'Every considerate and intelligent man J
must feel some apprehension as he
watches the trend of events In the grat
manufacturing centers at this time. In
dividual enterprise is all but paralyzed.
Every hour of honest toil and every
product of the swea't and blood of human
effort has fallen under the dominion and
control of a trust. Our men of brains,
muscle and endurance, no longer seek
industrial enterprises to be managed and
controlled by themselves for there is no
room for individuality. Their prayer and
hope is for a position or a job.
"The trust finds its purpose In making
money making millionaires of those who,
with the matchless opportunities of a new
and rich country, have made $100,000; and
making billionaires out of now million
aires. "The trust does not and cannot know
that the purpose of government and all
proper human efforts Is. not to make
money but to educate, feed, clothe and
prepare men and women for right living.
and to maintain a normal condition of J
peace.
"If the great fraternity of labor would
stand together for one effort it would
effect a revolution and establish new
standards In business, and the govern
ment which was the ideal of a century
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and a quarter ago, ana which was aptly
described as being 'Of the people, for the
people and by the people,' and which has
been the day-dream of patriots ever since,
would be a reality.
"My friends, it will yet be for you to
solve the great economic questions which
todjay perplox us. It is conceded that no
country at any time has ever had a stand
ard of labor that compares with the
American laborer of today in skill, intel
ligence and dignity of character.
"Maintain, this degree of excellence and
you will have the support and encourage
ment of all men whose opinions can be of
value, for I tell you the eyes of the world
are now upon you!
"With these brief remarks, on behalf of
the people of this city, I extend to you
a most cordial welcome, and 'my liopes
for the greater success of the day in it3
larger significance."
Governor Gcer's Address.
Governor T. T. Geer was introduced as
the next speaker. The Governor was
given an enthusiastic reception by the
crowd. He spoke as follows:
"Times and conditions have changed
during recent years until what Is knpwn
as the labor question, probably takes first
rank among those demanding and receiv
ing the attention of the American people.
The money question is no longer discussed
anywhere, nobody pretends to believe ser
iously that any portion of our people, how
eevr small, want any change In our form
of governmentthat would In any way savor
of Imperialism, but the relations between
labor and capital constitute a question
which is growing of national Importance,
and Its proper and just settlement is of
vital concern to all kinds of Industries and
to all classes of our people. It Is perhaps.
Impossible for a public officer to discuss
this question without his motives being
improperly criticised In some quarters, but
it will be found a difficult matter to settle
Important questions right unless the pub
lic officers are moved by the right spirit,
and there is no reason why they should
not feel as thoroughly the necessity of
government in the interest of the common
people, and work to that end, as earnestly
and honestly as though they were private
citizens. Indeed, in. our country there Is
no dividing line between different classes
of our people, unless the amassing of co
lossal fortunes, out of all proportions to
the necessities of those possessing them,
forms the beginning of such an unwel
come distinction.
"It may be readily and safely granted
that the consolidation of large accumu-
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latlons of capital is necessary, even ln-
lispensable, to the prosecution of immense
enterprises which in many ways, are of
great value to the country, yet there Is a
limit to the distance they may be allowed
to go in their absorption of the rights of
labor, and beyondv which the public con
science will permit no unhindered tres
passing. In my opinion, this will prove
to be the most embarrassing question to
meet and dispose of, that has engaged the
attention of our people since the Civil
"War. I do not mean to say that I ap
prehend bloodshed will be a factor in or
result of Its settlement,- for I believe the
American people stand away and beyond
the low level- that would Imply, but It will
be difficult because of the conceded rights
uj. me contesting interests ana me uncer
tainty as to where the dividing line should
be drawn. Its chief difficulty lies in the
admitted fact that selfishness, or self-interest,
is to be found at the bottom of
nearly every human endeavor, and that
probably every one of us who has been a
laborer all his life would tomorrow be
come a trust magnate If he could. The
difference is that an overwhelming num
ber of the people belong to the laboring
class and are, therefore, powerless to pan-
PROMINENT MEN WHO SPOKE
der their selfish Instincts to an extent that
will impair the public welfare. In this
fact lies the safety of the country. If this
question ever becomes a national one to
be settled at the polls as a national issue,
the classes suffering rfrom unjust exac
tions have a peaceful and effective rem
edy at hand.
"The laboring men of the country are to
be congratulated upon the dignified and
conservative manner which characterizes
their procedure In approaching a settle
ment of their grievances. This fact it
self appeals to the conscience and judg- j
ment of the people, and has undoubtedly
gained them a hearing at the bar of pub
lic opinion never reached before. How
ever, it may be said that the tendency of
changing conditions has also been a
strong factor in attracting the attention
of the people to the probable necessity
of public Interference with a matter of so
vital importance to our country, Its peo
ple and its institutions.
"In discussing this question, I believe
there is a middle ground that can be tak
en, which will savor neither of fanaticism
nor demagogy."4 If a spirit of conservatism
and fairness Is observed by both sides,
the rules of arbitration' could be brought
to bear In a way that would settle all dif
ferences between capital and labor. Each
has rights that should be respected every
body admits this. The difficult matter Is
to know where to draw the line. Per
haps at no time In the history of the
United States have the laboring men been
so generally employed at so good wages
as during the last three years, but in
this era of wonderful opportunities and
unparalleled advantages for capital, more
than this should be said for and of labor,
When, a man like Carnegie can, In the
period of a lifetime accumulate millions
so nearly beyond computation that he
cannot give them away as fast as they
pile up, it Indicates that some inequali
ties exist somewhere that should be cured'
in some way, if possible. Carnegie may
be taken for an example. Every dollar of
his Immense wealth has been created by
the hands of labor. In the creation of all
this wealth, all the labor that has been
employed In the aggregate has been paid
all its earnings out of the difference be
tween the cost of the material used and
the price paid for the manufactured prod
uct by the consumers. In other words,
the consumers of Iron and steel have paid
for all of Carnegie's hired help all these
years, and so much more to Carnegie to
be his own that he is said to be miserable
because he cannot give it away fast
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enough to lessen the number of his con
stantly augmenting millions.
"The point to be justly made here Is
that while the establishment of these vast
mills has undoubtedly been of great ben
efit to the thousands of laborers em
ployed, a mountain of Inequality has been
erected, either by the. payment of too low
wages or by an exorbitant price charged
the consumer. There should be a level
ing process peacefully applied here some
where that will guarantee a more equal
distribution of the proceeds of labor.
Labor is the groundwork of all progress
and prosperity. It Is more. It Is the sup
port and the only support of mankind
and has been ever since the divine com
mand was issued against Idleness. If
not another stroke of labor were made
within the next five years, long before its
expiration the entire human family would
be swept from the earth. Not even a
capitalist would be left, so helpless would
he be. As some one has beautifully said,
we come this way but once, and as we
pass through life, personal opportunities,
so far as they are affected by public
measures, should be made as. equal as
possible. Justice demands that labor,
upon which 'all things else In this life rest
I "JJI!1 Ml"'
AT LABOR DAY CELEBRATION".
for support, should at all times be given
first recognition.
"I take It that no laboring man will
deny for a moment that any man who
exhibits an executive ability In so marked
a degree that he can take charge of and
successfully manage large enterprises In
volving the emplo5rment of vast sums of
money ancblarge -numbers of mon, should
be liberally rewarded for his efforts and
accomplishments. Laboring men cheer
fully agree to this. It is also admitted
everywhere that aggregations of capital
are necessary for the success of large
undertakings that would otherwise be
'impossible and that give employment to
large numbers of laboring men, But ex
ecutive ability In one nlan Is an empty
nothing unless preceded by the labor of
other men, as a condition precedent. Im
agine, if you can, the utter helplessness
of a man with large business capacity
and executive ability, with millions of
capital at his command, opening an of
fice, with no man anywhere engaged in
manual labor. Some man, nay, even large
numbers of men, must begin to till the
soil and wield the hammer and drill be
fore the capitalist within himself could
so much as secure a single meal. Noth
ing can be further from the truth than
to say that Carnegie is justly entitled to
the hundreds of millions that are now
his, because he. created the vast mill3
belonging to him. Carnegie did not cre
ate his mills. The mills created Carnegie
and his laborers created the mills, the
profits of which grew so fast that the
surplus could not be used in a continual
increase of their capacity and a conse
quent Increase of the number of laborers
employed. The limit in this direction had
been reached and the percentage of these
vast profits resulting solely from the pro
ceeds of labor which went to the laborers
remained practically stationary, but the
1 surplus millions continued to flow Into the
pockets of the man as compensation for
directing the men who produced It, until,
ft-om sheer disgust at the enormity of
his wealth, he has gone to a foreign coun
try. In search of a field in which to give
a portion of it away.
"Mr. Carnegie is referred to only as a
representative of a large class of men In
our country who, beginning poor, have
amassed immense fortunes through fore
sight, thrift and opportunity. It should
be said In this connection that these men
have had no special opportunity before
the law, that has not been open to all
others. This much should be said In jus
tice to our form of government, which la
union passing up
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the best ever known to men, but experi- tlous bubbles explode. Eras of prosperity
ence points out defective features, where j are always followed by periods of adver
they exist, which, when found may be i slty, because speculators never cease their
remedied. The opportunity for one man, j P,.0"a"?nfl, "nt" "SS J5?irWnP
. , , ... 2 :. , J , , plosion of their Intemperate recklessness
beginning with nothing to acquire a for- Tne ,ncenUve t0 these risks
tune of a hundred millions simply by dl- mn,T Un ,,.,.,,.. ocr hv o rionmn.
itijiij, mu muuis ul uiiigis anuuiu nut
exist anywhere. To prevent it, as I said
at the beginning of my remarks, will be
found one of the difficult problems of the
time.
"Since I have been Invited to address
you upon this question, I assume that
you want my individual opinion concern
ing It, and you will allow me to say,
therefore, tttat I do not believe all these
vast fortunes, which are no doubt, from
some points of view, a positive detriment
to the country, have been made possible
by means of any kind of legislation. In
proof of this It may be said that 'some
of them have been made by dealing In ar
ticles that have never been recognized by
any kind of legislation, In any form, which
shows that the acquisition of large for
tunes cannot be actually prevented unless
affirmatively forbidden by specific legis
lation. Whether this can ever be done in
justice, is to my mind, very doubtful, but
the evil effects of such accumulations
can be very largely prevented by the
enactment and vigorous enforcement of
anti-trust laws, which will limit their
power beyond a legally established line.
To accomplish this result will require the
best statesmanship of the country and
the most careful and patient study of
conditions.
"As an abstract proposition, considering
that no man can. use more than one mil
lion dollars as a means of contributing to
his own wants, no man has a right to
own more than that amount. But an ef
fort to enforce this rule would be met at
once by the Impossibility of reaching the
limit beyond which any man should be al
lowed to go In the matter of acquiring
property. Manifestly, this can never be
done, and, Indeed, Is not desirable, since
It would destroy individual effort and am
bition and would seriously retard, mate
rial development, In. every direction. In
my opinion, the imposition of an able
bodied Income tax Is one of the available
and effective remedies to be applied In the
near future. When a man finds himself
so burdened with the proceeds of labor
that has been performed by others, that
he has to go up and down the country
seeking locations where he can give It
away by the millions at a time, that coun
try should at once come to his relief with
an Income ttix of some kind that would
furnish him with a permanent guarantee
from further distress in that direction.
When a man finds himself so loaded down
by surplus millions that he begins to give
it away, it shows that he has been tak
ing from others that which was not his
to take, and that Instead of giving it to
those to whom he Is not under obliga
tion, he should begin to refund It to those
who made It for him. This would be phi
lanthropy founded on justice. What he is
doing Is ostentatious restitution for wrong
doing following an Illegitimate channel.
Let us have an Income tax that will be a
guaranteed alleviation against the accu
mulation of such congestions of capital,
unless it contributes heavily to the sup
port of the government which protects
and defends It.
"My opinion is that most of the trusts
now being formed will eventually collapse
from their own weight and Inherent weak
ness, without any legislation concerning
them. They are of unnatural growth, of
fictitious values and of bastard business
origin. They have flourished In our coun
try recently because of an era of pros
perity which has been of vast benefit to
worklngmen themselves, and their injury
to the country will come when the flctl-
-o
third street, above: stark.
income tax law. the removal of tariff du
ties from all articles which are being now
shipped to foreign countries regularly,
and by the enforcement of an Iron-clad
anti-trust law.
"If the hundreds of millions which Car
negie and Rockefeller and Armour and
scores of other millionaires are trying to
give away, because they do not need or
want them, had been added to the wages
of the men who produced them, their
wealth would have remained at that fig
ure to which they are now trying to re
duce it, and hundreds of thousands of
worklngmen's homes would have been the
happier by It. The fact that so many men
are giving away a large part of their for
tunes but proves that something should
be done to prevent their accumulation.
"The discussion of this question requires
thought, patience and discretion. Not
only the rights but the duties of both
laboring men and capitalists are in many
ways similar. Each depends upon the
other, and the spirit of arbitration should
govern the consideration of all questions
concerning them. Nothing will prove
more effective in the matter of counter
acting the efforts of combined capital to
be extortionate in Its demands of labor
1 than for labor to meet It with a corre
spondingly effective organization. This is
the basis of the present movement of
labor organizations, and they are to be
congratulated upon the rules of prudence
and reason by which they are being con
trolled, as In contrast with deeds of vio
lence which have too often marked simi
lar movements In past yearSj. Ours Is a
government of law, and In a contest such
as that now being waged by labor organi
zations In an" endeavor to secure their
share of the profits arising from industries
resting almost exclusively upon their ef
forts, they will have the assistance and
sympathy of all good citizens."
II. W. Scott's Address.
A hearty cheer greeted the conclusion
of Governor Geer's address. The band
played another overture, and then Chair
man Goldrainer introduced H. W. Scott,
editor of the Oregonlan, as the orator of
the day. Mr. Scott was greeted with ap
plause by Che audience. He said:
Mr. President, I a.m set down on your
programmn for an oration. A lecture
rathei, I should call It, for I have pre
pared and shall read what I have to say;
and they who hear the address may call
It what they will.
I shall not deliver to you today any
commonplaces about the nobility of labor.
Labor Is the lot of us all. Labor, indeed.
Is spoken of. In fiction, as a curse; but it
Is a necessity to man. and every at
tempt to escape from It becomes more
truly a curse. Every human being who
is fit to live works In one way or another,
by sweat of the body or sweat of the
mind. They who work not are not, ex
cept as they burden those who do work.
The dawdling idler Is nothing whether
he be lazy rich or lazy poor.
The man of the present day is search
ing for the ideas that shall serve as the
basis of the future social state; and
therein lies the danger he runs. For man
unhappily can only apprehend the utility
of Ideas, or prove their Inutility, by dint
of experience. And it Is too much the
case with any people that the experience
of others is nothing to them.
There Is a doctrine of socialism which
evokes the Image of a sort of Paradise
In which men, become equal, will enjoy
Ideal felicity under the i incessant direc
tion of the state. This Idea is deeply im
planted In France and Germany.
Our own country hitherto has differed
from Europe, or at least from Continental
Europe, In this: that ours represents the
maximum of what can be effected by in
dividual Initiative, entirely freed from
official regulation; while Europe repre
sents the maximum of what can result
from official regulation in the place of In
dividual Initiative. The gulf that sepa
rates more and more every day the pow
erful civilization of English-speaking
communities from the decaying polity of
the European continent" takes its origin
or finds Its expression In the difference
of attributes conferred by the people on
the state. We trust we may not have In
our country any substitution of pervert
ing ofllclal Influence for the normal stand
ards of the people.
Our resource once was to make our own
employment. But men cannot now. In
such numbers as formerly, employ them
selves. Industry, most kinds. Is organized
on a clpitallstlc basis. Most, therefore,
unless they possess land which they can
till for their support, must work for
wages.
No longer, therefore, can the workman,
as formerly, do what he would. Cer
tainly not to the same extent as formerly.
Self-dependence Is as valuable a princi
ple as ever; but the workman must now
rely on his fellows, to an extent once un
known. Organization of workmen Is the
only method or process through which
this can be effected. Capitalistic combi
nation compels combination of labor.
Workmen feel that they can serve or save
themselves only through organization.
They cannot afford to disregard the law
of .combination.
With the progress of civilization indi
viduals tend to become more and more
differentiated. The result of modern civ
ilization clashing with our dreams of
equality Is not to render men more and
more equal Intellectually, but, on the con
trary, more and more different, with In
crease of inequality. This is a tendency
against which we must guard ourselves
to the utmost of our power. The first
requisite is to perceive It and to know
what It means. The result of this ten
dency to specialization is atrophy of In
telligence. De Tocquevllle pointed It long
ago. "In proportion," said he, "as the
division of labor receives more thorough
application, the workman becomes weak
er, of narrower Intelligence, and more de
pendent. Every day the difference be
tween the employer and the workman in
creases." Thus, with the progress of an industrial
civilization the differentiation between the
.. IM 0fc 0 M 0
extreme grades of population proceeds
with great rapidity. It even tends, on
occasion, to Increase in what mathemati
cians call a geometrical progression.
Again, every one sees that the present
conditions of industrial life, which tend
more and more to differentiate men, aro
confronted by the powerful laws of her
edity, which tend to bring about the dis
appearance of Individuals who surpass
the average In too marked a manner, or
at least to bring them down to this aver
age. The children of great men oftener
fall below than rise above the average
level. This is a support of the demo
cratic spirit and a means of its presorva,
tlon.
One of the great errors of modern times
Is the belief that It Is only In eternal
things that the human soul can find
happiness. Happiness Is within us, cre
ated mainly by ourselves, and scarcely
ever outside of ourselves. After having
destroyed the Ideals of past ages we
are now finding that It Is not possible
to live in contentment without them,
and that the secret of replacing them
must be discovered. If we would con
tinue to exist.
The drawback upon so many of us 13
that we allow the Instinct of the moment
to be our only guide. But when man 13
capable of weighing his future against
his Immediate Interest, of setting for
himself a goal and pursuing It with per
severance, he has already realized a con
siderable progress.
The tendency to capitalistic combina
tion presents many new problems for la
bor; but old principles are not yet super
seded, never wholly can be. Prudence
and Industry never can be stripped of
their rewards. We have difficulties, but
we must not be pessimistic. There are
no resources In the assumption that we
are approaching the worst of all possible
times. In the worst of all possible worlds.
Labor directed by skill. Industry and fidel
ity will always be wanted; and It Is for
this class of labor that capitalistic em
ployers must always pay well. In al
most every employment of an Industrial
nature a very great amount of training
Is necessary to make It serviceable at all
only In times of great demand'and scar
city of labor would any one employ crude
labor where skill Is required. The first
question at all times that an employer
asks Is What can you do? How skillful,
how efficient are you? In the best employments-,
to which all should aspire, the
question never will be. How cheaply can
you work? For the skill of the worker is
the chlefest of factors In determining the
rate of wages. Nor can the rate of wagea
be very much affected by the Influx of
new labor, because our new labor Is sel
dom labor accustomed to the operation.
There never Is. In any one Industry, a
perceptible amount of desirable labor
floating; which could be used to compete
effectively with trained labor holding the
field. No sensible employer would en
gage new hands In the place of those used
and trained to his work, even were such
new hands offering themselves for em
ployment. Machinery will, Indeed, do
much; but the more elaborate the ma
chine the more necessary Is high Intel
ligence to Its efficient operation.
It Is a fortunate sign of the times that
the fact is forcing recognition for Itself
L that cheap labor by no means implies
cheap production. What once seemed
a paradox Is now accepted as an economic
truth, namely, that low cost of production
and a hlgn wage rate go hand In hand.
This Is especially so In the United States,
where the land Is still able to absorb a
large part of the Increasing population.
Our high wage rate, moreover, compels
study of labor-saving processes, and their
Introduction wherever practicable, and.
as labor-saving is the result, a cheapening
of production ensues. Here are at once
the cause and the result of the high per
fection of machinery in America. So,
If a. high wage rate la this country Is an
impelling cause to the Introduction of im
provements and the adoption of labor-saving
processes, the low wage rate of the
Old World Is an equally strong Inducement
for the continuance of rusty and anti
quated methods. The old labor methods,
going parallel with low wages, become
quite Ingrained with the countries where
they prevail, and offer sufficient grounds
for their-perpetuation. To the employer
of labor advantages are offered whleh In
themselves are sufficient not to make him.
anxious to change the old for the new
methods. Conservatism becomes increas
ingly pronounced in proportion as the rata
of wages descends to a lower and lower
scale. Machinery of old styles Is used
therefore to the limit of Its life In Eu
rope. In spite of steady loss of Its effi
ciency; while It Is cast aside In America
when but partially worn, or worn not at
all. If an Improvement has come out that
can do the work quicker, more effectively,
and consequently more cheaply.
I cannot dwell on this topic, or any oth
er, within the limits permitted for thl3
address: but I have desired to touch this
topic, because of the strong encourage
ment found In It for hope and belief In
the progress and permanent welfare of
labor.
Democracy Is certainly the hope of la
bor. In our country democracy has a pe
culiar vantage ground, which It can lose
only by losing control of Itself. It Is
highly necessary therefore that It hold In.
check every tendency to extreme meas
ures. For order Is the first necessity of
civilized life. Every people will have It.
even if they are forced to find refuge
from disorder In a despotism.
An untouched continent. America, gave
democracy its material opportunity. But
now that the plow has furrowed across
the continent, that the first output of
the mines has been taken, and time ha3
made their operation more difficult and
less remunerative, that the first fruits of
Nature, wherever offered on thla conti
nent, have mostly been gathered, new ad
justments, from what we are accustomed,
to call pioneer conditions, are to be
made. The process of that adjustment Is
complicated, because under our system it
Involves both the labor and the politics
of men. It demands, and It has the meana
to enforce, political recognition. It ob
jects to laws which have for their object
and which produce In their results further
Increase of gain for wealth already great.
The privileges of democracy breed die
content; and they should. In discontent
lies the whole progress of man. What
ever discord may at present rage In the
Industrial and political state. It is but a
continuance of the old discord between
conditions In the evolution of society and
government and the selfishness of men.
"Perhaps," says Francis N. Thorpe, In
h!s"ConstItutIonaI History of the Ameri
can People," "perhaps It Is unfortunate
for the fate of democracy In America that
we have always attempted to Interpret
It politically. It has become almost ax
iomatic with us to seek the solution of
problems In the state by a political agree
ment rather than by a better Industrial
organization." But all men see that many
of our greatest fortunes, to say nothing
of smaller ones, have been produced
through conditions made by politics and
legislation. Men devoted to the accumula
tion of wealth have made the state their
political agent, and have done It with a
success witnessed nowhere else In the
world. Since this Is so. Is the multitude
of men who constitute an Industrial
democracy to be blamed then because
they too tend to look on politics and
government from the material side? Error
lurks In It, of course; for the world of
man Is not merely material. It Is also
moral and metaphysical. But the state
has been used so much to assist In the
acquisition of wealth, that it cannot ba
surprising that this material philosophy
has struck Its roots deeply Into our sys
tem of life, society, politics, industry and
government.
The state never helps the citizen to
make or save money I mean the citizens
in general. It does, however, help the
few, when it makes grants; allows ubo
of public franchises without proper com
pensation; enacts laws of which only a
few are In posltlor to take advantage,
makes a great puP; debt which, as an
Investment for mony. Is the purphase by
the rich of the power to tax the poor,
for payment of interest and principal.
They who can control money eagerly
desire, as we all observe, opportunities
of this kind. Bonds and warrants are
their delight.
Only a theorist would expecte unlimited