THIS MOItNINO OHEOONIAN, PBID4 7, "NOYEMBEB 5, 1900.
o&ite Qto&cnmm
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I
TODAY'S "WEATHER, Occasional rain, with
brisk southerly winds, probably increasing to
high.
PORTLAND, FRIDAY, XOVEJIBEU 2-
TIIE I'ARAJIOIAT ISSUE.
"IF THERE IS ANT ONE WHO BELIEVES
THE GOLD STANDARD IS A GOOD THING.
OR THAT IT MUST BE MAINTAINED, I
WARN HIM NOT TO CAST HIS VOTE FOR
ME, BECAUSE I PROMISE HIM IT WILL
NOT BE MAINTAINED IN THIS COUNTRY
LONGER THAN I AM ABLE TO GET RID
OF IT."
WILLIAM JEMVIXGS BRYAN.
XNOXVTLLE. TENN.. SEPT. 10, 1898.
"I WANT TO TELL YOU WHAT I TOLD
OTHERS THAT IF YOU THINK THE GOLD
STANDARD IS AnfiOLUTEIT NECESSARY
TO THE WELFARE OF THIS COUNTRY,
TOU MAKE A GREAT MISTAKE IF YOU
VOTE FOR ME, BECAUSE IF I CAN HELP
IT. THE GOLD STANDARD WON'T STAT
IX THIS COUNTRY FOR ONE MOMENT."
AVTLLIVM JEXXIGS BRYAN.
MEMPHIS, TENN., OCT. B, 1S00.
"THE PARTY STANDS WHERE IT DID
IN 1806 ON THE MONBY QUESTION."
WILLIAM JEWIXGS I1RYAN.
ZANE6VILLE, O. SEPT. 4, 1000.
"WE ARE IN FAVOR OF THE FREE
COINAGE OF SITVER AT THE RATIO OF
18 TO 1. WITHOUT WAITING FOR THE
ADD OR CONSENT OF ANT OTHER NA
TION ON HARTK."
WILLIAM .TEXXIXGS BRYAN.
ANN ARBOR. MICH . OCT 11. 1000.
A THIXG TO THE runPOSD.
A Bryan brother writes The Orego
nlan a letter of Inquiry. He wants to
know whether "The Oregonlan, in May,
1898, did not say, In effect, that the
United States did not want the Philip
pine Islands and ought not to keep
them." It did. But what Is that to
the purpose now?
The islands then were not ours. Now
they are ours. When The Oregonlan
made that statement Dewey had Just
sailed into Manila Bay. Conditions in
the islands were wholly unknown then
to the people of the United States. No
body had thought of taking1 the Philip
pines. But Dewey sent an urgent call
for help. Large bodies of troops were
cot ready, with all possible speed, and
sent over. These forces defeated the
Spanish troops and captured Manila.
But before we were through with Spain
the natives began their war upon us.
A little later a treaty of peace was
made with Spain and the Islands were
ceded to the United States. Neither
the war nor the treaty had been an
issue of party politics. Colonel Bryan
Was commander of a regiment in the
war, and he supported the treaty. Sev
enteen Democrats were among the Sen
ators who voted for its ratification.
Thus, though we had not thought at
the beginning of the war with Spain of
talcing the Philippine Islands, at the
end of vthe war we received them: and
the Democratic party. Including its
leader, Mr. Bryan, assisted through
out.
Since, therefore, through this course
tf events the Philippine Islands have
been taken over by the United States,
What boots it that The Oregonlan said
Bt the beginning of th war that "we
bad no further rightful use for the Phil
ippines than as a base of present oper
ations and a hostage pending final set
tlement"? This statement has .been
printed and reprinted by every'Bryan
paper in the Northwest We remind
these critics that It has been superseded
5y tire events of the' war; for war never
leaves a situation as It found It. The
United States determined to require
Bpaln to cede the islands. Mr. Bryan
and his party acquiesced and assisted.
The treats was made with their co
operation. Now, for a partisan pur
pose, they denounce the acquisition of
the Islands, willing to stultify them
selves If, peradventure, they may find
or feign -a "paramount iBsue."
Now that we have our blood in the
islands and our money in thorn, have
assumed obligations by treaty In re
srard to them, the Democratic party
that helped to get them, Mr. Bryan,
who specially assisted, want to flunk.
It Is a sorry spectacle.
It seems to The Oregonlan that lis
Bryan brethren would, far better con
cern themselves about the consistency
of tbeifl own party and their own can
didate than about that of The Ore
sronlan. No candidate for the great
office of President has ever been placed
In ro embarrassing a position as that
occupied by Mr. Bryan on this ques
tion. After playing a prominent and
Influential part in the acquisition of the
Philippine Islands, he denounces the
acquisition as an act of tyranny, im
perialism and despotism; an act snb
terslve of tne principles ef liberty, and
the Declaration of Independence! What
Is the man but a cheap partisan
blatherskite?
If the anti-Imperialist dictum that a
republic cannot haTe colonies had been
nown and followed by the republics of
"Greece. 'Rome; Yenlcej Holland and
France, the history of the world would
have been muck different, and worse.
No government is so fit for expansion
or so useful in it as a representative
government. Every segment of civili
zation that can't stand alone is not re
quired by the? constitution of "the uni
verse to, be joined to a monarchy.
A PLEA FOR FAIR ELECTION'S.
It is the voice of Jones, coming' not
as is its wont out of the wilds of Ar
kansas, but from the busy city of Chi
cago, and its cry is for a free ballot
and a fair count. Listen, again!
We have appealed to the heads and hearty of
the American people. We hare won the lfcht,
and, by heaven, we -will not be defrauded out
of out victory by the chicanery of election
Judges. If our Republican friends will bo hon
est, there will bo no trouble, but intimidation
at the rolls or attempted dishonesty In the
count will be met by such methods as may te
neccuory and entirely effective.
We have appealed to the head of
Roosevelt with a scantling: in Colorado,
and to the head of Mark Hanna with
a block of ice in Chicago. We have
appealed to the black heart of every
copperhead of 1864 with the same an
tagonism to the flag and false fears as
to liberty we used then. By heaven,
we will not be defrauded out of our
victory by partisan eleotlon judges in
Kentucky, or Tammany corruption in
New York, or disfranchisement in the
South!
Jones has the growing reputation
amonff Democrats, who growl at his
failure in 1896 and resent his selection
again this year, of being an old woman
and a mutton-head. In this latest ut
terance, however, he almost trans
gresses the limits of patience. Talk of
this sort from the spokesman of a
party that gets about all its points in
the game through suppression of Re
publican votes, Is calculated to bring
the sacred cause of consent into con
tempt and derision among that large
part of the American people who still
cherish the sense of humor.
Jones and his party have not appealed
to the heads and hearts of the Amer
ican people. They have appealed to
the heads and hearts of the doubtful
states. No appeal Is made by anybody
to the heads and hearts of the South.
For the Republicans It Is useless, for
the Democrats it is unnecessary. The
shotgun and the "grandfather clause"
and repeaters at the ballot-box enable
Mr. Jones and his companions to sit In
the Senate and organize National cam
paigns and talk solemn cant about "in
timidation" and "dishonesty in the
count." Truly the exhibits are varied
In the Bryan menagerie, and wonder
ful the braylngs of its spielers!
UNEQUAL TALENTS.
The inequality of men under
any
form of government is always glaringly
apparent; but It is less so under popu
lar government than under those where
opportunity is provided the aristocracy
and denied the masses. No such un
just rule is applied in the United States.
As ex-President Cleveland sayst "Our
free Institutions offer opportunities to
all within their Influence for the ad
vancement and improvement of their
condition."
"Why is it, then, that even among us
such marked inequality exists in ac
quisition of wealth? Perhaps a hint
can be gained if we widen the inquiry
to Include other forms of acquisition,
inasmuch as wealth is not the only
good. Why is it that to some men it
is given to understand wisdom and
knowledge, while the great mass of
their fellows plod along In hlinduess
and ignorance? Why should Shakes
peare comprehend all human emotions
and Herbert Spencer all science and
philosophy, and Professor Norton all
languages, when the average man Is
unable to write entertainingly and In
structively on any subject? Why
should Rosa Bonheur be able to paint
animals true to life or Phidias carve an
immortal statue, when from others the
artistic sense of form and color has
been altogether withheld?
The talent for making money is one
among many gifts in which men excel,
and it is not by any means the most to
be envied. One of the greatest states
men now living is M. de Wltte, the Rus
sian Minister of Finance. He began
life as a humble railway employe at a
flag station, but nothing could keep him
down. He broke through the cruBt that
separates the common people in Russia
from the great, and he is today one of
the most influential men in the world,
by reason of his own talents and perse
verance. We encounter such instances
in every walk of life. The great law
yer, thegreat doctor, the great archi
tect, the great preacher, the great phil
anthropist, all came up from nothing to
their present proud eminence, partly
because they had -been endowed by
nature with exceptional talents, and
partly because they worked diligently
for success.
Money-making Is a talent, Just as
painting Is, or writing poetry, or teach
ing. There Is no more justice In ar
raigning the social order because some
men have more money than others than
there would be In arraigning the social
order because some men can paint finer
pictures than others can, pr because
some women are beautiful while the
mass are commonplace.
How long will it take the poor apple
grower, with the map of Ireland In his
face and ten warts on each hand, to
acquire the physical excellence of
Maurice Barrymore or a De Reszke?
How long will it take the poor anthra
cite ooal-mlner, with a large family
and a small dinner-pail, to compose a
"Lohengrin" or write a "Hamlet"? He
can do that just as quickly as he can
make a fortune on Wall street and fur
nish a Summer home at Long Branch,
And in his inability to do any or all of
these things lies as cogent a reason as
has yet been advanced why Bryan
should be elected President,
LET US. ALL ANSWER. IT. -
Mr, Bryan got electoral votes in
Washington and California last elec
tion, but he got none in Oregon. He
knows he will have none in Oregon this
year. And he avenges himself upon
the people of the state In a character
istic way. He uses an obsolete anti
negro clause In the Oregon constitu
tion as an answer to the disfranchise
ment of blacks in the South, and he
uses it In such a way as to convey the
impression that this obsolete and nulli
fied clause in the Oregon constitution
is in force. He knowB the truth well
enough, for he has been here repeat
edly, but it suits his partisan purpose
and ' unfair method to suppress the
truth and publish, by inuendo, a lie.
This slander upon the people of Ore
gon did not stop with Its first utterance
by their arch-calumniator. It was not
meant-to stop. It-'has been taken up
bv the Bryan forces and spread, asald-
uously 'throughout- the' border states
where Southern sentiment In consid
erable, and where there is a contest
.on the electoral tickets. Hardly a day
passes but the Governor of Oregon, or
some other citizen of the state, receives
nth Inquiry from, The Kast asking If It
Is true as alleged by the Bryanltes that
Oregon, denies1 Jo -negroes the right to
vote or to ""hold "property. These let
ters are all answered In a way that
will show their authors pretty clearly
how much sense of justice there Is in
this attack upon Oregon.
Every man In the state should answer
this Bryan slander in person next Tues
day by voting .for McKlnley and Roose
velt. SO AWAliOGY' OR PARALLEL.
Judge Harmon, iff Cincinnati, in the
course1 of a 'Bryan "speech on Wednes
day night, trying o frame an argument
for condemnation of our course In the
Philippines, said: '"France helped us
in our Revolution. ' What should we
have though t If the French had bought
out England's pretensions and then
turned their arms to- subdue us?" This
question he seemed to think a poser.
But nothing could be more ,shallow.
All analogy Is wanting1. First, the com
parison as to fitness for national in
dependence and 'feelf-government, be
tween the Inhabitants of the Philippine
Islands arid our fathers of the Revolu
tion, is utterly absurd too absurd for
anything but Bryanlte thinking. Sec
ond, the Filipinos were engaged In no
struggle for independence when we
went to the islands. There had, in
deed, been a partial Insurrection some
time before, led by mercenary politi
cians Aguinaldo, -among them who
had sold out to Spain for a large sum
of money and had quit the Islands to
enjoy their booty, of which Agulnaldo's
own share was $400,000. So when we
went to the Islands the authority and
sovereignty ot Spain were undisputed,
as they had been during ,nearly 400
years Third, In the war with Spain our
soldiers and sailors did the fighting;
compelled thesurrenderof the Spaniards
In the Philippines, placed no reliance on
the natives, and had no support from
them in the actual enterprise of 'war.
They were then, as they have been
ever since, too cowardly to fight, other
than to fire from ambush at long range,
and then rut. Fourth, these people
were making no effort to win their na
tional independence when we went to
the Islands; In fact, never had made
any worth the name. That they were
unfit for Independence and incapable of
it is proved by their long submission
tq the rule of Spain. Had they been
a people capable of self-government
they would have achieved their inde
pendence long ago, and we never should
have gone to the Philippine Islands.
It is Inconceivable that Spain, In her,
aecrepiruae ana weakness, could nave
hed a people numbering eight or ten
millions, fit for freedom and striving
for It
Th,ere is no possible analogy, there
fore, -between the case supposed of
France and the American colonies by
the Bryan speaker and our present
case in the Philippine Islands. The
supposition is merely ridiculous. The
assumption that the inhabitants of the
Philippines, the best .of whom are but
half civilized, while the vast majority
have a status1 tanging- from seihl-sav-age
to lowest savage state, are as fit
for national independence and as com
petent for self-government as oiir fath
ers of the Revolution were, is a notion
on the. one hand of mere, sentimental
ists, on the other an expedient of shal
low politicians who -want it for support
of a partisan argument,. t , (
We should not have won our Inde
pendence at that time wlthbut France.
But, after we had committed ourselves
to the Revolution undoubtedly we
should have preferred to accept the
sovereignty ot France rather ti.an be
forced to return to our allegiance to
Great Britain At that had been the al
ternative. We had, however, ample
capacity for national independence and
self-government; and France, in help
ing us, had simply desired to strike a
blow at England, in retaliation for
England's seizure of Canada, twenty
years before.
OF CONCERN MARCH 5.
Under .the natural course of events
Congress will be in session from Decem
ber to -March, and then adjourn and
give the country a rest. But Mr. Bryan
says that If he is elected he will call
Congress together Immediately after
his Inauguration. The prospect of the
country's having Bryan and Congress
both on Kb hands at the very outset of
a new Administration is sufficient to
give the most reckless anti-Imperialist
pause. But there Is something worse
yet than this.
Rryan's election .will reopen the
money question. Congress would be
called ostensibly, we may suppose, to
destroy our Srlft toward imperialism
and resuscitate our1 half-suffocated lib
erties. But whatever is dorie or not
done in that regard, the Democrats
elected alongwith Bryan will be ready
with bills'for reorganization of the our
rency. We shall have proposals:
For free coinage of silver.
For paying bonds in' silver.
For abolishing National banks.
For perpetuating the greenback.
For tons of paper fiat.
These proposals would be negligible
enough with a Republican President In
the White House and with a hard
money majority in CongreYs. But with
Bryanism in control they would become
a potent cause of fear. Everybody with
money in the bank would hang on to it
till It was known what its value was
going to be. Everybody thinking of or
dering goods or starting new enter
prises would wait a while, to find out
what the effect of silver legislation was
going to have on credit and consump
tion. If Bryan Is elected, the only thing
certain is that we shall have a change.
How disastrous it will be, how many
banks will fail and milts .close down,
wo don't know. We only know that
the only effect on business will be to
make it cautious, on savings will be to
make them chary of Investment; on the
dollar will be to imperil its value.
Some men can afford to take desperate
chances in this respect, because they
have nothing to lose. But those who
are dependent on wages of income
from Investments will hesitate before
taking a step whose effect is known to
be bad, but the full effect of which Is
uncertain.
When Bryan said that he should pur
sue the gold standard for its destruc
tion as long as he, hjid powjer to do so,
did he mean what he said? If he did,
what can he do when Congress -meets
but send It a message urslng-Xhe- enact
ment of free coinage of silver at 16 to
1? And if hedoes that, who will have
any time or money to devote tt aid of
Aguinaldo - In his fight on the nag?
Bryan evades the money question, and
well he may. For It is the Issue in this
campaign beside which, all other pre
tended issues pale into insignificance.
The money question is the issue.
As often as the night ot the 31st of
October comes rounds Juvenile hbod
lumlsm becomes rampant and individ
ual property 'interests in the city sxxffer.
Thore is no warrant, either 1a "fun" or
in tradltlont for the riotous spirit that
finds expression in overturning wood
piles, unhinging gates, overturning out
houses, taking the wheels off of vehi
cles, greasing railway tracks, defacing
buildings and Smearing windows with
paint Lawlessness pure and simple,
the parents of the community and not
the police should be held accountable
for it. Indeed, the police cannot cope
with the situation presented by squads
or from ten to "half a hundred boys
turned loose, intent upojx mischief and
ranging over a wide area. .If the par
ents of the city cannot stop this van
dalism, they ore contemptibly weak in
authority; if they can stop it arid do
not, they are, 'to state It mildly, weak
In morals. The justly exasperated citi
zen who. bejng. unable, to .protect his
property by entreaties or threats,
whose orders to the insolent gang to
move on are treated with derision sup
plemented by a personal attack with
mud and missiles, has nothing left him
but to abandon the field to the detri
ment ot his property, or to resort -to
means which the lawless youngsters
will Tespect. This at least one citizen
did Wednesday night, fortunately with
out any more serious effect than that
which sent a boy screaming to the hos
pital to have a wounded arm dressed
as the result of a pistol shot. The in
cident might have been tragical; it Is,
in a sense, deplorable, but if it has a
salutary effect in diminishing, through
a wholesome fear of consequences. Ju
venile lawlessness, miscalled "fun," and
evidently indulged under parental li
cense, it will serve a good purpose.
Mrs, E. E. Dye, of Oregon City, has
brought out a beautiful and valuable
little book, entitled, "Stories- of Ore
gon." It will be an excellent Introduc
tion for the young to the study of our
history. The style is pure and simple,
yet animated; there Is wealth of histor
ical and biographical data; there is
dramatic spirit in many of the sketches,
and somehow In a manner really won
aerfUl the author has contrived to give
freshness and. vivacity to facts and in
cidents which hitherto we have been
accustomed to see writen only with
dry-as-dust labor. But this charming
little book Is not a novel. It can be de
pended on for its facts and dates, and
it has many of them; with many a
pleasant thing moreover that lies-' In
the early history of Oregon. It Is vol
ume vil of "The 'Western Series of
Readers," and The Oregonlan does not
hesitate to commend it for reading in
our schools. It has just a touch of the
romantic style, just a little of the fla
vor or raclness of a record of the heroic
age. for which it lb all the bettet. Our
children should be saved from mere
triviality on the one hand, and from
dull solemnity on the other.
According to the figures given by the
Viceroy of India, the oost of the fam
ine In that country will, not fall short
of 5600,000,000. This 1b only the first
cost, since 2,000,000 people are still re
ceiving relief, and millions more must
(be helped to restock their farms and be
fed until they can reap the crops lately
sown, The famine has been equal In
cost, both In life and money, to a dev
astating war, but a war thus destruct
ive would Insure peace at least for a
generation, whereas there Is no security
against famine for even a single year.
Indeed, unless the problem is solved on
an irrigatlonr basis, it is almost certain
to recur within a decade. History in
this, as in other lines, repeats itself
with great fidelity. Still, in an en
lightened sense, famine Is one of the
preventable Ills of the world. The dif
ficulty in this instance is in applying
preventive means to the conditions of
a poverty-stricken, unenlightened peo
ple. Old Mr. Kruger is about to arrive in
Europe. He has some tons of gold with
him. But this gold Is the product of
robbery. Paper, to the amount of mil
lions, was Ifisued upon it, which was
left in the Transvaal without a re
deemer when Kruger carried oft the
gold against which it was Issued. He
claims to be the custodian of this gold
for the state, but the state never more
will hear of it, while th.ose who hold
the Irredeemable paper are irremedia
bly swindled. This is not likely, in any
responsible financial circle, to be called
an honorable transaction. But It Is one
more lesBdn on monetary laws and pa
per currency. This affair explains why
old Mr. Kruger had to hide away from
the fury of the people, of the Transvaal.
The story of the suiolde of a home
sick boy a lad of 17 at Astoria is re
corded. Though with his father and
mother, he pined to return to his native
Pennsylvania, which state he had re
cently left, and, depressed by the im
possibility of doing so, ended his
troubles with a rifle ball. The case is
a sad one. but on the whole much less
s6 than if this morbidly sensitive boy
had lived to come in sharp conflict with
the real ills of life and gone down be
fore them, leaving) persons who had a
right to depend upon him for support
to fight his battle out for him. In
stereotyped phrase, but without pious
cant if can be said of this youth, to
whom the childish ills of life appealed
so strongly, "He is better off."
The old idea that corn cannot be
grown and matured In the Willamette
Valley has given way to experiment
This Is especially true In the past sea
son many large fields having been suc
cessfully grown for ensilage. This is
Important to the dairying Interest,
which is making such substantial
growth throughout the "Valley.
Bryan Is as unsafe today for finance
and foreign relations as he was four
years ago. He has grown more dan
gerous, and less sincere In these four
years. The country needs a better,
broader, safer man, but he Is in every
way less to be trusted than In 1896.
Railway Speed of tne Pntnre.
Two hundred miles an hour, appalling as
It seems, does not touch elbows with the
impossible, says Munsey's Magazine. The
best steam railroad locomotives of today
have come within measuring distance of
this pace. A speed of 1S5 miles an hour
has actually been recorded. The engine
Which made this record Is owned by the
Chicago. Burlington & Qulacy. With 135
miles az a basis it Isn't a very great
stretch of Imagination to fancy a speed
of D0O- miles an hour,.
AMERICAN "DEPENDENCIES.1
And Countries Subject to the Jurisdiction
oT ihe United States,
The Bryan brethren are troubled deeply
by the words "dependencies" and "sub
ject countries" Yet the records of Con
gres and the General Statutes of the
United States prove Indisriotably "that
Louisiana wasTield tut a "subject""' prov
ince, ward, territory or possession. Thus,
for a single Instance, take the act of Con.
gress relating to the keeping of pufcl c
records in Louslana auggested by Jeffer
son and approved by him as Prsoldent
Section 2 of that act reads:
?har all the rrovlslons. of this act. and ttw
act to which this la a supplement, shall apply
as well to the public acts, records, office books.
Judicial proceedings, courts and offices of the
respectlvo territories of the United States, and
the countries aubject to the Jurisdiction of the
"United States, as to the public act, records,
office books, judicial rroceedloirs, courta" and
offices of tha several states.
There appears to have bfen no con
fusion In the minds of the statesmen, of
ISM concerning trce political orders or
classes, namely, the states, the territo
ries, and "eonwtriea smbjeet to tke Jn
rfadiction of the United State. it has
remained for the Bryanltes to become
Constitutional expounders of the unprece
dented doctrine that every possession
district and country subject to the Juris
diction of the Unltod States is inherently
vested with Constitutional rights, rjrlvl
leges. and immunuitles quite coequal with
the rights of sovereign states or organ
ized arid enabled territories.
In 10J, when the Government came
to establish branches of the United
States Bank. It was found that the
charter of the bank authorized branches
"within the United States." But Jeffer
son and Congress held that It was not
sufficient to warrant the establishment of
branches in "dependencies," 8o Jeffercon
again suggested, and Congress passed and
Jefferson approved as President the act
of March 23, 1804, authorising the estab
lishment of branches in "aay of the
ierritoriei or dependencies of the
United States."
So, then, we had with Jefferson, peo
ple under the sovereignty and jurisdic
tion of the United states who were not
citizens, but Inhabitants ot United States
dependencies. There are in the General
Statutes, to which any, one may turn, in
any law library, many acts expressly
speaking of "inhabitants" of new pos
sessions, as contradistinguished from
citizens, in the sense that one la. citizen
of a territory or a state.
One of the most significant of these
Is the act admitting to registry shirs
owned by ''residents," and "irthabltanta"
of "ceded territories," who continue to
reside therein, and giving suoh "Inhab
itants the privileges accorded owners of
ships who are citizens of the United
States. This act provides American reg
istry for ships sailing under French or
Spanish flags, but owned by citizens of
tho Unjted States, residing' in "new ac
quisitions," and extends the privilege to
the "Inhabitants and residents" of the
cedeel territory, provided that such "in
habitants" availing of the privilege
should take the oath of allegiance,
And that act was approved by Presi
dent Jefferson. Mr. Bryan and his lieu
tenants should cease to talk ef the "in
famy" of dependencies or Wards of a
republic We have had them and that
too, under and by the advice, wisdom
and splendid genjus of Thomas Jcffers-n,
author of the Declaration of Independ
ence, and the sire of all Democrats,
i
MH, BRYAN'S DILEMMA.
J. Sterling: Morton Publlanea Two
Letters by Him Thonffbt of
Tnrolns Popnllst Opposed
to Prohibition.
NEBRASKA CITY, Neb. The Conser
vative, of whioh J. Sterling Morton Is ed
itor, has discovered and will publish two
letters written b5' William J. Bryan
when he was a member of Congress,
which are likely to have an Important in
fluence upon the campaign lri this State.
One letter shows that Mr. Bryan cared
more to be a member of the United
States Senate than a member of the
Democratlo party, as he seriously con
sidered turning a Populist In order to
Insure his election. The letter l as fol
lows: Committee of Ways and Means, House of
Representatives, Washlntton, D. C, May 29,
1694. Dear Sir: I believe that the .easiest way
to become United States Senator Would bo to
announco myself aa a Populist and bo nomi
nated by them, for I bellevo we could elect a
Populist Legislature In that way without
doubt. To do that, however, would prevent my
doing certain work which I regard as very
Important. As an avowed Populist, I would be
criticised for Coins Into the Democratic dis
tricts and urging' Populists to support Free
Sllver Democrats, and I would be expected to
act in harmony with tha Popnltst leaders in
lln;s of policy, for they would resent such in
dependence as I would think necessary, and a
dissension might injure tho party moro than I
could help it ,
Not Worryinar Over National Ques
tions. It Is barely possible that the Legislature will
be so "divided that I may be elected Senator.
While this would be acceptable and would
enable me to carry on tha fight on National
Questions, It is a matter about whlch'I do not
worry, because I am satisfied that I can make
more outside ot Congress than I can make
here, and I would be with my family moro
and have to work less.
I hope you may find your new wo;k both
Congenial and remunerative. Wherever there
are public documents which you would like,
let me know, and I would bo glad to rtni.
them. Very truly your W. J. BRYAN.
The Letter on Prohibition.
The other letter, the Conservative says.
"Indicates his position on the prohibi
tion question, and shows whether it was
determined by principle or expediency."
The letter Is as follows:
1 Ineoln, Neb., Oct. 11, 1800. Dear Sir and
Friend t Your favor Just received. I expect to
attend the convention at Omaha, and am glad
that you are .going I will try and leave here
at once, so that we can get together and talk
over the platform before the convention. I have
no doubt we will agreo on tariff oolnlons, but
I have been In much trouble over the temper
ance plank. I. like you and the great bulk of
the party, am opposed to prohibition; we bad
better content ourselvss with & declaraUon
against sumptuary legislation, such as we
usually have.
We havo a number of men who will vote for
the amendment, among -them Sawyer, Sneli.
Lewis, Mll'er, Whlfmore, etc, etc They do
not ask us to declare In favor of prohibition,
but simply to do as the Republicans have done
leave It to each individual to do &s he likes.
By declaring against prohibition we will lose
a vnrA TMn..,. vftta. ,vht1m A rtll n . !., Om
.M.K1I..-V ,Vtt.k TIT M. . 19 Vrfll In ...
county, declared In so many words against
prohlbltlja, and the saloons went solid against
us.
I wish r could see you before tho convention.
Can't you come up here Thursday morning
and go 'rom here to Omaha, and we can dU
cuss all the planks. Will draw up the plank
you sugg-st. Yours truly. W. J. BRYAN.
m ,
British Like Oar Census! Methods.
National Magazine.
Inquiries have been received from the
British Government concerning the meth
ods of taking the American census, be
cause It has never been able to secure
such comprehensive data, or even as com
plete a count of population, in 10 years of
continuous work as the American systetn
has secured In 12 months. With 24 poten
tial facts concerning each individual1 ac
cessible, the sociological and psycholog
ical problems of the present time, grow
ing bat of the assimilation of large
masses of -foreigners with -the Americas
ipeople, becomes a fascinating study.
IUBERTY 15 PERIL AS OSIFAt. '
Bt, Paul Pioneer Press.
"I am convinced that the very existence
at this country depends upon the result
ot the coming election," said O. H. P.
Belmont, a Democratic candidate for Con
gress In 'a recent speech in New Xork.
"Pretty nearly all the Bryan orators nave
In like manner staked the existence r
the Bepublto on the election of Bryan. We
do not remember an election for the last
60 years in which theT-continued existence
of the Itepubllc did not deyjend on the
ejection ot the Democratic candidate for
President. But somehow it has managed
to survive the long series of Democratic
dilfeats and to come out stronger, freer
and more glorious with every mournful
catastrophe ot that kind. Those ot us
who lived during the period when the
slave power was, engaged in Its various
conspiracies for extending slavery Into
the territories will well remember bow
many times the existence of the Republic
depended oh the submission pf the free
North to the demands -pf our Southern
brethren. It was to go down In darkness
and blood when Lincoln was elected Presi
dent the first thner and when he was a
crndldato for re-election la 1SW it was
August Belmont (the father, we believe,
of O. H. P., the seer whom we have just
quoted), then chairman of the Democrat
lo National Committee, who, In a public
address in September, ls&J, In behalf of
the peace-at-any-prlce- candidate, McCleU
lan, said:
Tellow Cltisens: It is not much that your
country now sjks-of you, but all that you hold
dear, all that you hare and -can hope to have
of llbtrty, of -peace, ot prosperity, depends
upon your giving to your country what your
country now asks wisdom to see your duty,
courage to -do It With you, under a benignant
Providence, it rests to determine by your votes
on the Sth of November tho death or life of
the noblest Republic ever established among
men.
So that the son comes by rightful In
heritance to his quadrennial fright for
the Imperiled life of the Republic.
Governor Seymour himself talked in the
same strain. On September S he made
this solemnannouncement:
Upon the result hangs the .very destinies of
our land. Four years more of such administra
tion as wo have had. -wfill work. Irretrievable
ruin to this great and glorious country ot ours.
Leslie Combs, of Kentucky, trotted out
the tfamirlar spook ot militarism in the
following style:
In my deliberate opinion, if Mr. Lincoln is
re-elected, we shall have a military despotism
fastened tepon us and our children, with: a
standing army of negro janissaries.
Said "Andrew J. RogerS, of New Jersey,
at New York September 8, 1S64:
And even in the loyal states where we bave
not heard tho groans of the dying or the roar
ing ot cannon the party in power has used the
mailed hand of military usurpation, despotism,
and tyranny to strike down the liberties of
ine people, and trample upon the bleeding and
desolate Constitution.
Governor Wlckllffo,, of Kentucky: ...
I cannot give you any better argument why
you should change this Administration than to
say that If you prefer liberty to" slavery you
will change it. and change It quickly, for If
Lincoln is elected, farewell to civil liberty In
the United States.
Colonel Price, of New York;
The miserable principle of centralisation, of
Imperialism, has been deeply Implanted In the
hearts of the men who are governing now.
One by one they ars destroying all the guar
antees of personal rights. The people must
protect themselves and their country or they
will be swept into the maslstrorn of centraliza
tion and arbitrary power with every yestlge
of liberty in this country.
We could quote scores of such Jere
miads from a collection of extracts from.
Democratic speeches during the Presiden
tial campaign of 1864, but they all take
tneir texts and tenor from the Democratic
National platform of that year, whtch
said:
Under the pretense of a military necessity of
a war power higher than the ConsUtutlon, tho
Constitution Itself has been disregarded in
every part, ai-d putllo liberty and private right
trodden down and the material prosperity of
the country essentially Impaired.
And in 1872. when: Grant was a candi
date for re-eleotlon with Horace Greeley
as his opponent, the Demdcratie National1
Convention was as full of woe as ever.
This is from its platform:
Tho Republican party", Instead of restoring
the Union, has, so far as la its power, dis
solved it. Under Its repeated assaults-
the pillars of the Government are rock
ing on their base, and should it succeed in
November next and inaugurate its President
we will meet as a subjected and conquered
people amid the ruins ot liberty apd the scat
tered fragments of the Constitution.
We know what became ot all these dis
mal prophecies. Today the same Demo
cratic party which In 1S64 could find no
rhetoric lurid enough in which to express
their destestatlon ot the tyrant Lincoln,
who was engaged in smashing, the Con
stitution and in establishing a military
depotlsm on the ruins of the Republic and
liberty, are now euloglzihg Mm as the
great apostle of Constitutional liberty.
More recently we have had occasion to
remember the dire predictions of univer
sal ruin and desolation which, according
td Mr. Bryan and his suite of Democratic
orators, were to follow the election of
William McKlnley, and we know how
these came out also.
The American people are prepared to
endure with cheerful equanimity a good
deal mora of the same kind of ruin whtch
the election of McKlnley brought in its
train, and now that tho same voices are
raised with same old cries about the ter.
rible calamities which will result from his
re-election, they are going to try hard on
the 6th of November next to seat the
tyrant more firmly than ever on his
Throne, amid the Joyful acclaims of the
American people in every Mate of the
Union, and, to keep open the floodgates
Of disaster through which has flowed
such unbounded prosperity to every part
of the United States, and the blessings
of freedom and progress to the peoples
we have rescued from medieval despotism
of Spain.
PLEASANTRIES OP PARAGnAPHEnS
''What makes yon look so unhappy, little
boy?" Smalt Boy (sobbing) Nobody never calls
trie good unless I am a-doln' some thin' I don't
like to do Tit-Bits.
Calculated to Please. "Dolly, la your new
young man Intelligent?" "Well, pa, he's Just
about right; he doesn't understand politics any
better than X do." Indianapolis Journal.
Hardly the Thing to Do, "If X was Louise
Td be ashamed." "WhyT" "e's a member
of the Auduboa Club, and yet aha has her
bedroom fitted out in blrdseye maple." Chi
cago Record.
"Mr. Hardcase." said the minister,. "I saw
your ton in a saloon yesterday." "Did your"
replied Mr. Hardcase; "I hope he had ths
politeness to aik you to have something."
Philadelphia Record.
Not a Laboring-Class Expert Judge You're
a professional burglar, aren't you? Prisoner-at-the-bar
No, your honor; I ain't makln' no
business o 'stealtn', yer honor! I'm a decayed
glntlemun, yer honor; an' I Jea' took lt np as
a fad. Puck.
Making Sure First Lady (oft for a Journey)
I hope we've got the right train. Second
Lady I asked seventeen trainraen and ninety
three passengers If this train went to Blank
vllle, and they all said yes, so X guess we're
all rlEht, New York Weekly.
We Aro a Busy People, Scone. Rome. "De
lighted to meet you in Italy, Mlis Benedict."
"Miss, eh! you have not heard of my mar
riacsf Z am on my honeymoon.'' "Indeed!
Whera Is. your hubandr, Oh. I left him' la
&1. V..-1. TT .a. aJL 1 ...... tiUnut Ati rff
'AVVV U.Jh . ..I f,W tW WLto tV WM WVHt
I. Harlem Life.
1 i 'JOW kCOgsfEKT.j T
The electIoupropb,et wW. soon be" With,
out honor In his own country and every,
other' ii;
Jame8kay Jpnes Js in partnership Ulx.
King Cotton, but he is fernlnst Imperial
ism in his speeches. " v
- . , - JBb
The apathy of the'campaJgn-has-nnally
been hunted down and located on tha perl
son of Grover Cleveland. '
' ,'
Nextwcek Hon. Adlal B. Steyensonjrtll
again emerge from obscurity and become ,
one oflhe plain' people of Illinois. '
Colonel Bryan will soon begin work on
his forthcoming book, "The Last BatUe'
otherwise known as "Tha Final Finish v
Count Boni Da Castellan has spent
23,600,000 francs In the fast four yars."Hi
needs a receiver worse than a guardlanX
Colonel Bryan Is going to make
speeches in Chicago. As a e6nse,quenca
the odds against him there are golngyjp.
Next Wednesday morning Mr,-, Bryaa
will wake up to And that history ,hasr
pe&ted Itself and he Is only a 'secoact
Jonah. ' -
Some of the Shanghai correspondents
seem, to have accepted positions as offi
cial eleotlon forecasters tor the Demct
cratlc party.
A bunch ot Boers captured 90r British.
the other day, looted"a mall trainburned
it, and went their way. They "evidently
were not listening whan Lord Roberta said
the war was ended.
The Illinois Audubon Society Is about
to checkmate the milliners by securing aa
amendment to the game laws that shall
make it an offense, with penalties, for any
one to possess any part of the wild birds
how protected by the law. Some of the
milliners ha Ye contended that a part of
bird was not a bird.
The extent of the training which ija
rated as essential to success in the Brit
ish diplomatic service is Illustrated 'in
the career of Sir Ernest Mason Satow,
who has succeeded Elr Claude MacDonald
as British Minister to China. When ae
was IS years old he was student inter
preter in the Japan service; at 21 years
old he was promoted to Interpreter, and
at 21 ho was secretary of the British
'Legation In Tokio, where he served lp
years. In 1SS4 he was made Consul-General
at Bangkok, and In tho following
year he was promoted to the office -of
Minister resident. After three years' serv
ice at this station he was transferred in
the same capacity to Montevideo, where
he remained until 1S93, when he was ap
pointed Mlnlstor to Morocco. In the same
year he was given the post of British
Minister in Toklo, and now he goes to
Pekin.
Even tho most experienced lawyers
sometimes find themselves placed ' la
awkward and humorous predicaments
and a gpod story ot such a situation
is told by a well-known barrister against
himself. He was conducting a case where"
his client's reputation, let alone his
money, was at stake. It occurred to him.
In the course of his powerful speech to
the bench on behalf of his client, ta
quote the lines, "Who steals my pursex
steals trash; but he that filches Jrom mo
my good name," etc. Unfortunately-tna
Judge was old and deaf and did not catch
the observation. "What Is that you sjay,
Mr. ?" he anxiously Inquired, put
ting his hand up to his ear and leaning
forward. The unhappy advocate repeated
his quotation. "Very sorry I cannot hear
what you say, Mr. ." Hete the usher.'
who was standing by the Judge, thought
It tmv to Interfere, so he shouted out:'
"Please,JTour Honor, Mr. says a
how any one as steals his purse will get
nowt,"
To his aid in his political Ufa John
Sherman brought a nature instinctively
methodical and an unflinching probity.
He saw to It that the public moneys were
not squandered or used fdr dishonest pur
poses. A claim for $1,000,000 was onco
brought to him for his signature. It had
been regularly allowed, but it was illegal
and he refused to sign.
"It has been allowed," insisted the
claimant's attorney, "and you must sign,
it."
"I will not," repeated Mr. Sherman,
and he did not. He would.have resigned,
ho afterward confided to a friend, had It
been required of him. sooner than even
seem to sanction a fraud. Neither would
he permit Irregularities, says the Satur
day Evening Post. The chief of a bu
reau one day came to him for an order
to pay for some machinery.
"Has It been advertised?" asked the
Secretary.
"No," said the chief, "but there are
only two places where It can be made,
and we are accustomed to get their bids
and contract with the lowest."
"But," saJd the Secretary, "the law
says It must be advertised."
"At least this may pass, for It is mad,r
and we need It."
T cannot help that; the law says it '
must be advertised, and advertised itf
must be." And advertised it was, at ft
very large saving to the Government. '
A Strict Non-Parrlsaa.
Baltimore American.
I'm never much for politics I really do not
keer
Who gits the Job o' fillln' up tha Presidential
cheer.
I b'lleve the office ought 'o seek the man ta
hold It down.
Although tha man might bead It off, by sort
o' standln roun.
But, as X say, In politics, Cm strict non-parti;
san v
X hope the best man wins It he's a good Re
publican. I don't b'lfeve in party lines I think that
every one '
Should pick the candydate he likes, amongst
all them that run.
An vote- fer prlneerples, an' not so much fsr
party creeds.
An' Jedge a man, not by hi words, hut by his
style o' deeds.
X always stamp mj ballot on the Independent ,
plan.
A good man gits my voteif he's a good Re
publican. '
X wouldn't choose a man because hi words ts
bland an' glad . -
The gift o' gab's a funny tslng the talker's aj. ,
ways mad
Onlesa ha gits a chanst to talk but .mostly, he,,
will shirk JZ
When talkln' tune Is over with, an' he nrust
go to work. , '
An', so I say, I'll be as Independent' as I can1
An' choose the best I find if he's sT goodfJHai' '
publican. v .
X depryct the bitterness that crop out each
campaign,
X like to see a voter take the only way that's.
plsla, -. ,
Aa' stlek to moral prlneerples an' stsbbonuy
refuse J
To 'filiate with any creed that s surely bcrna.
to lose, ? ",
Tod bet I'm soln' to vote aa' act a strict noa
J partisan- r' -y '1 r t
I want be best TaaaE's lobar' ashe9a good v
Xlepusllcaa.