Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, December 08, 1900, Page 6, Image 6

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    THE MORNING OREGONIAN, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1900.
utite rsgomcm
Entered at the Postofflce at Portland. Oregon,
as second-class matter.
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Puget Sound Bureau Captain A. Thompson,
office at 1111 Pacific avenue. Tacoma. Box 955,
Tacoma Postofflce.
Eastern Business Office The Tribune build
ing. New York City; "The Rookery," Chicago;
the S. C Beckwlth special agency. New York.
For sale in San FranclFco by J. K. Cooper,
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News stand.
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On file in Washington, D. C, with A. W.
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For sale In Denver. Colo., by Hamilton &
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i
TODAY'S "WEATHER. Cloudy and unset
tled, with probably no rain of consequence;
variable winds, mostly easterly.
PORTLAND, SATURDAY, DEC. 8.
Washington opinion that the Demo
crats are sadly demoralized by the elec
tion seems to find confirmation in their
proposals for amendments to pending
measures. The President recommended
a revenue reduction of $30,000,000; the
House stretches this to $40,000,000; yet
the Democrats offer an amend
ment to make it $6QJ)Q0,000, a
figure obviously 'designed to promote a
deficit and put the Administration in
a hole. At the same time they propose
various amendments restoring the tax
on telephones, telegraph messages, re
ligious and charitable inheritances, all
of which would, of course, tend to keep
the revenue up to present proportions.
As the Republicans had decided to keep
a heavy tax on beer, which is amply
able to stand it, Richardson moved to
cut the tax down to the old figure of
$1 a barrel. There is obviously no
guiding principle here except to find
fault with whatever the Republicans
have done. This is not statesmanship.
What is the matter? "We are left two
alternatives. One is that statesmanship
has vanished from the Democratic
party, and the other is that it is mo
nopolized by the Republican party
either of which conclusions is quite as
deplorable as the other. "We ought to
have two parties about equally bal
anced in character and intelligence.
"We are beginning to hear from the
bosses on the subject of primary re
form. So long as the project was con
fined to academic discussion our vari
ous political machines had little or no
interest In the matter. But since mem
bers of the Legislature, In responses to
The Oregonlan's inquiries, are freely
pledging themselves to vote for the re
form, wo are beginning to encounter
evidences of agitation. It must be
premised that all the bosses are not in
Multnomah County. Every city and
county in Oregon has its machine,
which controls, or seeks to control,
nominations for office. Rival factions
in Portland have their friends and rep
resentatives throughout the state. The
old controversy between Simon and
anti-Simon has its roots down deep In
the local Republican organization of
almost every community in the state;
and while the manifest tendency of the
direct primary will be to unhorse the
bosses of each side and put nominations
directly In hands of the party as a
whole, this end is not regarded with
fond expectation by those whose Idea of
harmony consists of their own triumph
and the enemy's annihilation. Protest
against the proposed law Is voiced by
the Eugene Register. The Inference la
natural that the Register has been the
recipient of fears expressed by the Lane
County Republican machine. Yet this
may not be the case. "We shall give
the- Register credit for entire independ
ence, apd treat its objections as made
in good faith, merely remarking that
by just such arguments as it uses the
bosses will seek to frustrate the direct
primary movement.
One of the Register's misgivings is
founded on misapprehension of the
facts. It does not understand the
method proposed. It fears that each
precinct might bring In a different can
didate for Sheriff, for example, and
that In this way a minority candidate
with possibly 150 votes might be elected.
The primary law contemplated does
not allow such a result Candidates be
fore the primaries must have filed nom
inations by petition, signed by a con
siderable per cent of the voters of the
county. No one can Indorse more than
one candidate. In this way we should
get only three or four, or five or six,
candidates at the primaries. The result
of the election will be, as the Regis
ter supposes, duly certified up to the
County Clerk, who will take the names
receiving the requisite number of votes
and enroll them on the official ballot at
the June or November election. The
Register's idea of separate precinct
primaries, whose nominations are to be
reported to the County Clerk, Is, there
fore, a misconception. The primary
will be an election, held throughout
the county (and the state as well) upon
the same day, in all respects like the
present general election, with official
Australian ballots, official Judges and
clerks, official tally-sheets ami official
returns. The expense of going before
the people for a nomination will not be
enough to deter poor but meritorious
candidates from announcing them
selves, but it will be enough to keep
the contest from degenerating Into a
scramble of a horde of irresponsible
aspirants.
The Register is disposed to limit the
desirability of the direct primary to
cities. There is some sense In this sug
gestion, and It embodies, we believe,
the only sound objection to the primary
law, which Is, that it will work a hard
ship on sparsely settled communities.
The Oregonlan has not the slightest
doubt that this will prove true in prac
tice,, and it may be confidently pre
dicted here and now that If the pri
mary law is enacted, we shall have de
mands for its repeal brought In from
remoter portions of the state after Its
first trial. "We might go farther and
state the exact truth by saying that it
Is a question experience alone can de
cide, whether or not the voters of Ore
gon are far enough advanced in the
process of self-government to use a di
rect primary to advantage. That Is,
they want self-government, actual as
well as nominal, but are they willing
to pay the price? Now, the price of
delivery from boss rule Is not only the
primary law, but It Is the cheerful and
ready participation in the law after it
is passed. That is, the voters must
turn out at the primary election. It
Involves sacrifice to do this, and the
question is simply whether or not the
men of the state are willing to make
this sacrifice for the public welfare.
If they turn out, the nominations will
be the popular choice. If they don't,
the machines will continue to select
the candidates and muster votes
enough at the preliminary election to
effect their nomination. - Those inter
ested in this reform have designed the
direct primary law as a handy tool for
the people to use in gaining actual con
trol of our politics. But the voter must
use the tool with his own hands. "When
the horse gets to the trough, the rest
of the proceeding waits upon his Initiative.
Now is the time for the people of Ore
gon to take an Interest In the matter of
text-books for the public schools. A
commission of five members Is to be ap
pointed by Governor Geer next month
to select In July the books to be used
In the schools for a term of six years.
It will be easy enough to find fault with
the work of this commission, and
doubtless there will be many who now
take no Interest In the matter who will
criticise and charge improper motives
after the work shall all be done. Gen
eral attention at this time may possi
bly prevent unpleasant results. As to
the composition of the text-book com
mission, It Is plain that the teaching
profession should have representation
upon It. Techanlcal knowledge of
schoolbooks and the demands of the
schoolroom are essential to just judg
ment of such a matter, and it would
be unwise to Ignore the professional
side of It. Still, the evils that the new
method of selection was designed to
cure are quite as much on the business
side of the question as on the profes
sional side, and practical business men
should also be on the board. Honesty,
independence, business acumen and pro
fessional judgment are required on this
text-book board. Machine politicians
should certainly be avoided. If the se
lection of text-books for the public
schools is to be governed by an Irre
sponsible and self-seeking machine, the
school machine Is quite as desirable as
the political machine.
According to the best Information at
hand, the Dower Nehalem coal field
promises to supply Portland with an
element of commercial success that has
been lacking here cheap fuel. It ap
pears that the coal is there, but It
must be brought to this city, and a rail
road to the coal measures Is necessary
for this purpose. The development of
an adequate coal supply so accessible
to Portland would be a great factor In
the growth of the town. We might
wait for some benevolent corporation to
build such a road, but while we should
be waiting the world would go right
along. Would it not be a good thing
for Portland capitalists to put their
hands in their pockets and build a
road to the Nehalem? Then we would
get coal and we would also get access
to a large area of excellent timber, the
finest, perhaps, that is Immediately
tributary to Portland. Few enterprises
would be of more benefit to this city
than a railroad direct to the Nehalem
"Valley. Seattle built her own roadB to
coal mines, and has thriven upon them;
why should not Portland also help her
self? THE INCREASE OP IXSAXITT.
The publication of the biennial sta
tistics of the Oregon Insane Asylum for
the term ended November 30 shows a
monthly average of 1166 patients. The
four states, Massachusetts, Minnesota,
New Tork and Wisconsin, contain by
the new census 13,893,713 persons, or a
little less than one-fifth of the whole
population of the country. On the 1st
of October, 1900, they contained under
public supervision 41,115 Insane per
sons, or one to every 338 Inhabitants.
Ten years ago these states had but
26,940 Insane, or one In every 417 of
the Inhabitants; that Is, while the
whole population gained 24 per cent in
the ten years, the Insane gained 52 per
cent, more than twice as fast. The fig
ures are as follows!
Pop. Insane. Pop. Insane.
1900. 1000. 1890. 1890.
Mass 2,803,346 8 900 2.23S.943 5.749
Minnesota .... 1,751.395 3.500 1.301.820 2,050
New York .... 7,2CS,009 23.7SS 5,907,853 10.002
Wisconsin .... 2.0CS.003 4,801 1.6SQ.8S0 3,139
Totals 12.833,713 41.115 11,225,502 28,040
If the whole country showed like re
sults, the total number of Insane under
public supervision would be 210,000.
Some of the leading physicians at the
East arc seeking to prevent the com
mitment of so many cases of senile
dementia to the state hospitals for the
Insane. Judge Lyon, of the Wisconsin
Lunacy Commission, estimates the
yearly increase of the insane there at
125; in Massachusetts it Is 400; In" Min
nesota, 200; In New York, 800.
The statistics for Scotland show also
a steady Increase In the number of the
Insane. The latest report of the Scotch
Lunacy Commission shows the number
of 15,281 Insane for the year 1899. The
population of Scotland is 4,314,000, jo
that the proportion of the Insane to the
whole number would be about one in
270. But forty years before, in 1859, the
reported Insane were only 6044, and, al
lowing 1700 for the unreported, the total
would have been 7744, in a population
of 3,041,812, or only one in every 393.
In Scotland, therefore, there has been
a great Increase In the Insane far be
yond the growth of the population. In
Ireland, too, there Is a disproportionate
gain in the number of new cases, as
well as a great accumulation of the un
recovered. In Scotland In twenty-five
years there has been a gain In the num
ber of Insane of 52 per cent, while,
the population has gained only 22 per
cent; the new cases have gained twice
as fast as the population has gained.
It is not pleasant to read statistics
which show that the number of insane
persons- increases faster than the rate
of increase of population, but this is the
record, both In the United States and
Europe. The explanation for the in
crease of insaulty is hinted at by Gold
win Smith, when he says of the in
crease of suicide:
It might be hastily inferred the world is be
coming less happy. But the inference would be
unfounded. Rather it might be said that the
means of enjoyment having been greatly in
creased and the standard of it generally raised,
deprivation is more keenly felt and more pro
ductive of despair. The leading cause, how
ever, probably is sensibility intensified by civ
ilization. It seems to be an admitted fact that
the rate of suicide Increases with National ed
ucation; not that National education produces
suicide, but it produces sensibility.
THE EVISCERATED ARMY BILL.
The Army bill as It passed the House
was completely eviscerated of the re
form features it contained as originally
prepared by Secretary Root. The only
portion of the bill that has not been al
tered is that referring to the- Increase
of the Army. The parts dealing with
the promotion of volunteer officers and
the reorganization of 'the staff have
been so completely changed that, as a
reform measure, the bill will be value
less. At present there is no real staff
in our Army. , The so-called staff de
partments are only military bureaus of
the War Department, whose work, with
the exception of that of the Inspector
General's department, could be done as
well by civilians. Secretary Root tried
to create an actual staff in our Army
which would satisfy the German mili
tary definition of a general staff, which
Is Intended "to convert the Ideas of the
General commanding Into orders by
working out all matters of detail."
In our Army we have no such gen
eral or Army staff. The present heads
of the military bureaus at Washington
have been strong enough In political
pull to frustrate Secretary Root's effort
to reform and develop our Army along
modern lines. These old military hulks
have been rotting at the Army wharf
for years. They consider their life ap
pointments a kind of "sailors' snug har
bor," and, despite the fact that Secre
tary Root's plan respected their "vested
rights," these old military phantoms
were determined to prevent the crea
tion of any legitimate Army staff for
the future. These Army rings are al
ways able to resist any attempt to leg
islate them out of their present life-tenure
military bureaus, because they are
generally uniformed politicians who se
cured their original promotions through
their personal pull. Adjutant-General
Corbln Is nothing but a very able Ohio
politician in uniform, who brought Into
the Army headquarters at Washington,
not the talents and technical knowledge
of a trained soldier, but the talents and
knowledge of a natural-born master of
political intrigue. From Adjutant-Gen-err.l
Co'-bln down through the whole
so-called Army staff we find a lot of
uniformed military politicians, created
bythe United States Senators and Rep
resentatives who determine the Federal
appointments within their states and
districts.
There Is a perfect understanding be
tween this "Army, staff ring" and the
Congressmen who control the Federal
patronage. The "Army staff ring" ha3
had influence enough with the House
military committee to eviscerate the
Army bill of all the reform features
Imparted to it by Secretary of War
Root. If a man of the ability and force
of Secretary Root cannot carry an
Army reform measure against the op
position of the uniformed "politicians
that make up the so-called Army staff
today, what hope will there be of re
form when a weaker and less Inde
pendent man Is at the head of the War
Department? Mr. Root's reforms are
not agreeable to the "Army staff ring,"
nor to the Congressmen who ara hand
and glove with that ring. The holders
of Federal patronage and the dispos
ers of Federal patronage are common
foes of such an Iconoclast of wooden
or tin soldiers as Secretary Root.
THE ARMY CANTEEX.
The vote of the House prohibiting the
sale of beer or wine In the Army post
exchange, known as the canteen. Is in
direct contempt of the recommendations
of the vast majority of the leading
officers of the Army. At the recent an
nual dinner of the Y. M. C. A. of North
America In New York City, among the
speakers was Major-General Brooke,
United States Army, commanding the
military department of the East, and In
response to a call for his views on the
subject of the Army canteen General
Brooke said:
This association has done a great wok in the
Army. I have seen the benefits that have
come to the men through Its efforts. During
the Spanish war your association did a great
work In Cuba, and great benefits have also
come from its work in Porto Rico and the
Philippines. One of your secretaries condemns
our canteen. We in the Army do not call it
that. "We call it a post exchange, with a can
teen annex. When you can gie us something
that will take its place we will be clad to
have It. The post exchange has done a great
deal of good to the men of the Army; it has
drawn them away from the evil places of the
cities and from those near the posts, and in
every way if benefited them morally and
physically. I saw this with forty-two years of
experience in the Army.
A United States commissary officer
writes the Springfield Republican from
the Philippines strongly in support of
the canteen. We quote:
I have been at posts where there were no
canteens, and observed that the cases of drunk
enness and disorder were greater than where a
canteen existed. If thero is no canteen on the
premises, he tries his best to get permission
to go to town, and no soldier can go to town
without celebrating to a greater or less extent-
The canteen served to keep the men at
the post, for, as is well known, the men fre
quently make all sorts of excuses to get to
town for the purpose of getting drink. I have
known them to offer as excuses the need of
getting teeth extracted or filled, or to see rela
tives that do not exist. No sooner do these
men leave the post than their money begins
to part company with thero. and very few of
the soldiers return with much money in their
pockets.
THE HAY"-PATJXCEFOTE TREATY.
The attitude of our Government re
garding the Nicaragua Canal Is that
canal legislation cannot be properly and
legally enacted until the Clayton-Bul-wer
treaty has been abrogated or the
Hay-Pauncefote convention ratified by
the Senate. The Administration con
tends that one of these things must
be done before Congress authorizes the
construction of a canal by our Govern
ment. Abrogation may be had by a
treaty of abrogation with Great Britain
or by the adoption by the Senate and
the House of a resolution declaring the
Clayton-Bulwer convention not In force
and effect. The Senate alone, It Is con
tended, cannot declare the treaty abro
gated; the House of Representatives
must concur. For the Government to
undertake the construction of an inter
oceanic canal without abrogation of the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty would be an af
front to Great Britain.
To ratify the Hay-Pauncefote treaty,
with the amendment prepared by the
committee on foreign relations, under
which the United States could "take
any measures which It found necessary
for securing, by its own forces, the de
fense of the United States," would not
satisfy Great Britain, for under this
vague provision the United States could
interfere with the free use of the canal
by neutrals, and could erect fortifica
tions which would dominate the canal.
The friends of the original Hay
Pauncefote treaty say that Great Brit
ain would reject this amendment, for
loyalty to Canada and her other Pacific
possessions compels her to insist that
the canal shall always be open to her
warships. The pending treaty recog
nizes and confirms our exclusive right
to police and manage the canal. Prac
tically, this constitutes an absolute bar
to the passage of the warships of our
enemies. The fear of modern explo
sives directed by Irresponsible hands,
even as our battle-ship Maine was
blown up at Havana, would close the
canal to belligerent vessels quite as ef
fectively as fortifications. With our
naval bases on the Pacific and the At
lantic, and our shorter lines of com
munication, if we could not defeat a
European navy, fortifications would not
save the canal.,
As Admiral Dewey says, the real for
tifications of the canal are our war
ships. If they are stronger than the
enemy, the canal needs no fortifica
tions, and If they are weaker, the canal
would be blockaded In spite of them.
The Hay-Pauncefote treaty ought to
be ratified or the Clayton-Bulwer treaty
abrogated before the Hepburn bill Is
enacted, which Ignores the existence of
the Clayton-Bulwer treaty.
The Astorlan says:
Will Portland accept the decision of tho Isth
mian Canal CommLslon that the shipping of 10
J ears hence will require a channel 35 feet
deep, or will the metropolis of Oregon acknowl
edge that nature never Intended it. for a sea
port? Does Portland Imagine that it can bring
enough Influence to bear upon Congress to have
that body appropriate enough money to deopen
the present channel of the Columbia and Wil
lamette fifteen feet more and keep it at that
depth? Would the taxpayers of the country
endure such enormous and entirely unneces
sary expenditures, made for the mere purpose
of keeping a seaport where it ought not to be?
Or will Portland bear the expense? These are
questions which Portland has to meet.
Portland Is straining every nerve to
Improve the channel to the sea. She
has thrown all of her influence to place
the Improvement at the mouth of the
Columbia before everything else on the
river. Portland does not need to be In
formed as to the exact point in the
river where the extra fifteen feet of
water is needed. The experience of the
Halewood, the last vessel to leave the
Columbia River, shows In a striking
manner where the delays are encoun
tered. This vessel, drawing nearly 24
feet of water, made the trip from Port
land, Including time lost in anchoring
over night, in 38 hours. She was ten
days in getting from Astoria to the
sea. Portland will bring influence
enough to bear on Congress to secure
money enough to give her as good a
channel from Astoria to the sea as she
now has from Portland to Astoria, and
when more water Is needed, means for
getting It will be secured, In spite of
the persistent "knocklngs" In the col
umns of the Astorlap.
Exporting raw cotton through Port
land has already been tried, so the hew
move of the O. R. & N. Co. to ship
large quantities of cotton through this
port to the Orient is no experiment. A
year ago this month, and In the two
succeeding months, 898,592 pounds of
raw cotton, valued at $63,630, were ex
ported from Portland. Then, In the ab
sence of systematic effort, the ship
ments fell off. But the Oriental de
mand for cotton goods Is heavy, and
there Is more profit In Importing the
raw cotton Into Japan and there work
ing It up with cheap labor than In Im
porting the product of the loom. In the
past four years the exports of raw
cotton to the Orient have quadrupled
In value, and the business of transport
ing this freight Is becoming important.
In the year 1899 the value of raw cotton
exported to the Orient was $9,140,124. all
but $291,007 of which was taken by
Japan. The O. R. & N. Co. shows com
mendable enterprise In going after this
business. It means that Portland's
share In the Oriental trade will be
greatly Increased. It also points to the
necessity of keeping a deep channel to
the sea.
It Is cause for popular gratification
that the embarrassment under which
the firm of Wolff & Zwicker labors
promises to be temporary; for serious
Interruption of its noteworthy enter
prises would be a disaster of public
misfortune. It Is greatly to the firm's
credit and cause also for general con
cern that Its financial difficulties, such
as they are, have been Incurred through
the effort to build up extensive ship
construction here and maintain an es
tablishment of credit to Portland's
fame abroad and of material aid to its
business prosperity. In this laudable
ambition the members of the firm de
serve, as they enjoy, the sympathy and
good wishes of the community, includ
ing the creditors, who manifest a dis
position to render all encouragement In
their power toward the firm's continued
activity. If anything more can be done
to help along In the matter, willing
hands should be ready to do It.
Co-operation in Portland's world's
fair enterprise by the Manufacturers'
Association and the Board of Trade
comes with commendable promptness
and zeal. Allied with the Chamber of
Commerce, these organizations can do
almost anything through the commit
tees already at work. The action look
ing towards abandonment of the Ori
ental fair In 1902 seems to have been
taken under ,a misapprehension of the
facts, but It has apparently served the
useful purpose of arousing greater In
terest In the project than any other
step could have done. The people want
the exposition. They should have It,
and we guess they. will.
A Valley paper gives McBrlde a big
boost and In another paragraph ex
claims: "To the victors belong the
spoils!" Therefore, by simple complex
ratiocination, it deduces that the pres
ent incumbent of the'Oregon City Land
Office should surrender the spoils to a
victor. These paragraphs, mutually
complementary, stereopticon some In
tricate political machinery. If spoils
did not belong to the victors, the Sena
torial predilections of the editor might
be towards something more profitable.
A close estimate shows that 100,000
married women are employed In the
factories of the United States. This
statement ought to offset some of the
sympathy that men seem so generally
to feel for "poor Mr. Lease," one of
the 100,000 husbands of the country
whose wives are compelled to rustle
out and make or help make the living.
Judge Bellinger, we observe, has just
affirmed the jurisdiction of the United
States Court in a case under considera
tion. He is to be congratulated on liv
ing up to the high' traditions of his of
fice. If Multnomah County's reduction of
assessment Is such a crime, it were bet
ter for others not to imitate it than
to rail.
PARCELS POST SYSTEM.
Other Countries Seem to Be Ahead of
Va in This Respect.
Kansas City Star.
As soon as rural mall delivery becomes
better established an attempt will prob
ably be made to amplify the parcels post
system. This already exists In a restrict
ed sense. Packages of merchandise -weighing
not more than four pounds are ac
cepted for mailing. The charge of a cent
an ounces, or 4 cents for a four-pound
package, is prohibitive in many cases.
People find it -cheaper to patronize the
express companies.
Under a parcels post, the Government
would handle packages not exceeding a
weight limit, probably, of 11 pounds. That
is the maximum allowed In foreign coun
tries. The postage rate might vary from
5 cents for the first pound to 25 for an n
pound package. The advantages of such
a system to the general public are ob
vious. It -would Involve a saving, not
only of money, but of time. "While the
cities -would share In the benefits, the
country districts would be the greatest
gainers. The urban population can avail
itself readily of the services of express
companies, which the farmer can secure
only after considerable trouble.
The spread of the rural mall delivery
is making the advantage of a parcels post
for farmers more apparent than ever.
Some rural delivery wagons have al
ready received permission to collect ex
press packages. They might Just as well
carry parcels for the postofflce. With
packages delfvered at their door, farmers
would have every reason to buy more
goods in cities. The retail mall trade,
already of large proportions, would re
ceive a strong Impetus. A delay of three
or four days In receiving goods would be
preferable to a tO-mile drive to and from
the nearest store. The parcels post would
be a great adjunct to rural mall delivery
in bringing to the farmer the comforts
of city life.
Foreign nations have long set the
United States an example in the cheap
handling of packages. In the British Islet,
the postage rate is C cents for the first
pound, with 2 cents more for each addi
tional pound. The charge on the maxi
mum package of 11 pounds is only a shil
lingslightly over 24 cents." The largest
size allowed for a package is 3H feet long,
with a girth which, combined with the
length, is not more than six feet.
The rate from England to foreign coun
tries is low. An 11-pound package may
be cent from London to Vienna for 53
cents, and to Constantinople for 73. An
anomalous feature of the situation In
America Is that parcels with a maximum
weight of 11 pounds are carried In the
United States malls to certain foreign
countries cheaper than to localities In the
United States. The rates on these par
cels are 12 cents a pound. It costs IS
cents less to send a four-pound package
irom Kansas City to Berlin than to send
the same narcel from here to St. Louis.
Germany and Mexico are the only Im
portant countries included In this ar
rangement. The others are West Indian
Islands and the republics of Central
America.
If foreign countries can have the ad
vantages of a parcels post the United
States ought not to lag behind. Distances
are greater here, but the people are more
intelligent and well-to-do. The great in
crease in business that would follow the
Introduction of the system could reason
ably be expected to make it pay. The
extension of rural delivery affords an
excellent opportunity to presfc the issue of
the parcels post. .
t
PRIMARY REFORM.
Apprehensions Prom Lane County
That Are EIewhcre Considered.
Eugene Register.
Considerable discussion Is going on
over the state relative to the merits and
demerits of primary reform. The propo
sition being agitated is, that. Instead of
holding county conventions each pre
cinct will hold a primary and name the
men of its choice for the various county,
state and legislative offices. We presume
that the actual vote of those present at
the primary in each precinct would be
made of record and forwarded to the
county seat to be canvassed and the re
sult announced, those having the highest
number of votes being declared the nomi
nees of the party for each respective
office.
In a big county like Lane with 50 pre
cincts each precinct might come up with
a separate candidate for each office, with
the result that the canvassing board
would have several hundred candidates.
For instance, suppose each precinct
should name a separate candidate for
Sheriff. There would be 60 candidates
for Sheriff and probably the one receiving
the highest number of primary votes and
become the choice of his party would not
have over 160 votes.
By such a method the candidates would
not be as representative of the whole
will of the people as if nominated by a
delegated body. The only way this could
be overcome could be by the so-called
bosses conferring with precinct leaders,
for under primary reform the precinct
leader would assume the place of the so
called county boss, and a sort of agree
ment reached in each precinct whereby
certain men ehould be voted for in all the
places to be filled.
Essentially primary reform, or the in
itiative, would only work successfully
In the cities where the population Is con
centrated and a primary convention be
comes practically a public meeting where
all concerned can attend and become,
practically, a city convention, and very
much like a county convention.
So far as Lane County is concerned we
believe It Is as free from political bosses
as any county In the state. True, there
are leaders, but they are not self-appointed.
The duty has been forced upon them
by the fact that the masses trust to their
judgment and expect them at all times
to be ready with advice as to who would
be the best men to fill the positions of re
sponsibility in administering county af
fairs. It !a a question if there would be
less demand for this advice under pri
mary reform than under present methods
of securing nominations by the old plan
of county conventions. Experiments are
a good thing sometimes and as often are
failures.
Candidly we see little virtue fn the pro
posed legislation except as It relates to
cities and a law for Multnomah County
along this line is about the extent of
needed" reform. Any change In Multno
.mah's methods would be for the better.
They could not be made worse.
The Famous Philadelphia Scrapple.
New York Sun.
To make Philadelphia scrapple, put one
slice of pork and one pound of beef in a
kettle and cover with water. The beef
need by no means be an expensive cut;
what is known to the butcher as a boiling
piece is the one usually selected for scrap
ple. Let it cook slowly for three or four
hours, the water never in all that time
getting above "smiling point," its surface
merely dimpling. When the meat Is very
tender take it out and chop It very fine,
then return it to the water In the kettle
once more. Thicken with a mixture of
cornmeal and buckwheat, using one-third
of the buckwheat to two-thirds of the
cornmeal. Add salt to season. Pour this
mixture Into a square tin and let it hard
en overnight. In the morning slice and
fry as you would fry cornmeal mush.
THE TRUSTS AS INVESTMENTS.
United States Investor.
We have been asked what should ba
.done In order that Investors might see
their -way to jput their money Info the se
curities of the industrial trusts. The ques
tion Is a large one, and It Is not possible
to answer it in a satisfactory manner In
the space at our disposal at this time.
We may, however, mention a, few things
which occur to us, leaving a fuller dis
cussion of the subject for a. later period.
The question was one that was bound to
be asked, by reason of the great difficulty
of finding adequate employment for the
means at the command of ordinary In
vestors. There are a very large number
of persons in this country who are In
possession of what was once, when the
investment rate was higher than at pres
ent, a competency, but who are fearful, as
things have been going for some years
past, that It will be impossible for them
to maintain their customary manner of
life In the future without cutting Into
their principal. These people have not
money enough to admit of their taking
great risks in their investments, conse
quently anything that will widen the list
of reasonably safe securities may be re
garded as an inestimable benefit to the
community.
The first thing that is needed to put
trust securities on the desired basis is
uniformity as regarding laws regulating
trusts. Of course, it must be borne in
mind that, strictly speaking, there are
very few trusts in existence. What Is
meant by that term is the big corpora
tion. Now, the big corporation, per se,
is not an evil, but it is capable of becom
ing an evil of the first magnitude if not
rightly handled. Many of the trusts so
far organized (perhaps most of them) are
mere stock-jobbing schemes, and were
incorporated with the most unblushing
disregard of sound business considera
tions. This was possible by reason of the
flagrantly loose corporation laws of cer
tain of the states. If every state in the
country except one should bring its cor
poration laws up to the highest standard,
the evil would still exist: for speculative
porporation3 would immediately flock In
great numbers to that particular state for
charters. The first thing that is needed,
therefore, is a National incorporation law,
which shall Include a provision for the
periodical examination of the condition
of the corporations.
Another essential is, that the trusts
shall issue periodic statements of earn
ings. These statements should In a fairly
accurate manner reveal the true condi
tion of the trusts. At present the indus
trial combines absolutely refuse to Im
part such information, on the plea that
they cannot afford to let their competi
tors know what they, are doing. The long
and short of the matter Is, the only guar
antee that the Investor has that the trust
into which he is asked to put his money
is being honestly and efficiently man
aged, is that he has confidence in the
personal character of the men In charge
of the affairs. This is no guarantee at
I all, in view of the fact that it is the eas
iest thing in the world these days to
Identify names of the highest respecta
bility with schemes of the most dubious
character. The blind faith which the in
vesting public are asked to repose In the
trusts reminds one more than anything
else of the Invitation of the spider to the
fly. If one stops and thinks, be will
speedily convince himself that the only
Interpretation to be put on the refusal
of the trusts to publish their earnings
periodically is, that their condition is not
such as to stand the white light of pub
licity. Knowing this full well, the trust
managers have the effrontery to try to
make it appear that their secrecy is due
to the fact that they are more prosperous
than they dare have the public know.
They assume that the public are children,
but the public has so far been wise
enough to let their schemes alone, and
this, we think, will continue to be the
case until periodic statements of earn
ings are forthcoming.
Once more, it will never be possible to
get the trusts on a basis that -will make
them attractive to investors generally, un
til they are managed In accordance with
the theory that the principal effort of
the trusts should be to lower commodity
prices, Instead of to raise them. There
can be no permanent success for these
combines if they adhere to the policy of
keeping" prices at a' maximum level. But
this is Just the policy they must pursue
If they are going to pay dividends on a
vast amount of watered capitalization.
This brings us to the fundamental con
sideration in connection with the subject
which we started out to discuss the
trusts can never hope for permanent suc
cess except as they are capitalized at the
lowest possible figures, rather than at the
highest possible figures as at present. In
addition to everything else, there must,
of course, be careful management. When
all these requirements are met. as they
will be some day, the trusts will take
their place as conservative investments.
' '
Antl-Xecro Legislation In Virginia.
Chicago Journal.
Virginia is soon to hold a constitutional
convention for the purpose of determin
ing how to get rid of the negro as a fac
tor In politics. Senator Daniel is one of
the leading spirits In the movement, and
he is anxious to have his state escape
the possible danger of a knockout from
the Supreme Court of the United States,
such as may be given North Carolina
and other states, on account of the
"grandfather clause" in their new consti
tutions. It Is said that Senator, who is
one of the best lawyers in the country,
has prepared a rough draft of an amend
ment which Is to be submitted to the
leading Democrats of the state in advance
of the meeting of the constitutional con
vention. It provides for exempting from
disfranchisement all persons, or their de
ecendants who have served the state- In
time of war, and its effect would be to
save the ballot for illiterate ex-Confederates
and their descendants. Its provis
ions would be broad enough to admit the
veterans of all wars, white and black,
and. Senator Daniel thinks, would steer
clear of any objection the Federal Su
preme Court may have to the North Car
olina constitution on account of the
"grandfather clause."
The Popular Vote.
The Philadelphia Press publishes a ta
ble, official except as to three states,
which gives the following totals of the
popular vote cast last month, with the
contrasting figures for 18S6:
1S96. 1900.
McKlnley 7,104,779 7,263,266
Bryan 6,502,925 6,41587
Total vote, omitting
minor parties 13,607,704 13,673.653
McKlnleys plurality.. 601.851 847,579
McKinley's increase in plurality
as compared with 1S96 246,025
McKlnley's gain In the aggregate
Vote in 1900, compared with 1S96.. 153,437
Bryan's loss since 1SS6 87,538
i
Sweet Ignorance In Bankers.
Washington Post.
Two days before the collapse of that
Newport bank its directors signed a pri
vate statement to the newspapers in
which they strenuously denied the report
of Bookkeeper Brown's shortage, and,
furthermore, they said the books of the
institution had been examined and that
they were "absolutely and positively cor!
rect." Where Ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly
to know anything about the banking
business.
NOTE AND COMMENT,
It is timet to begin to practice writlnff
it '1902."
Hanna very properly would rather be
the big man of the Nation than President.
The Chilean Cabinet has resigned.
Now let monarchs tremble on their
thrones.
It looks as if poor old Kruger had been
swindled by the first installment of
Webster Davis name.
Antls will oppose reorganization of the
Army probably because they don't want
to set a precedent for their party.
The Government Is going to send a tug
to the Philippines, but as it is not a tug
of war, Aguinaldo need feel no alarm.
Mrs. Longtry. has left her husband.
Now Bernhardt Is here again. It Is ne
cessary to do some tall advertising to
keep in the game.
Kruger seems to have given up the no
tion of coming to America. Maybe he
does not know Web Davis, and never
even heard of him.
There is considerable discussion about
fortifying the Nicaragua Canal, but It
does not appear that there is any Nica
ragua Canal to fortify.
For the Lord to go back on Kruger
was bad enough, but this last straw, the
Lord's chief deputy, the Kaiser, doing
likewise, should break the old man's
back.
Arizona and New Mexico want to bo
states. Pqrhaps they have millionaires
down there whose money they would lik3
to see put in circulation through Sena
torial contests.
Portugal and Holland are now talking
of fighting. Perhaps they can arrange
to give a preliminary bantam-weight
bout before the main event between the
United States and Turkey la pulled off.
Hanna doesn't want to be President.
He means, he doesn't want to be a can
didate. Running for President, there's
the rub, and he has a Nebraskan to
bear him out that it were better to be
eaten to death with rust than to be
scoured to nothing with perpetual mo
tion. Tho Tacoma News says:
If it is true that Oom Paul has decided to
make his home in the United States, It is cer
tain he can find no better place to live in than
Tacoma. Whenever he feels belligerent he can
step over to the British line and get all the ex
ercise -he needs.
Seattle would offer him more strenuous
Inducements. His progeny Is as numerous
as Priam's and Seattle Is in the census
business. That city proposes to get 20.0GO
more people the coming year.
Judge Clifford Smith, of Cedar Falls,
la., holds that good citizens are needed
more in this country than mere voters.
Therefore, he refused to grant natural
ization papers to several foreigners who
came before him because they were
unable to understand some simple ques
tions which he put to them. None of
them could either read or write English,
and the judge told them that he did not
think they were as yet ready for citi
zenship. i
Bernhardt' Sixty Tranlcs.
New York Letter.
Mme. Sarah Bernhardt is a happy wom
an. All of her trunks have at last passed
through the Custom-House, and her
maids can now furnish her with what
ever article of apparel she may have a
fancy to don. Thus, if madame has any
particular preference for any one of her
120 pairs of shoes her whim can be sat
isfied. Shoes are one of "Mme. Bernhardt's
fads." Her favorite Parisian bootmaker is
constantly turning up with some new
creation in kid, or peau glace, or peau do
suede, or satin, sometimes even of leath
er, provided it be dainty enough for tho
foot of a goddess. Mme. Bernhardt knows
her weaknesses.
"I recognize that I have at least three
crazes," she said to a friend "a craze for
cloaks, a craze for hats and a craze for
shoes."
She has been very modest In the matter
O) headgear this trip. She has brought
with her only 16 hats, and a trifle of nine
toques these latter mainly creations in
furs. As for her costumes, they total up
60. This includes Ave costumes for "La
Dame Aux Camelias," six for "Frou
Frou," three for "La Tosca," five for the
role of Roxane in "Cyrano de Bergerac,"
two for "Hamlet," two for "L'Alglon"
and one each for three other parts in her
repertory which may be played here.
There are 26 theatrical costumes in Mme.
Bernhardt's wardrobe. For non-theatrical
purposes the great tragedienne has only
a matter of eight fur costumes for trav
eling, 'and not more than 25 peignoirs,
dinner dresses, walking dresses, afternoon
dresses, and so forth. Sixty trunks were
required some of them as huge a3 ward
robesfor Mme. Sarah's personal effects.
The Canyon of the Grand.
Cy Warman.
I'm going to paint a picture
With a pencil of my own;
I shall have no hand to help me,
I shall paint it all alone!
Oft I fancy it before me.
And my hopeful heart grows faint.
As contemplate the grandeur
Of the picture I would paint.
When I rhyme about the river,
Tho laughing limpid stream.
"Whose ripples seem to shiver
As they glide and glow and gleam.
Of the waves that beat the boulders.
That are strewn upon the strand,
You will recognize the river
In the Canyon of the Grand.
"When I write about the mountains,
With their heads so high and hoar.
Of the cliffs and craggy steepness,
"Where the waters rush and roar.
When I speak about the walls
That rise so high on either hand.
You will recognize the rockwork.
In the Canyon cf the Grand.
God was good to make the mountain
The valleys and the hills.
Put the rose upon the cactus.
The ripple on the rills;
But if I had all the words
Of all the world at my command
I could never paint a picture
Of the Canyon of the Grand.
i '
By Waters of Galilee.
Clinton Scollard In Century.
The wind Is low in the oleanders,
Softly stirring the rosy sea;
Out from a hill a rill meanders
Down to the waters of Galilee.
A burnlnr blazon of -blue enamels
The rainless heaven that arches o'er;
And Druses drowse by their crouching camels
Where meadows dip to the shingly shore.
Crumbling walls that the hyssop clings to,
Such is Magdala's glory now;
And the only ear that the cuckoo sings to
Is that of his mate on the carob bough.
The columned city that Herod fashioned.
That glistened white in the noonday blaze.
Naught is left of its past impassioned
Ssve ghosts that wander its squalid ways.
Never a sail nor a galley oaring
The shimmering reaches of liquid calm;
Only a watchful vulture soaring
Over the crest of a. lonely palm.
But still the mountains, violet, vernal.
And the brooding vales where the shepherd
be.
And the sun. in its equipoise eternal
Looking down upon Galilee.
And ever, to halo the desert places.
By the spell of the girding silence botrcd,
The haunting- thought of the face of faces.
Of him through whom this is holy groun4l
ifrt