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THE MOTHCI2CO 01H2GAXIAS, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 16, -1901.
he vzaomaxu
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TODAY'S WEATHER. Rain; cooler; brisk
to high southerly winds.
PORTLAND, SATURDAY, FED. 3G.
In the squabbles and scrambles of
politicians for the little offices in Port
land The Oregonian has but a languid
interest. It is a fight between factions
and a plague upon both. Whether
the offices be held by one set or the
other makes no difference to citizens
in general. But this contention, unfor
tunately, affects important business In
terests. The proposed change in the
Port of Portland Commission is an out
come of this petty war of political vexa
tion. The efficient men are to be put off
the commission, or conditions are made
under which they cannot remain, and
the best part of the knowledge that has
been acquired through study and long
experience is to be lost to the city and
to its commerce. Whatever of ineffi
ciency, or of pigheadedness, there was
in the commission, is, however, to re
main, if this policy is to go through,
and it is to have a reinforcement that
has everything to learn. It may well
be feared that money again is to be
wasted, as it was aforetime, on experi
ment, without knowledge. We are get
ting results on the rivers; why should
the commission be changed? If The
Oregonian were allowed a word and in
this it has no doubt it speaks for the
business people of Portland and for the
owners of property who must pay the
tax it would say: Continue the Port
of Portland Commission as it is, for it
now has the work well in hand and is
getting results, and provide for con
struction of a drydock by a separate
bill; either charging the Port of Port
land Commission with the work, or
naming a separate commission for ex
ecution of it. Portland wants the dry
dock, and doesn't want to lose the
services of the efficient men of the Port
of Portland Commission.
The Oregonian still ventures the hope
that the bill to set a premium on irre
sponsible parentage will not become
a law. Provision for payment of $50 a
year for support of each child that may
be thrown on the state will surely run
into an enormous abuse. It soon will
make baby farming a leading indus
try; it will cause children to be aban
doned by worthless parents and con
scienceless relations; it will Induce per
sons in other states who want to be
rid of children to bring or send them
into Oregon and abandon them and
there will be no possibility of sending
such children out of the state, once they
are in it -It will multiply children's
asylums under ecclesiastical direction,
that children may be brought up under
church tutelage; and thus the state will
be made to pay for propagation of
church doctrines and articles of faith.
From every point of view the proposal
is open to grave objections. As an en
couragement of worthless parentage, of
abandonment of children, of Imposition
and fraud upon the state and of prop
agation of ecclesiastical tenets at the
cost of the taxpayer, it could not be
more subtly devised. These are reasons
why The Oregonian still ventures the
hope that the bill will not become a
law.
When Mrs. Nation was in Des Moines,
la, her attention was called to saloons,
and she said: "Smash 'em!" At Mus
catine, she made this significant re
mark: I am In the hands of the Lord and will leave
for Chicago tomorrow morning. I will do no
smashing In Iowa, or any other state, until all
tho hell holes In my own state are wlpod out
cf existence. Then I will organize a band of
wcir.cn who will smash all of the saloons In the
wcrld. The United States first, Europe next.
At Chicago she said:
All you women and men who believe in God
ar.i cur cause, arm yourselves and go out and
s ash every one' of those "hell holes" that you
Cin f.nd. Don't be afraid, the Lord Is on our
c2d2 and will take care of you, no matter
whether you get arrested or not.
We merely mention these sayings of
Mrs. Nation, in connection with the
theory of our honest and sincere re
formers who say that her smashing is
strictly in accordance with law, and
only so intended. Her utterances show
that the law is the least of Mrs. Na
tion's troubles. It cuts no figure with
her whatever, for her authority, sole
and unimpeachable, is "the Lord."
Now, this is all very well. No one
should condemn the prophetess because
she disowns amenability to statutes or
peace officers, unless he has first made
A sure of his own impeccability. For ex
ample, if cranks should temporarily
secure control of the Oregon Legislature
and decree that nobody should have
wine or beer at his meals, few who use
those table beverages would scruple to
honor the law in the breach. There
fore, let Mrs. Nation's fealty to the in
ner light be viewed with equanimity.
But let us have no more pious pretend
ing that her only desire is to be within
the law. She is for smashing every-
where else precisely the same as In
Kansas. So she must be defended, if
at all, upon other grounds.
It is evident that the much-vaunted
harmony among the railroads has not
developed to the point of killing com
petition between the transcontinental
lines in the Northwest The Northern
Pacific is as much out of tune with Its
neighbors as ever, and its hostility to
Portland seems to be growing. When
Portland takes steps to build a
railroad to the Nehalem country,
the Northern Pacific declares that
It will build the line, and such a
line as will yield Portland the least
possible benefit When Portland Inter
ests stir toward building a road on the
north side of the Columbia, the North
ern Pacific steps in to block the game,
and would, it is said, go to the length of
building to Vancouver to keep the trade
of that section away from Portland.
The Northern Pacific is understood to
have made overtures to buy the Colum
bia Southern. These activities of the
Northern Pacific bode no good for Port
land, because that company seems
bound to Puget Sound and to have no
use for this town further than to pull
business from It There Is ground for
the belief that the Union Pacific and
the Great Northern are not pleased to
patronize the Northern Pacific at the
hard terms it imposes on business be
tween Portland and Puget Sound. The
action of the Portland & Puget Sound
corporation in opposing the attempt of
the Washington & Oregon Company
to take the old grade between "Vancou
ver and Kafama is fairly open to the
construction that interests adverse to
the Northern Pacific are preparing to
make use of the property. Under the
circumstances, those interests could
hardly be other than the Union Pacific
and the Great Northern. On this as
sumption the new road is in the interest
of Portland because its object Is not to
make Portland tributary to Puget
Sound, as the aim and purpose of the
Northern Pacific seems to be, but to
give freer rein to trade and let the best
town win. Portland's advantages would
then weigh in its favor. Portland has
much to gain from the Increase of the
Independent and fair transportation
agencies In Its territory, and all such
enterprises should receive encourage
ment of those whose interests He here.
TUB SHIP SUBSIDY SCHEME.
The argument against the ship sub
sidy proposition never has been put
more tersely and forcibly than by the
Jackson (Mich.) Press, which sums the
matter up in the statement that "a
business that is not self-sustaining is
not worth having." If American ships
cannot compete with foreign ships on
their own merits, then let us patronize
foreign ships. The attempt to "build up
the merchant marine" by taxing the
people is merely taking from one pocket
and putting Into another. There Is no
real gain whatever. Thus far, the Chi
cago Chronicle. But, let The Orego
nian add, there is actual loss and there
Is great injustice. Loss, because it Is
an attempt to force results against eco
nomic laws; injustice, because it Is un
just to take money from the whole
people by law and bestow it upon a few
who are already enormously rich.
It is admitted that the original bill
was drawn by an attorney of a great
steamship company. That it has been
amended in great degree under the
same supervision Is common knowledge.
More than nine-tenths of its benefits
are to go to a few persons. The criti
cism that the measure was Introduced
In return for large campaign contribu
tions does not emanate from Demo
cratic sources alone. So stalwart a Re
publican journal as the Chicago Inter
Ocean declares that this is a general
impression, If not a moral conviction,
throughout the Eastern States.
This journal last named adds its tes
timony to that heretofore supplied from
Innumerable sources that the bill Is un
popular throughout the Middle West
Certainly it has the very fewest friends
among the representatives of the press,
in any part of the country. The politi
cians who have interest in the contin
ued ascendency of the Republican party
may well hesitate to drive it through.
It may not be brought up again this
session. But it is believed there will
be a special session, called chiefly on
account of the state of affairs in Cuba.
Should this bill be driven through at a
special session, it would be worse still.
The Administration could not get rid
of the charge that determination to
pass this bill was a main reason why
the session was called. In such as
sumption there would be political cap
ital enough to rehabilitate the Demo
cratic party.
MEDDLESOME LEGISLATION.
The W. C. T. U. is earnest In advo
cacy of the bill before the Legislature
to abolish child labor during the school
months of the year. The good women
of this organization see. It may be
feared, but one sideof a question that,
like all others, is two-sided. Education
for the laboring class, to which solely
this law would apply, is not all ob
tained, or to be obtained, in the schools,
in the view of many thoughtful, prac
tical men and women, education of the
hand is of much greater because of
much more practical value to the
masses than a literary or even a busi
ness education. The need of the pres
ent time is represented by boys and
girls young men and young women
who have been taught to work. It is
not necessary nor Is It desirable or wise
for every boy and girl to spend the en
tire period of what is known as the
"school year" in school up to 12, 14 or 16
years of age.
So far from being educated in a true
and helpful sense by such a course,
children may be and many times are
handicapped in the industrial race by
It This Is not to say that every child
should not be given the groundwork of
a good English education. It is merely
a suggestion that it is of more profit
to a boy who is to be a carpenter, a
blacksmith or a farmer to learn during
the plastic years of his life to handle
the tools of his trade than to "gradu
ate," according to the accepted term,
from the grammar school, and perhaps
push on into the High School, become
expert in higher mathematics and be
able to analyze, to the satisfaction of
his highly Imaginative teacher, "The
Vision of Sir Launfal." '
Girls whose parents are of the work
ing classes need to be taught the de
tails of good housekeeping; to sew, to
darn their stockings, to bake sweet,
wholesome bread. Boys of the same
class (which, by the way, to the extent
that it is formed of cheerful, compe
tent, willing laborers, forms the bone
and sinew of the country) should be
taught to use their hands tn the dlrec-
tlon of the vocation which they expect
or are likely to follow. Falling In this,
the latter drift almost surely Into the
grand army of incapables, among whom
the High School graduate is by no
means unknown, that burden the air
with the plaint, "No man hath hired
us." The former essay to "work out,"
and, without knowledge of domestic du
ties, compose the discontented army of
servant girls who "detest housework,"
know nothing about its details, and
drift from place to place, scorning to
learn.
It Is necessary In congested manufac
turing or Industrial districts, and es
pecially where the foreign element pre
dominates, to protect children of tender
years from lives 6f drudgery in mills
and mines by a child-labor law. And
in order that such children may not fol
low in dense ignorance the footsteps of
their parents, compulsory education
laws are enacted. There is in this state
no need of either, and since there Is al
ready too much disposition on the part
of theorists to Interfere In behalf of
the state to relieve parents of their
natural and rightful responsibility in
the care, education and maintenance of
their offspring, it would be well to fore
go all legislation of this character, at
least for the present. We are too prone
to set up a standard of living, grade
It "necessary" and attempt to bring all
classes to it, regardless of their own
ideas of what constitutes the neces
saries or comforts of life. This is a
mistake, since its drift is clearly toward
paternalism in government as opposed
to individual responsibility, upon which
all citizenship worthy of the name Is
based.
SMITH'S REITERATED ERRORS.
F. Hopklnson Smith continues to re
peat his absurd assertion that "Uncle
Tom's Cabin" precipitated the War of
the Rebellion, and that It painted
a false picture of the conditions
of the South before the war In
Blaveholding days. Mr. Smith was
born in Baltimore in 1S38, but
left the South when he was 20
years old.
If he had ever read "The Key to Un
cle Tom's Cabin" he would hesitate be
fore he charged Mrs. Stowe with mis
representation and exaggeration of Af
rican slaverj'. She told the exact truth
about Its best and its worst aspects.
The good side of slavery was never set
forth more attractively than Mrs.
Stowe portrayed it as It was found un
der humane and high-minded planters,
like Shelby in Kentucky and St. Clair
in Louisiana. The brutality of the ruf
fian slavedriver Legree was surpassed
by the cruelty of the historic female
"Legree" whom the mob of New Orleans
would have lynched If she had not
sought safety in flight
Mrs. Stowe's book was true. When
Mr. Hopkinson Smith calls It "the most
vicious book that ever appeared," he
condemns the sentiments and action of
Washington and the sentiments of three
famous slaveholders, Jefferson, Clay
and Robert E. Lee; of Lincoln, who
said, "If slavery Is not wrong, noth
ing is wrong"; of Wesley, who called
It "the sum of all villainies."
Mrs. Stowe's book did not cause the
Civil War, which grew out of an at
tempt to puBh the compromise measures
of 1850 to a logical extreme. Out of the
compromise measures of 1850 grew the
Kansas-Nebraska act, which called the
Republican party into victorious life.
What did precipitate the war was the
election of Lincoln. Mrs. Stowe's book
appeared in 1852. The Republican party
did not date from her book. It dated
fr6m the Kansas-Nebraska struggle of
1S54-5G. After the passage of the com
promise of 1S50, with Its object-lessons
of slavehuntlng at the North, the bat
tle to the death was on against further
encroachment of slavery into new terri
tory. Nothing that Mrs. Stowe said or
omitted to say could have averted civil
war, so long as the South was deter
mined not to submit to the Constitu
tional election of a President upon the
platform of the non-extension of slav
ery. The raid of John Brown, which Mr.
Smith says made civil war Inevitable,
had no effect whatever upon the hasten
ing of civil war. His act was repudi
ated as the deed of a monomaniac by
the Republican party, whose growth
was injured rather than Increased by
Brown's raid, as It enabled the South
to insinuate that it sympathized with
and probably secretly instigated it
AX UNLOVELY PICTURE.
The commander-in-chief of the G. A.
R. charges Congressmen who are mem
bers of that body with being disloyal
to the organization in the matter of
legislation. The commander-in-chief of
the G. A. R. speaks of comrades in the
highest places who "are false to their
obligations." It Is not easy to under
stand why a refusal on part of a Con
gressman to vote for unwise or extrav
agant pension legislation should convict
lilm of disloyalty to the G. A. t, which
was not organized primarily to extort
by political pressure extravagant pen
sion legislation from the party in power.
Senator Hale, of Maine, and Senator
Galllnger, of New Hampshire, recently
expressed the opinion that it was high
time to call a halt in the matter of spe
cial pension legislation. Senator Gallln
ger, chairman of the pensions commit
tee, declares that "there is a movement
on foot all over the country to flood
Congress with requests for pension leg
islation, and the soldiers are being led
to believe that it Is not only a proper
thing to do, but that it Is the easy way
for them to get their pensions allowed
and Increased." He says that over SOOO
of these bills have been Introduced in
the present Congress, and that their
number is likely to be trebled within a
very few years. Pension attorneys are
advising old soldiers to ignore the Pen
sion Bureau and apply directly to Con
gress. The leading Grand Army news
paper, published at Washington, has
editorially declared that pensioners
could not get Justice at the Pension
Bureau, and advises them to have
their Congressmen Introduce bills to
give them pensions or increase of pen
sion. The House recently passed 184 of
these special pension bills at one sitting,
and Senator Galllnger said that one Sen
ator had introduced 162 special pension
bills at this session, another 145, an
other 133, another 119, another 87, and
another 81.
The number of pensions so far grant
ed on account of the war with Spain
and the Philippine rebellion is 3800, and
the applications number over 38,600.
This is nearly equal to the number of
applications which had been made dur
ing the first two years of the Civil War.
when we had nearly a million of men in
the field, and when the fighting included
the great battles and dreadful losses
of the Army, of the Potomac, from Bull
Run in 1861 to Antietam In 1862, and
the great battles and severe losses of
the armies of the West, from Fort Don
elson to Shiloh. With an Army of year
ly a million of pensioners and an annual
pension expenditure of over $140,000,000,
the commander-in-chief of the G. A. R.
Is not satisfied, and thinks the growing
disposition to resist further increase of
extravagant pension legislation Is an
exhibition of disloyalty to the order- on
part of Congressmen who wear Its but
ton. It would seem as if the G. A. R.
commander-in-chief regarded the alle
giance of a Congressman to the order
as paramount to his duty to his country.
THE HERO OP SHILOH.
The death of General B. M. Prentiss
at the age of 81 years removes from this
world the last survivor of the division
commanders under which Grant's Army
of the Tennessee fought the terrible
first day's battle of Shiloh. When the
battle opened at daylight April 6, 1862,
Grant's Army consisted of the divisions
of Generals Sherman, Prentiss, Hurl
but, W. H. L. Wallace, McClernand,
besides the division of General Lew
Wallace, which did not become engaged
until the next day. The first fury of
the enemy's assault fell upon the raw
division of General Prentiss, who, like
General Hurlbut, was a man of South
ern birth, a native of Virginia. The di
visions of General Prentiss and General
W. H. H. Wallace made a splendid fight
from daylight until about 4 P. M., when
the enemy succeeded In forcing their
lines. General Wallace was killed, and
General Prentiss with about 3000 men
taken prisoner. The stubborn resist
ance of the divisions of Prentiss and
W. H. L. Wallace, upon which the
brunt of the enemy's tremendous as
sault fell, saved the day to Grant
Shiloh was one of the great critical
battles of the Civil War. Its loss by
Grant meant the loss of the whole of
West Tennessee, that had been won by
the victory of Fort Donelson. The bat
tle wa3 saved the first day by the fight
ing of the divisions of Prentiss and
W. H. L. Wallace, who were both vet
erans of the Mexican War. Sherman,
who was In command when the attack
began, displayed great energy and cour
age, but the real saviors of that first
terrible day's battle were Prentiss and
W. H. L. Wallace. The efforts of the
enemy to force the troops of Prentiss
and Wallace out of what was termed
"the hornet's nest" cost them four-fifths
of the terrible losses of the day. From
Grant down, all the Generals engaged
that day on the Union side are dead.
Lew Wallace, who by confusion of or
ders did not reach the field, still sur
vives. Of Buell's Army, engaged the
next day, all the Generals of division
are dead, save General Alexander Mc
Cook, of the retired list of the regular
Army.
New York City seems to be nothing
daunted by its experience with the
Dewey arch. The strenuous and un
availing efforts that were made to pre
serve this structure In commemoration
of the Admiral's achievement in Manila
Bay are remembered as a part of the
collapse of the Dewey boom subsequent
to the Dewey homestead episode, which
followed closely upon his return to the
United States. The magnificent arch
was, after months of haggling and en
deavor to preserve it, at last razed to
the ground. Unmoved by this expe
rience, certain zealous citizens have
inaugurated another attempt to com
memorate the valor of the United States
Navy In a similar manner. In the opin
ion of Mayor Van Wyck, who has given
the scheme his official Indorsement,
$1,000,000 ought to be raised for this
purpose. The suggestion, in the light
of experience in memorial monuments
in New York, is appalling. To raise
this amount, or a quarter of it by pop
ular subscription, as proposed, means
a lot of begging and scheming along
familiar lines from penny subscriptions
to legislative appropriation and final
appeal to the Government in the name
of patriotism to lay hold and complete
the Job. A naval arch properly de
signed and constructed and suitably
emblazoned with the deeds of our naval
heroes would adorn Battery Park, even
as the magnificent tomb of General
Grant adorns Riverside Park, but the
strain to get it would be out of all pro
portion to its value to the contributing
public outside of New York City.
A correspondent points out that
Maurice Thompson was born in Indi
ana, which is true, and which does not
affect the statement that he was a
Southern man. His parents were both
Southern people who moved back to
Kentucky and were living In Northern
Georgia when the Civil War broke out
S. S. Prentiss and Albert Pike were
born In NewEnglandand John Slidell In
New York; but their whole active ca
reer was spent at the South. They were
Southern men In sentiment and feeling.
Much more was Thompson a Southern
man, for both his parents were South
ern folk, his childhood and early man
hood were spent In Georgia, and from
that state he Joined the Confederate
Army. His birth was a mere Incident;
his whole breeding was at the South,
and his parentB from the South.
If there is to be no accumulation of
property In Oregon, there can be no
increase of industry; and the tendency,
Llf not the direct object, of the bulk
of our legislation Is to prevent Increase
of property. Stated differently, the
tendency or object is to compel the care
ful, prudent and industrious to support
the Indolent, vicious and worthless.
Many of our so-called philanthropists
are helpers In this scheme. It makes
careful, earnest, self-respecting, self
denying and laborious people very tired.
And now the state is asked to give
money to a girls' Industrial home. But
why stop with girls? Are there not
boys, and mothers and fathers and
old maids and Chinamen? And are not
all citizens worthy alike of the state's
solicitude?
A man mistook a companion for a
wildcat near Salem the other day and
discharged a load of buckshot into
him. The Legislature, on this slight
hint, might appoint a state examiner
of shotguns and hunters.
Judging from the number of
amended charters before the Legisla
ture, Oregon towns are growing faster
than they can keep up. It also goes
to show there are politics elsewhere
than at Portland.
A bill is in the Legislature for crea
tion of a Labor Commission. The main
Idea or purpose Is to create conditions
under which the Commissioner and his
deputies can draw salaries.
CUBA AND THE UNITED STATES
New York Times.
Our official declarations of policy abound
with the most positive assertions that we
cannot consent to the occupation of the
Island of Cuba "by any other European
power than Spain under any contingency
whatever," a affirmation which the change
in the status of the island compels us
to modify by the exclusion even of Spain".
But one of the "contingencies" of the
exercise of perfect and uncontrolled sov
ereignty Is war, and war may lead to de
feat, and defeat to complete conquest and
occupation of the territory of the van
quished. The exercise even of the un
limited power to create debt Involves
contingencies to nearly related to the
usual causes of war that we should be in
excusably blind If we excluded them
from our consideration of the problem of
Cuba. It Is to be remembered that France
long before the breaking out of the war
that liberated Cuba served notice on us
that on account of the large pecuniary In
terest of the French people in tho debt of
Spain she could not view with unconcern
any hostile move of the United States
against the West Indian possessions of
that country.
Here Is an apparently irreconcilable
conflict. Our Supreme Court and our Con
gress have declared that Cuba is to be
considered a sovereign nation. Our firm
and long-established policy, which pru
dence and a regard for the peace and
safety of the Nation forbid us to modify
or abandon, declares that some of the
attributes of sovereignty Cuba must not
and cannot possess. It Is too late to plead
the Improvidence of tho Teller resolution.
We cannot release ourselv.es from that
binding covenant.
From the Impossible) situation created
by the late discovery that an irrevocable,
promise conflicts with an unalterable pol
icy a way of escape must be sought. We
presume the Administration would be
grateful to any statesman who should
point out that there Is any other way
out than that which lies through an ap
peal, with sufficient time for Its consider
ation, to the reason of the Cuban people.
It can be foreseen that the now dying
violence and the clamor of the assault
upon the Administration for its course
In the Philippines will be renewed upon
the first Intimation that It has any other
intention toward Cuba than the with
drawal of our forces and the sending of
a Minister Plenipotentiary to Havana on
receipt of the news that the new consti
tution has been adopted. We are already
told that the paralysis of business in Cuba
through the fear that we shall withdraw
our guarantee of public order before any
effective substitute for It has been pro
vided by the people of Cuba Is only part
of the game to repudiate the pledge of the
Teller resolution. But sober-minded Am
ericans read that resolution as a whole,
and with a full sense of the natural mean
ing of Its terms. We did not merely dis
claim the Intention to exercise sovereign
ty over the Island and stop there. We
declared that our Intervention was for
the pacification of the island, and that we
should leave the government and control
of the Island to Its people "when that is
accomplished." Any argument that at
tempts to show that pacification has been
or can be accomplished so long as peace
Is maintained only by the restraining pres
ence of a military force, but without
guarantees of its continuance, will not
command the attention or the assent of
the American people. We went to war
with Spain, not to free the Cubans, but
to put an end to the perilous condition
of tolerating a hell on earth at our very
doors. We are not so short of memory
and fickle of Impulse as to have gone
to all the cost and risk of the Spanish
war simply to change, not the nature of
the peril, but the subject matter and the
parties belligerent In the hell on earth at
our doors. Civil war In Cuba or war with
a European power other than Spain would
be no less Intelorable to us than the con
flict we intervened to suppress. No Gov
ernment wth a sense of responsibility to
tho people It represents could be so reck
less of future perils and trouble, so in
different to the counsels of common pru
dence, as to let the forts and the forces
of Cuba, the independent power to make
treaties and conclude agreements with
foreign countries, and the responsibility
of internal tranquility pass wholly out of
Its control until Its own Interests had
been recognized and adequately pro
tected. The definition of our relation to the
Republic of Cuba is very likely more fit
matter for a treaty than for a constitu
tion, but we sincerely hope the convention
now In session in Havana will see and
undertsand tho necessity of considering
with open minds the demands wo shall
be compelled to make.
"Lohengrin," In New Yorlr.
New York Times, February 7.
The bare record of the fact that "Lohen
grin" was sung at the Metropolitan
Opera-House seems enough in these days
to the professional reviewer of musical
performances. But those who go to the
opera not every night, but only once In a
period, must also be considered. There
fore, let it be repeated here that Wag
ner's most mellfluous, most popular and
perhaps least appreciated opera was
heard once again at the opera-house last
night by one of thoso audiences which
arc assembled only at performances of
this work. "Lohengrin" is beloved of the
people because of its sentiment and Its
honeyed measures, but there are very few
indeed who have penetrated th Inner poe
try of the work. Read Wagner's own
analysis of the characters of Lohengrin
and Elsa. Read his description of Or
trud, the political woman, the woman
without love. Read Wolfram von Es
chenbach's summary of the story In the
last lines of his "Parzlval." Read the
"Schwan-RItter." Then go and hear
Wagner's "Lohengrin." But the chances
are that the gentle reader will do none
of these things, and Wegner's "Lohen
grin" will continue to be for him a pre
lude, a prayer, a scene of darkness and
discord, a wedding feast, and a tuneful
story of a life.
Tho performance last night differed
from preceding ones of the present season
in that Mine. Gadskl was the ElBa. It Is
unnecessary to make any detailed com
ment on her Interpretation. It is not un
known to this public as one of much
wlnsomeness and gentleness. Musically,
it is distinguished by a sympathetic qual.
lty of voice and much feeling. Mr. Jean do
Reszko was In good voice, a matter which
seems to go without saying now, and.
of course, sang the title role as only he
can. Mme. Schumann-Heink was again a
vigorous and dramatically powerful Or
trud, and Mr. Bertram was efficient as
Telramund. Mr. Edouard de Reszke re
peated his familiar impersonation of tho
King. Mr. Muhlmann was the Herald.
Mr. Damrosch conducted with authority,
and the orchestra did its work well. Tho
audience was very enthusiastic.
An Invasion of Mexico.
Worcester (Mass.) Telegram.
Henry M. Flagler, having strewn Flor
ida with fine hotels. Is now preparing to
Invade Mexico, It Is said, erecting hotels
that will attract tourists Dy the thou
sand. Aguas Callentes, Guadalajara,
Chihuahua and the City of Mexico are
those to be first given comfortable, mod
ern hotel accommodations, and, while the
presence of modern hotels usually begins
the destruction of much of the Inherent
attractiveness of a place, It is a necessary
forerunner of the tourist with his open
purse.
r-
A Judge on Female Witnesses.
Chicago Journal.
The psalmist said in his haste all men
are liars, but Judge Waterman says de
Hbertely that all women are not reliable
witnesse's, and draw on their imaginations
for their facts. The Judge will get him
self disliked. He does not say that they
are deliberate perjurers, but that "women
are of a more imaginative nature than
men, and though it is no doubt uninten
tional, they come to believe as true what
they at first only Imagined, and maintain
their belief In spite of all cvldenco
Josalnst It,"
THE NATION WOMAN.
Some Recent Attempts to Give Her n.
Characterization.
Possibly the performances of Mrs. Na
tion could be borne better If she were
an attractive woman. But here ia a wom
an who hasn't a solitary attraction to off
set her acts that is to say, if we may
believe the statement of a Topeka man
who writes thus about her to the Kansas
City Journal:
She Is fat, noisy and Impertinent. She
hasn't the first conception of cood manners
or politeness. She will snatch a cigar out of
a man's mouth and go to roaring In the mid
dle of the- street about her own call to vlslt-
out the vengeance of the Lord. She has no
discrimination, and she Is coarse and talky
to tho utmost degree. Yesterday she jumped on
Policeman McElroy, an old soldier, a Chris
tian and a Prohibitionist, and called him a
"red-nosed old soak!" I followed her around
the other day and watched her closely, but L
haven't yet been able to place her definitely.
However, she belongs In one of two categories.
She either Is Insane on the liquor question, or
else she Is & common scold, such as our
forefathers used to duclc In a pond.
But nobody, we may suppose, had ever
imagined that she was a Queen, sitting on
beauty's throne, and had descended with
all her winning charms begirt, to smash
liquor shops with a hatchet. The Indigna
tion of the Louisville Courier-Journal,
therefore, Is likewise misspent. It says:
She has reached the point of Intoxication
with her own vulgarity, violence and no
toriety. ThU was well demonstrated by her
action In going Into the men's waiting-room
at a railway station, and In the language of
a fishwife ordering- a smoker to remove a
cigar from his mouth. That Incident was but
the natural outcome of her Idea of "smash
ing " what she does not approve and of the
license which has been accorded her in fol
lowing that Idea.
But the Courier-Journal makes these
further remarks, which are very sound:
It Is Idiotic to say, as soma do sny. that she
has a rlrht to take the law Into her own
hands because the officers of the law do not
perform their duty. That Is simply to argue
that when an officer falls to enforce a law any
Individual who chooses may set himself above
all law as an autocrat whose only authority
Is In his own will and muscle. It the officers
of the law refuse to do their duty, the people
who make the laws and create the officers
have their adequate remedies. Violation of
the law cannot be cured by worse violation
of It
The plain truth la that this poor creature
has been permitted to defy public order, peace
and decency simply because she Is a woman.
If she had been a man her first offense would
have been her last.
These Judicious remarks are from an
editorial in the Kansas City Journal:
When the officers of the law neslect or re
fuse to do their duty. It is the business of the
people who elected them to bring pressure to
bear. Elective officers are never deaf to good,
earnest, vigorous protests and appeals from
the people. If they regularly and continu
ously fall to enforce a law. It Is because a
majority of the people are either opposed to
enforcement or are Indifferent on the sub
ject. If the demand for enforcement comes
from too small a fraction of the people to
Influence the officers, the recourse Is not for
tho minority to take the law Into Its own
hands, as Mrs. Nation has done, but for It
to strive by peaceful and educational methods
to create a stronger sentiment for enforce
ment. Many a law has become obsolete be
cause the people did not want It enforced. It
Is one thlnr to place a law on the statute
book and quite another thing to make It ef
fective. It must have the general and pos
itive approval of the people before It can be
come successfully operative. Tho reason why
the law aralnst murder or the law against
larceny Is enforced Is because the officers of
the law understand that the people want it
enforced and will hold them accountable, not
because the law Is on the statute book.
Bui She Doesn't and Isn't.
New York Times.
As might have been confidently expec
ted, emotional women In various parts
of the country are emulating the brisk
achievements of Mrs. Nation, and there
by not only making nuisances of them
selves, but clearly and convincingly dem
onstrating their own utter lack of the
reasoning faculty and of the power to un
derstand more than the outward form of
thlnsrs. When Mrs. Nation "smashes"
saloons In a prohibition state, she has. If
not Justification, at least excuse. The
officers of the law have neglected, and
in offect refused, to execute the law. So
far as regards certain matters in which
Mrs. Nation takes an Intense and legiti
mate Interest there Is no law In Kansas,
and, with the support of her fellow citi
zens, she has assumed the responsibility
of exercising judicial functions. Her
course Is exactly that followed in Cali
fornia by the vigilantes, who, by punish
ing criminals who would otherwise have
gone unpunished, made frontier life mo
derately safe and prepared the way for
methods which, when they came, tho
vigilantes were the Hr3t to hall as im
provement!. The strength of Mrs. Na
tion's position is recognized, both by the
liquor dealers whose property she de
stroys and by the officials who still exe
cute In Kansas other laws than thoso
relating to the traffic In Intoxicants. The
saloon men dare not resist her attacks,
and the police court judges dare not hold
her for trial, even when a policeman ven
tures to arrest her, which Is not often.
It is possible at least to hope that Mrs.
Nation knows why and to what extent
her acts are right, and that she is too
sensible a woman to attempt the dupli
cation of them In states where the liquor
business Is legal. If she doesn't and
isn't, she will simply become a member
of the criminal classes, as some of her
would-be imitators have already done,
and almost certainly she will find the
consequences serious both to herself and
to her cause.
Costume Forty Yenr Aro.
Harper's Weekly reprints the sketches
and cartoons by Its artists in 1SG0, on
the occasion of the visit of the Prince of
Wales. "If the pictorial art of the period
icals of those days was as true to life as
It now aims to be," comments the New
York World, "the Metropolitan Opera
house on gala nights has never exhibited
a more imposing array of bare shoulders
than was visible at the Academy ball in
honor of the Prince." The ladies' elabo
rate crinoline costumes vie in elaboration
and elegance with Worth toilets of today,
but the men are not so effective. The
pictures recall the fact that the dandies
of the time ran largely to whiskers. Most
of them have their chins and cheeks al
most concealed from view by the hirsute
growth, and the Prince is the only mous
tacheless man on the floor.
Brother Dickey's Dilemma.
Atlanta Constitution.
"Dls heah kidnapln business," said
Brother Dickey, 'is gwine too fur fer de
good er de country- Some er dese tough
ol sinners is takin' advantage er It. I
give It out on Tuesday las', at pra'r-meet-ln
date on do follerln Sunday I'd take
up a special collection ter pay my back
salary, en please God, dey wuzn't but two
ol' women and one blind deacon In de
meetin'-houso w'en Sunday come. All
de res' er de congregation sent wol dey
wus kidnaped, en wouldn't be back 'fo
nex' year! Now, don't you call dat trl
flln'?" England Not Keeping Up.
London Dally Mall.
The United States are now beating us In
the matter of exports, and Germany Is
advancing on the same path by leaps
and bounds. We are In the position of
an old-fashioned firm that still insists
on doing business upon the ancient lines,
and is being pushed out of the market
Jfevr Books.
The Library Journal reports tho follow
ing popular novels a3 asked for at the
delivery desk:
"The unleavened bread-winner."
"A knot of cold ribbon."
"To git & to keep."
"The dlmnlght marriage."
"Ygu and mo and some others-
NOTE AND COMMENT
Queen Victoria's reign was rather long,
but we are doing pretty well with our
own, thank you.
Terry McGovern is going to give up tho
stage. He finds it easier to make a hit
In his former profession.
Promotion is so rapid in the Army now
that a commission is almost worth tho
chances a boy runs at West Point.
The Seattle lady who was robbed of her
diamonds on the Oregon express has tho
chance of her life to go on the stage.
As a fitting celebration of Washington's
birthday, the Legislature will end its la
bors. Sorry the holiday isn't Thanksgiv
ing. W. K. Vanderbllt has christened his
new automobile the "White Ghost." Ho
evidently expects it to do some spirited
scorching.
Senator Towne has gone into the liquid
air business Being on I he cold outside,
anyway, he will not feel the drop In tem
perature. If F. Hopkinson Smith keeps on "knock
ing" "Uncle Tom's Cabin," some enter
prising manager will make a fortune by
reviving it.
Why doesn't the impressario who is
conducting the concert of the powers put
on the South African Dewet for one ot
the numbers?
It's getting along toward seedtime, and
If somebody isn't elected United States
Senator pretty soon the supply will be
considerably shorter.
A Chicago coal dealer was robbed ot
$SO0O by burglars the other day. How
about the theory that there Is honor
among a certain class of people?
There is no use of wasting sympathy
on Boni de Castellane. A man who Is
not smart enough to take advantage of
the bankruptcy laws deserves to bo
hounded with creditors.
Misquotations of book titles by the pub
lic library reader is a perennial source
of amusement to the bookman. Follow
ing are some of the latest calls for books
at a Western library: "Account of Monte
Cristo," "Acrost the Kontinent by Boles."
"Bula." "Count of Corpus Christy."
"Dant's Infernal Comedy," "Darwln'3
Descent on Man," "Feminine Cooper's
Works," "Less Miserable." "Some of Mac
beth's Writings." "Something in the way
of friction," "Squeal to a book."
To Inmates of a Scotch asylum, working
in the garden, decided upon an attempt at
escape. Watching their oportunlty -when
their keeper was absent, they approached'
the wall.
"Noo. bend doon, Sandy," said the one,
"And I'll cllm up your shoulder to the
top, and then I'll gie ye a hand up tae."
Sandy accordingly bent down. Tarn,
mounting his back, gained the top of the
wall, and, dropping over the other side,
shouted, as he prepared to make off:
"I'm thinking, Sandy, you'll be better
ta bide anither fortnight, for you're no
near richt yet."
One night, when the attendance in a
small town in the French provinces was
especially bad. Sarah Bernhardt, bored by
the small size of the audience and Its
stupidity, resolved to make the most ot
It. The play was "Camllle," but. Instead
of speaking the lines as Dumas wrote "
them, Sarah made up the play as she
went along. Interpolating such opinions
as, from minute to minute, she had ot
the audience. She called them unutter
able things, and In a highly dramatic way.
The Innocents applauded these sentiments
vigorously, upon which dhe called them
something worse.
PLEASAXTIUES OF PAIL.VGUAPIIEUS
Of Another Metal. "II boasts that he Is a
man of Iron." "Then he's no Judge of met
als. He can't tell Iron from brass." Chicago
Evening Post.
Money In Politics. "What we need do," .
cried I, hotly. "Is to take money out of pol
itics!" "I took out all I saw. sir!" protested
the legislator, with convincing candor. De
troit Journal.
Proved It. "What do you think, Carlce.
went out and sans at an entertainment In a
private Insane asylum." "Did she say wheth
er they showed their Insanity much?" "Oh,
yes; they encored her three times." Phila
delphia Bulletin.
The Truth Forced Home. "I'm afraid." sha
sighed, "that I'm. getting old." "Why?" ho
asked. "When I go to the gorcery now, tho
clerks don't nearly break their necks trying
to beat one another In getting my order."
Chicago Times-Herald.
Hints on Fashion. Mr. Goodlelgh Sister
Gabbelgh, you don't know how much you are
missing by not attending church regularly.
Mrs. Gabbeish I don't miss so much as you
think. I have subscribed for two fashionable
magazines. Baltimore Sun.
Mistress There Is only one possible objec
tion to the place. The children will keep you
busy cooking; they are great eaters. The New
Cook Don't let that worry you, ma'am. They
won't be after I have begun to do the cook
ing. Boston Transcript.
The. Deoartment Store of the Future.
"Who are those solid-looking men going up
In the express elevator?" "They are capital
ists We have a marked-down sale of railways
today 'on the twenty-fourth floor In the second
annex back."-CIevcland Plain Dealer.
0
Iloclc Me to Sleep.
Elizabeth Akers Allen.
Backward, turn backward. O Time, In -our
flight. .
Make me a child again just for tonight!
Mother come back from the echoless shore.
Take me again to your heart as of yore;
Kiss from my forehead the furrows of care.
Smooth the few silver threads out of my hair;
Over my slumbers your loving watch keep;
Bock me to sleep, mother rock me to sleep!
Backward, flow backward. O tide of years!
I am so weary ot toll and of tears
Toll without recompense tears all in vain
Take them and give me my childhood agalnl
I have grown weary of dust and decay
Weary of flinging my soul-wealth away;
Weary of sowing for others to reap;
Rock me to sleep, mother rack me to sleep!
Tired of the hollow, the base, tho untrue.
Mother, O mother, my heart calls for you!
Many a Summer the gras3 has grown green.
Blossomed and faded, our faces between;
Yet, with strong- yearning and passionate pain.
Long I tonight for your presence again.
Come from the s-llcncc so long and so deep
Rock me to sleep, mother rock me to sleep!
Over my heart In the days that are flown,
No love like mother-love ever has shone;
No other worship abides and endures
Faithful, unselfish and patient like yours;
None like a mother can charm away pain
From the sick soul and the world-weary brain.
Slumber's soft calms o'er my heavy lids creep,
Rock me to sleep, mother rock me to sleep!
Come, let your brown hair, just lighted with
gold.
Fall on your shoulders again as of old;
Let It drop over my forehead tonight.
Shading my faint eyes away from the light;
For with its sunay-edged shadow-3 once more
Haply will throne the sweet visions of yore;
Lovingly, softly. Its bright billows sweep;
Rock mo to sleep, mother rock me to sleep!
Mother, dear mother, the years have been Ions'
Since I last listened your lullaby song;
Sing, then, and unto my soul It shall seem
Womanhood's years have been only a dream.
i Clasped to your heart In a loving embrace.
J With your light lashes Just sweeping my face,
Never hereafter to wake or weep;
Rock me to sleep, mother rock mo. to sleep!