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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 15, 1900)
TJV THE M6BKIKG 'OKlilONIA, fONDAY; . 'OOTOfelilR 15,' lU IsPite z&g&nim Ifcntcred at the Postoffice at Portland. Oregon. as second-class mutter. TELEPHONES. lEfiltorlal Sooms...lC8 j Business Office. ...COT PJSV1SKD SUBSCRIPTION RATES. Owly, with sunaay, per month. ?0 55 -,, ouuuiij- ezcoptM, per year , 7 so pally, x-ith Sunday, per year 9 00 ounday, per year 2 00 The Weekly, per year 1 60 She Weekly. montl-s , 50 I To City Subscriber tally, per week. deli-. ered, Sundavs excepted 15c vai wceit. acuvcrea. sunttajs inciuaea.aua POSTAGE BATES. TlXrtted States. CjtnnA't nnrt "1r.-rtv' HO to lC-TJaiTG nTr- In 1G to 32-page paper 2e .foreign rates double. 2CewS or dlseUEsinn tr.limAnA foT- TiiiMlrsfloii In The Oregonian should ba addressed Invaria bly "Editor The Oreconlan," not to the namo Of any Individual. letters relating to advertls- .ujb. suDEcripuons or to any business matter tunua. oe aaaressed simply ""The Oregonian.' 'The OrejTTmlan iir.r' int mv nnArrm nr Ktnries Ifrom "Individuals, and cannot undertake to re- Station. No stamps fchojld be inclosed for this purpose. Pllffet fifmnrt TOnw.n ",r?ili A ThrimriKnn. ctHo at 1111 Pacific aenue, Tacoma Box 3KT. L'uwma. i-osiomce. Eastern 13iisin:! omo ri Trihim hild- ing. New York City; "Tho Rookery," Chicago; ae a. s, Herewith Fpeclnl agency, xew lone For B3a in Snn VMnrltm v T TT Pnnnpr. 746 Market street, near the Palace Hotel; Gold gralth Rrni 3n ditto.- ctraot T" t" 7!ttx 1008 Market otrept; Foster &. Orear, rerry news- btana; l. k. Lee, Palace Hotel sews Stand. Por Eale In Los Angeles by B. P. Gardner. bo. spring street, and Oliver & Haines, 100 , Snrlnc sti-or For sale in Omaha by H. C. Shears. 105 N. Sixteenth street, and Burkalow Bros., 1C12 Jannan street. For aale in Salt Lake by the Salt Lake News -o.. a w. second South street. Tar sale in New Orleans by Ernest & Co.. U5 Royal ctreet. Oa JUe in "Washington, D. C, with A. W. U11C BOD 34th TC TV For-sale In Chicago by the P. O. News Co., i ijearoorn street. TODAY'S WEATHEH. Talr: northerly I winds. )RTLAXD, MONDAY, OCTOBER 15. TWO VIEWS OF LIFE. tRie turn of business sentiment Inst Bryan alarms him and affronts Ihim. His response is renewed assaults "the trusts," by -which he means all sorporations, and a complaint at the lostile attitude shown toward him by uomaaerce and Industry. At Chillicothe, )Mo, he said: I do not believe that a corporation has any business in politics. If you will read the Icharter of a corporation you- will find It is rganlzcd for a "business purpose, and If we abtaln control of the Government we shall try to make It necessary for a corporation to ttend to its own business and not enter poll- Sties as a dominating factor. The condition complained of here is jlamentable. It menaces our present land our future. But it does not lie in Bryan's mouth to complain) of it. He the cause-of it Corporations ought Snot to be in politics. Business men gouglit not to be governed in their votes ay mercenary considerations. "Why, ien, are they? Everybpdy remembers how it used to e. In 1S92 we had business men's Re- Ipublican clubs .and business men's Jemocratic clubs. Xts of merchants. jankers, traders and manufacturers Iwere for Seymour in 18SS, Greeley and )'Conor in '72, Tilden in '76, Hancock gin 80, Cleveland in .'84 and '88. Man- inlng and Fairchild, Gage and Eckels, re types of financiers who supported )emocratic policies on tariff and fl- lance. That was right. Why has it all langed? Bryan hasset the financial and busl- less interests of the country against lim because ,he has declared against them unrelenting Tvar. He opened fire in them in his attack on the integrity 3f the dollar and the securltj', of credit. Ee trained upon property his denunci- tion of law and order in the specious lise of "government by injunction," rhich Is nothing but his nickname for protection of property and suppression f riot. He attacks property and trade lay in every one cf his points in ?very one of his speeches, whether he is promising to destroy the gold stand ard, advocating abandonment of our josition in the Pacific, denouncing the processes of the courts, or calling upon the poor to rise up and crush the cor- jorations and the rich. He has attacked and alarmed busi- less, but he has done worse than this. e has introduced and fostered in this country a spirit of class hatred com- lon enough in, the Old World, but so far to us a' strtmger. In this country it always been that the rich and poor. the eminent and the obscure, the suc- jessful and the defeated, have been in terchangeable. The canal-boy of the )hio, or the rail-splitter of "Egypt," or the mill-boy of the slashes, or the poor slerk at ?& a week, or the humble tan- ler of today, has been the President, ir the party leader, or the Cabinet offi 2CT, or the supreme military figure, or Ithe popular idol, or the great railroad mgnate of tomorrow. Opportunity as free and open to ability and per severance. It is so yet. But there has irisen among us a, powerful and per suasive "Voice, going up and down the Hand, preaching the doctrine of class 3nvy, class jealousy, class hatred. The ?hildrerj of men who "were formed by he sober counsels of Washington, the jomely and helpful philosophy of Pranklin, the serene confidence and en thusiasm of Jefferson, the patriotic icpe and trust of Beccher and Whittier, (the bracing, manly teaching of Emer son and Holland and Curtis, the lofty ir.d inspiring, examples of Lincoln and 3tanton, Tilden and Greeley, "Vanderbllt ind Stewart, Peter Cooper and Horace fann, now go out to hear a man who pel's them that if they are poor, if their ferh es are without luxurious clothing, if fheir children have to work, then to bole at the people "who "'trade in the p-ealth they produce," and follow -im to an attack that shall correct bh.se differences and level these in- Qualities. It is the doctrine of the so- 2!".' 1st, the communist, the anarchist, fvp demagogue, Ihe conscienceless and Fchlevous agitator. "nrj-fca tittB driven U business lgrainst lilm, Iiceo.-nie lie is asrainst ill IirbIucsk. He lias done more to implant and foster licre the class lia- Itreds o tlie Old World than all the ien that have shaped our politics iince the beginning: of the Republic. The only frope for destruction of this false and dangerous doctrine lies in lis defeat. The only hope for return if the time vrhen corporations, wheth er of finance, trade or manufactures, ihall divide in politics on political rounds, lies in his defeat. Talk about ecdanserinsr the Repub-J He! The problem is how to save it from a permanent political war between property and the portionless. The problem is how to save it from a pro letariat incited by specious appeals to envy and discontent. The problem is how to save it from a philosophy that teaches every man his failure is at tributable to the success of some one more faithful and determined, and to give him instead the sterling lesson of Poor Richard, that God helps those who help themselves, that "diligence is the mother of good luck," that "Industry pays debts despair Increases them." Much depends in this campaign on whether the American people are ready to discard the philosophy of Franklin for the philosophy of Bryan. Much de pends upon it for all future time. REVOLUTION IX ARMY. A. Conan Doyle, the novelist, who was "with the British Army as sur geon during most of the fighting. Is the author of "The Great Boer War," which is described as by far the ablest contri bution to literature on this great event in modern British history. The current number of McClure's Magazine contains an article from Br. Doyle's book, which is of great interest to Americans, be cause the lessons learned by Great Britain in South Africa are the same as we learned in the Spanish and Fili pino wars. The problems now con fronting Great Britain and the. United' States as to the reorganization of the Army are also similar. Both nations have learned some things, and ought to profit by them for the future. The United States regular Army learned that 1200 to 1500 Spanish regulars, armed with Mausers, could stand off the assault of 12,000 American regulars nearly all day and make the capture of San Juan Hill cost us 1700 men, killed and wounded. We caught the Spaniards unprepared; the bottom of their purse had dropped out, and their navy was worthless; but for these facts we would have been as badly humili ated bad we attacked Havana as Bul ler was on the Tugela or Methuen at Modder River. The British want of preparation and reckless methods of attack were with out excuse, for they knew their enemy was composed of the best riflemen in Hie world. Dr. Doyle Is a surgeon nom inally, but he has the eye of a born soldier; he bluntly tells his fellow-countrymen that, from the War Office, de claring that Infantry and not cavalry were necessary for the campaign, to the General on the spot, who considered that with 10,000 men he could march to Pretoria, "our professional soldiers have shown that they were not en dowed with clear vision." The conclu sion reached by Dr. Doyle is that with modern weapons every brave man with a rifle is a formidable soldier; that there is no longer any need for the severe tralnlngand rigid discipline which was necessary when men fought in platoons and performed complicated evolutions on the field of battle. The bugbear of an Invasion of Great Britain has .been reduced to an absurdity by the Boer War. With moderate efficiency with the rifle, the able-bodied population of Great Britain, Dr. Doyle believes, could, without its fleet and without Its pro fessional soldiers, defy the united forces of Europe. Henceforth Great Britain can safely depend upon some developed system of militia and volun teers for the defense of Its shores and release for the service of the empire almost all the professional soldiers. The lesson of the Boer War Is that it is better and cheaper for the country to have fewer soldiers, which shall be very highly trained, than many of mixed quality. It costs as much to convey and feed a worthless man as a good one, and if he is not a dead shot with a rifle, what is the use of carrying him thousands of miles to place him on the firing line in South Africa, China or Afghanistan? Eliminate useless sol diers and increase the pay of the useful ones, even if it reduces the British reg ular army to 100,000 men. The train ing of the infantry needs complete reformation. Straight shooting, to hit your enemy and avoid being hit your self, is the only thing that wins a mod ern battle. No man who is not a marksman should remain a soldier, and the men should be taught how to use cover and quickly and effectively to In trench. Better shooting and better knowledge of cover is what is wanted of the British Infantry. Dr. Doyle would abolish the cavalry altogether and replace it with mounted infantry, taught to use the rifle on foot, and as well horsed and as highly trained in peace as the English cavalry is now. There was not a single ex ploit In the whole Boer War that could not have been as well done by equally well-horsed mounted infantry. Can" them cavalry if you will, but let them have only a rifle, and let them be trained to fight on foot. The superior mobility of the Boers was due to the fact that the Boer rider with his whole outfit weighed about 250 pounds, while the British rider weighed 300 pounds. Dr. Doyle would have the British regu lar army consist of 100,000 men, of which 40,000 should be mounted infan try, every man a picked shot and rider. Twenty thousand men should be de voted to forming a powerful corps of artillery; while 10,000 would Xufnlsh the engineers. There should be 100 infan try regiments with a skeleton of 30D men each, to be increased to 1000 by drafts from the volunteers and militia reserves. This army of picked and tiained soldiers would be ample for the prospective warlike emergencies of Great Britain, in conjunction with her Indian Army, and her colonial re sources; for with the Swiss system of conscription adopted in the United Kingdom, 3,000,000 or 4,000,000 citizen soldiers could be quickly placed in the field. BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. In 1887 there was a serious Insurrec tion in French Canada, which was crushed with merciless military -rigor by the British troops under Sir John Colborne, a veteran soldier who had borne a distinguished part at Water loo. At St. Eustace and at other points the Canadian rebels had suffered seri ous losses in killed and wounded, and some twenty of the captured leaders were executed at Montreal. In 1838 Lord Durham was sent over to Canada by Dord Melbourne's Ministry to ex amine the political situation and reT port to the home government Lord Durham recommended a proclamation of amnesty for past offenses, and the grant of greatly Increased home rule to Canada. Lord Durham's measures were ultimately adopted, and from that day French Canada has been absolutely loyal to the crown. The Liberal leaders in the British Parliament. Uce John Morley, Sir wm lam Harcourt and James Bryce, will doubtless urge the government' t6 treat the Boer Republics, now reduced to colonies, with as much generosity as was shown to Canada in 1838, and in vest the Transvaal and the Orange River colonies with the same control of their local affairs -as Is- possessed by the Canadians. But it is altogether un likely that the home government will grant home rule to these hewly con quered territories, except on the recom mendation of Lord Roberts, and it is doubtful whether the military situation would justify it for some time to come. The Boer population is small. It is likely to be considerably diminished by voluntary exile during the next year, and with the disappearance of the Boers as a political and military power there would be no risk in the grant of home rule, for with the fran chise granted to the Uitlanders, the po litical supremacy would .be in British hands as well as the military control. There are plenty of Boer sympathiz ers in the Parliament of Cape Colony, but their sympathy will' not help the Boers to better terms. The probability is that as a political and military force the Boers are extinct.- Few of them represented in the Boer Army of 30,000 men who are able to emigrate will re fuse to do so, and the remnant will soon be absorbed by the present and prospective Uitlanders. ' THE HABIT OF FEELING POOR. One of the most pernicious environ ments of "hard times" and one that it takes the longest to overcome is the habit of feeling poor hopelessjy and pitifully poor, and therefore unable to meet the commonest financial obliga tion without a strain. So Infectious is this .habit that it extended a few years ago to people whose income was not in the least diminished by the indus trial depression then prevailing, and the purchasing power of whose money was doubled in many lines by the low" cost of living. Army people In many instances caught the infection, together with Federal office-holders- and the em ployes of the "fe"w business concerns that kept their heads above water without cutting. wages. The wives and daughters of some of these became the most inveterate of bargain-hunters and carried the hard-times air and plaint into the most trivial shopping transac tions. To suggest to such people the fact that they were really better off than before was to bring upon yourself reproachful looks and a detail of fam ily expenses delivered In the most de spondent tones. The "poor" habit was reflected in an unnecessary degree upon official' prop erty valuations, the result here being simply to increase Ihe tax levy, since, however loud the plaint of hard tlmeff among office-holders, 'the salaries were never reduced. Poverty became Infec tious by word of mouth, and' the "poor" habit became fixed, though property holdings were neither diminished in volume nor in real value. And though we have had three years of generous abundance, and prosperity waits upon endeavor In all lines, the doleful habit of feeling poof has not been entirely broken. c This feeling Is quite distinct from the candid estimate of one's -financial status, and a proper regulation of the outgo to the income with an eye to prudent accumulation. The lUfference Is as wide as that between parsimony and economy. An indication that this .habit Is succumbing in a certain degree to prosperity .is found in the .summary of the assessment rolls of various coun ties as filed with the Secretary, of State, in which substantial increase in valua tions is noted. Malheur County, for ex ample, shows a net increase in property valuation of nearly $400,000 over the re turns of last year figures that tell a story, not more of actual growth than of restored confidence in the finan cial policy of the Nation. They tell and in duplicate will tell In other sec tions of the state that the habit of feeling poor engendered by hard times, extending beyond legitimate bpunds and becoming fixed upon a multitude of people needlessij', is being slowly overcome; that people generally are not only recovering from the nightmare of financial and industrial depression, but that they are willing to admit that once more they are fairly 'well-to-do, and, indeed, that they have a proper pride in the fact. JOHNSTOWN AND GALVESTON. In May, 1889, Johnstown, Pennsyl vania, was visited by a flood the re sults of which, in loss'of life and prop erty, appalled the Nation and kept the .almoners of sympathy busy for months in distributing Its full-handed bounty. In September, 1900, the City of Galves ton was swept by flood and hurricane, and today the disbursing agents of public sympathy are busy with relief devices for the homeless and stricken thousands of that disaster. , The two events have been spoken of as similar In the extent of loss and suffering in duced by a mighty rush of waters. Comparison between the two is scarcely yet possible, since even now, nearly six weeks after the -Galveston disaster, it is not possible to confine to detail the extent of the calamity suffered by the people of that city. To this extent, however, comparison Is possible: In the Johnstown flood 212 lives' were lost, and all the victims were accounted for; the loss of life in Galveston is reck oned at not less than 8000. A death roll Of about 6000 names has been printed, while the fate of hundreds of well-known citizens of the city Is still unknown. The loss of property at Johnstown aggregated a value, care fully computed, of $9,700,000; that o'f Galveston is reckoned at' not less than $30,000,000, the estimate being a con servative one. In both cases the stricken people have been met by a world-wide sympathy and cheered by a benevo lence that finds expression in material relief. The fund raised for the Johns town sufferers aggregated $2,912,346. Up to the first of the present month the Galveston relief fund had not reached this total, but it is probable that it will in the end amount to as much or' more. It is stated upon com petent authority that all this and more will be necessary to meet the necessi ties of the unhoused, destitute multi tude called so suddenly to face the Winter without homes or supplies. The calamities that overtook the two cities one in a mountainous district far Inland, the other upon an exposed coast line are comparable only In that water, "unloosed in Its angry might," was a chief factor in their distress and wreck. The magnitude of the disaster which befell Galveston, whether viewed from the standpoint of the' horrors of the long-drawn hours: of its continur ance or of the loss" df life and-propertyH that resulted, places the vjohnstown- horror," before the details of fVhich peo ple have shuddered for more than a decade, in heavy eclipse. A gratifying feature of both was In kthe quick re sponse of pity in the form of a relief .fund for .the unfortunate, which before the disaster was twentyjfour hours old began to pour Into each stricken city. In other respects, however, to speak of the two In & co-relative sense Is "to compare great things with small." It Is erroneously stated, In connec tion with the Indictment of Mrs. Davv Crockett of Milton, for the murder of her husband; that "this Is the first Instance In which a woman has been charged with murder in Eastern Ore gon." Many years ago a man named Leonard, who kept a tollbrldge on John Day River, in Wasco County, and was a weji-knotvn character In early days was killed in the night time In his bed by a pistol shot, the circumstances being" very similar to those of the Crockett murder. His wife was Indict ed for the murder. She was arraigned and tried, after an impnsonment of many months, in The Dalles, and ac quitted. The history of the case was a sensational one, and was remarkable In that the usual element of jealousy was absent, there being no other man or woman In the case. The vindication of the, accused was complete In law, If not In community sentiment, and to this day the "Leonard murder" is one of the unsolved mysteries, iti which the criminal annals of the state, abound. Money from all parts ot the world Is deposited in England by reason of the invariableness of her standard of value. Depositors know1 when they draw for their money, that they will be sure to receive It in gold of a certain stand ard. 'In Germany and France the banks have the right to pay in silver, and sometimes they exercise this right, consequently If a foreign depositor has Idle funds, he. chooses London rather than Paris or Berlin as a place of de posit. The chance of being required to accept silver In Paris or Berlin Is slight, and the premium on gold in such a case is slight, but the depositor knows that In case of a war between those countries the gold premium might rise1 disastrously. Therefore, England has an advantage by reason' of the f.xed ness of her standard. Her bankers get the handling of the world's exchanges, and secure the commissions. Bryan's speeches are a continuous at tack on property and business. Every considerable property, e,very large bus i ncss establishment, is, in his view, "a trust," to be denounced as an oppres sor of the people. Whether a large es tablishment be , conducted by a single owner, by a partnership or by the stockholders of a corporation, It is all one to him. Bryan's appeal Is against property and business. Evidently he thinks the shiftless and thriftless, the envious and "ornery" individual the most numerous part of the voting citi zenship of the, country. But what if this course should arouse against him every man who has even a small propr erty, or an ambition or expectation of getting any? We think Bryan is losing ground dally through his base appeal. There. Is nothing desirable In stagna tion of industry, paralysis of business and general poverty. Actually the 7 Jones committee has quit claiming OregOn for" 'Bryan, but it sill claims Washington, which Is quite ,as absurd as It would be to claim Ore gon; while California Is set down as a ''doubtful" state. What is it that so obscures the Democratic mind? Our Pacific Coast states are' 'for expansion and trade for gold standard and prosperity. There is no more possibil ity of Bryan's getting an electoral vote in these Pacific states than there is of McKInley's . getting one in the states 'of the "solid"' Southern group. Oregon will vote for McKinley by 12, 000, Washington by 8000 to 10,000, Cali fornia by 15,000 to 20,000. The people of these states have no use for Bryanlsm. Mr. Bryan is, a nominal lawyer, who 'recently said at Omaha: 'If a Beimbllcan says that the Filipinos be 'lonir to us, ask him how we cot them; de mand of him an. abstract of title to the Fil ipinos, and he cannpt oven, show a quitclaim deed from anybody -who ever had any author ity to gie It. Ex-United States Senator Edmuntis, who is a lawyer of National reputation for learning and acumen, says: The Philippine Islands belong to thra United" States by all rules of International law; they are ours; we bought them and paid for them, 'and the Inhabitants of those islands are citi zens or subjects pf the United States Just as surely as you and I are. Poverty Is a condition that most per sons would be glad to avoid or escape, but it is not to be accomplished by electing cheap politicians to office, who try, as their own lingo runs, to set "the poor," the producing classes," against "the rich." Our Pacific states do not, propose to throw away the Philippine Islands and the opportunity they have through pos session of the islands to hold a footing for trade In the Orient. The policy of cowardice and scuttle, advocated by our Little Americans, is 'not proving so popular as its authors imagined it. M'KINLEY IS CONFIDENT. Expects Republican Snceesx if Party Continues Active Effort. Special to Chjcaso Times-Herald, ' Washington, Oct. 9. President McKIn ley returns to Washington full of confi dence in the success of the Republican (ticket four weeks from today. He had reports from all of the so-called doubtftil states, and ho has no doubt of the result. All he asks is that Republicans every where continue to work as they are now working,- and that there be no cessation of activity till the ballots are all In ind counted. , The President, as, everyone knows, j p, most excellent judge of public opinion. His acuteness in this direction has Ions been admitted to be as nearly Infallible as human judgment can be. He cannot eas ily be misled, either by the bluster of his'oppononts or the overconfidence of his friends. The advices which the President bus re ceived Indicate that the Republican lcc toral tickets will be successful In evory northern state east of the Missouri rtvfr, in all the Pacific coast states, in the bor der states of Delaware, Maryland West Virginia and 'perhaps "Kentucky, in .sufh Western states as Kansas, North 'nd South Dakota and Wyoming, wiTh ven chances for Nebraska, Colorado, ldano, Montana", Utah and Nevada. At the Cabinet meeting today th( re was An informal discussion of the political situation. All the members present were 'delighted at the serene confidence shown by the President, whose information and judgment they know to be of the best. I President 'McKinley is fully content to devotVaU his- time to the public business, leaving Mr. Bryan monopoly of speseh- making. He is satisfied-that theDpmo cratic candidate Js hurting 'his own cause in almost every speech he makes. Waitet Wellman. ' a GRBA GERMAN PAPER Bolts Bryan and Warns All Voters Afimlnnt Him. ' .New York. Sept. 7. The New Xork Staats Zeitung this morning prints an ed itorial repudiating Bryan and declaring for the re-election of President McKinley. The paper is one of the most Influential in the country among German-Americans, and until today It supported Bryan In the present campaign. The Staats Zei tung declares Mr. Bryan a man lacking the stability of character necessary iff one who might be called to fill the Presidency, ara it says his election would brlnr about distrust and bad business condi tions. It says: The campaign has entered upon Its last month, and the situation has become tolera bly clear. It docs not appear likely that events will occur which can materially change the present aspect. The Democrats have not succeeded In the attempt undertaken by their convention to make Imperialism the para mount Issue and to place the silver question in the rear. Their own candidate has frustrated all ef forts In this direction by hM letter of ac ceptance, in which he took a decided stand for free Bilver coinage ahd by asserting In numerous spoeches that he and his party had not changed their attitude toward the finan cial question slnco 1890. This means that William J. Bryan Is still resolved to use his whole power to destroy the gold standard and to bring about the freo and unlimited coinage ot sliver. We consider a Republican victory less dan gerous for the welfare of the Nation than the election of William J. Bryan. It would have "been possible to 'overlook many of the weak nesses of the Democratic candidate if he had stood firmly upon the ground he took in his speech of acccptanco in Indianapolis. But after toe has shown. In, his formal letter of acdeptance and In numerous speeches deliv ered since then, that he has not learned, can not and will not learn, anything In regard to the financial question, that his ignoranco and lack-, of perception in this direction are incurable he must be considered the greater Immediate danger. His election would undoubtedly produce a widespread disturbance of present econom ic conditions from which hardly anybody would escape and which would subject a large part of the American people to severe BUfTerlng. "BRYANISM" BEATS BRYAN. Tlie Candidate Broken Down by Hit 'Own Canvass, ' Philadelphia Press. Mr. Wllianv Jennings B.ryan finds his canvass sinking under the weight of "Bryanlsm." He is beaten riot on any one' issue, of by any one count in the in dictment, but by the whole case against him, by the general proof which the en tire canvass has brought, that his elec tion would be a National calamity. This grows on the country. Each week sees the convictldh deepen. One voter de cides on one itwue and one on another, but all decide against Mr. Bryan on "Bryanlsm." He had his early hopes, that free silver would hold 1,000,000 Popu list votes in the West, "anti-imperialism" detach enough Republican votes in the East to decide a doubtful state or two, "trusts" offset prosperity and good wages, with labor and the solid South to do the rest. It was an Ingenious plan of campaign. It began early. Democratic votes were gained by Mr. Bryan for the ratification of the Spanish treaty to keep that Issue alive for use in the current campaign, free silver was forced to the front at Kansas' City and "trusts" reserved for the close of the campaign. But It has all failed. The scheme has broken down under thp long, steady discussion of a Presidential campaign. 'fBryanism"i has been too much for Mr. Bryan's hest-lald plan. The emptiness of the candidate himself, the men he has about him. Tillman, Atgeld and the rest, the attack on the Supreme Court and the Federal judiciary, the conspiracy against the suffrage rights of citizens at the South, the assault on the flag In the Philippines, the proposal to Issue green backs In place of banknotes, and, last and worst of all, free silver, dishonor and economic collapse 'these all united, not one but all, make up "Bryanlsm," and this has beaten Mr. Bryan and the Demo cratic party. What Bryan Could Do. New York Sun. About the roughest answer to renegade sound money men's assertion that tie Senate is sufficiently safe from being Bryanized for them to go off for a 1 tfle spree In anti-imperialism, is in an article published In the Review of Reviews bv the Hon. Prank S. Monnett, the m st furious anti-trustlte of Ohio. Mr. Mon, nett, who writes as a supporter of Bryan, says: m Mr. Bryan could asElst In electing or defeat ing any United States Senator he chose at least, vlowed in the Hsht of precedent. He could even change the partisan or factional majority of the United States Senate. Space forbids to more than hint at the power Mr. Bryan could havo in moulding the sentiment of the upper and lower house In the four years of his term. President Cleveland converted a free silver Senate to a gold standard Senate by the power of his office; yet Cleveland failed and Bryan succeeded In dictating a platform to, the National Convention of his party. Tlie Time for CUarityi There are very few men who can truthfully say what the late Thomas G. Shearmn said in his will. Mr.- Sheir man was a wealthy citizen of Brooklyn whose liberality had been proved in many ways. One clause in his will read thus: Having expended upon charitable purposes an amount far exceeding the vaiu-i of all property which I have left and all which I have sscnt upon mine own nomehold, J make no bequests to public charities. One who does go out of tho earthly existence with such a record can feel sure that his money has gone where he wished it to go; so much cannot be sa'd of one who makes his gifts to charity only after his death. Scbnra's Temperament. Providence Journal. Many- who regret to see that Hon. Carl Schurz has become merely a snarling fault-finder have attempted to analyze Mr. Schurz's pessimistic temperament and explain his inconsistency. But that has all been done long ago and well done, too. It was -trenchantly done, fcr In stance, In 1S62 by Abraham Lincoln, when 'Mr. Schurz was blaming him for the fail ure of the North in the Civil "War. A Miffhty Man. Washington Sar. You want to brace up, Mandy, when you see mo comln' round; I'm a person of Importance. It has suddenly been found That tho question of this Government, an whether It shall last, Must finally be answered by the way my vote is cast. The orators havo said it; they have said It loud an' Ions; They said It so emphatic that, of course, they can't be wrong. So act respectful, Mandy not famijlar-llke an' free, Tho country Is In peril, an' all depends on me, I am the solid citizen the man who tills the soil. The waters have grown troubled an' they're hollerln for oil. So, Mandy, don't jou bother me with talk about the chores. An' start me out off-hand a-doln' errands out o' doors. An' when I'm meditatln', don't you give my mind a, shock By rattlln' pans or kettles or a-windln' of the clock. , My livin' here should make you Jes as proud as. you kin be. , Tho country is Jn P,erJlf an' It all depends WW. " . . IJIPERJAUSM ltf LAP0TA. Tho Democratic presumption Is that If the. Filipinos were left to themselves they would devefop a nationality. It implies that our withdrawal would set at work cohesive forces which would draw the isl ands together Into a single scheme of government. Anils may not b conscious that this Is the significance of their prop osition, but It thev are not. It Is because they do not know the meaning of their argument. If the Filipinos have not the political aptitude to unite in a comprehensive gov ernmental organization they' cannot ac complish the dream of their boon enthus iasts, the antls. It is not necessary here to repeat that for political evolution of a nation geo gtaphlcal identity of its parts is as neces sary as ethnical. It Is not necessary to re peat the fact that ethnical homogeneity does not exist among the Filipinos. Nor is it necessary to repeat, what was long since trite, that the Philippines are not a geographical unity, but a group of segre gated islands, unadapted to production of a national instinct and organization. Each tribe has a national Impulse, but that impulse Is confined to Its Individual petty Island. The isolated condition of the several Islands has created many tri bal difrerent'ations and the same in fluence still works in making coalescence of the distinctions impossible. All evi dence Is conclusive to the investigator that national political development will not begin if the Filipinos are left to begin It. They shall have to learn the rudi ments of nationality under the tutelage of some country that Is fit to Inculcate them. . That country must have a wide range of political experience. It must know the Importance of national 'organi zation from cause to effect. That organi zation must have come with it to be con sciously objective instead of unconsciously subjective. The United States has these qualifications for regenerating the Phil ippines. The statement has appeared that there are only two cases In which the United States may properly acquire territory; the one In which the territory is destined for incorporation into states; the other in which "It is intended for coaling stations or defensive purposes. The first has bo?n the rule of expansion of the United Statss hitherto; the latter Is generously granted proper under pressure of recent circum stances. Accordingly, we are Justified in retaining Manila and possibly Guam, but we are not justified in annexing the whole Philippine Archipelago. The second alternative promptly nega tives Itself. If consent of the governed Is a principle or rule of national conduzr, It should be as strenuously applied to iO miles square as to 10C0 miles square. Ac cording to the consent doctrine, no nition has a right against another to any pirt of the other's territory for defensive or domineering purposes. What right, for instance, could England have to occupa tion of New York or Charleston harbor? Would these ports not add mightily to the defenses of the British Empire? If antls are going to argue on this bisls they shall have to drop their cherL.hod "consent." Under the other altenatlve It Is conceivable that a people may reslit annexation even when their territory Is destined for statehood. The consent doc trine goes by the board then certinly. The Indians, the Mexicans and th-1 Con federates were despoiled of concert Moreover, there never has been a com monwealth where people enjoyed full con sent either at the time of admission r afterward. Congress has Imposed condi tions to the creation of every st'ite. Een Cuba, in whose behalf antls do not pleai, does not have consent in the formulation of Its government. Furthermore, no sin gle state, since the downfall of rtate sov ereignty, has governed its own internal .affairs completely. If the people "l acn state had full consent, state sovereignty would yet be an inimated fait. Ti.e present attempt Is merely to show thai "consent" under either of the altern.ithMs proffered Is a canard, and that annexa tion cannot be argued either way en technical grounds, but must be discussed comprehensively. The Filipinos will to governed just as wo of Oregon, without their consent, but they will not be mis governed. And there will be no more tyranny there than here. Antls have quoted from dictionaries ana other authorities a precept of modern po litical science to the effect that sovereign ty resides in the people. The reason thy have invoked this doctrine in the case ot the Philippines Is they are not acquaint with that science. The doctrine is Just as the Democrats have given It, only It does not stop where they leave off. It further declares that popular sovereignty resides only In that people which is fit to exercise sovereignty. It does not predi cate sovereignty an Inalienable right of a people; the right Is inalienable only when it has been acquired, and it is acquired only through political experience, such experience as Is inevitably strenuous and sacrificing. Political science recognizes the condition of subject peoples. It pre tends to be comprehensive of all o'nges of national evolution and to .be veire-1 of the principles of history. It would certainly convict Itself of absurdity if It should declare, as the antls try to make it do, all peoples of equal political ca pacity, and did not estimate truly inevita ble Inequalities engendered by racial dta tlnctions and by environment. Not all races even ethnically homogeneous, which tho Filipinos are not, are gifted ytS po litical genius. Nor are all peoples gifted with a national spirit. The Filipinos have a spirit, but it is not a national spirit. What our soldiers are encountering is a petty, selfish impulse of the Tagala. Not every people Is entitled to inde pendence. It is allied with tho progress of civilization for races not rlpo for na tional Independence to bo attached to those that are. In this way the nactons which havo i high ctgree of political en dowment have rdvancad tho world and will continue to advance it. However, the dominant nation Is morally bound to employ all justice and forbearance possi ble; yet that patience, from the nature of things, has to bo consistent with the guardian nation's own polity. The final test In law and politics cannot be else than its own judgment. Therefore, Its own conception of equity and expediency rules. Anglo-Saxon genius has evolved the highest political development and has es tablished a code of inalienable rights. Its beneficent Influence has Inspired the con struction of all truly national states. The American system of government, as a type of that genius, Is the fittest survivor of Its predecessors, and, therefore, by decree of history, Is Intrusted with tho duty of guiding political progress. It Is a consistently moral policy to substitute civilized organization for barbarism or semi-barbarism. It is. consistently moral to forco that organization upon unwilling barbarians. Barbarlanism has no Inhe rent right to Itself. The purposes of legal and political order are coexistent with those of progress, and the unenlightened people which resists has no inalienable claim to its blindness. America has gone so far as to affirm by Its policy that a people not plastic to conform to the new regime may be expelled or even exter minated from the subject territory. We shall not bo so radical with the Filipinos. But we shall persevere In Inflicting law lima. law to a and order and In lifting the Filipinos higher political status. NOTE AND COMttBKjT. a Today's- Weather Like yesterday's; ia hope. No one can accuse Teddy of not haying nervet now that ha has been throng Kentucky. When election Is over, the campaign poets can go back to their forges and anvils again. The labor problem Is a good deal more difficult of solution to the hobo tham. to the laboring man. The allied expedition has started -for Pao Ting Fu in two columns. If It 13 successful It will return In a full page. Adlai E. Stevenson and James Hamil ton Lewis have been campaigning to gether. McKinley certainly is playlng'irv big luck this year. Tho size of Croker's election bets In dicates that he Is sure of keeping his; grip on New Tork City, whatever thei state may do to Bryan. Several carloads of fossils have beem taken to Pittsburg, probably with a. view to carrying that city 'for antl lmperlallsm. It looks now as If the coal strike and Kentucky Justice were going to knock off and give the football field a chanco at the casualty columns in the news. papers. The English public has -not lost Its ap preciation for Mr. Dooloy. and tho new volume of his sayings- la to be published ini London simultaneously with its appear ance in this country. Artemus Ward and Mark Twain are the only other American humorists who have equal popularity-la England. Slnco 1859 Kaiser Wllhelm has made moe than TOO speeches, which have beem printed In the Relchsanzeiger. He speaks, at the rate of from 275 to 300 syllables a. minute a mode of reckoning adopted by Germans for the reason that the possible length of German words stands In the way ot their being used as a standard. The statistics were furnished by Herr Eduard Engel. the official stenographer of the Reichstag, one of whose duties It Is to take dovn the words that drop from the Kaiser's lips. A tramp cat. which likes to ride on the trucks beneath a parlor car. and which has covered in that way more than a. thousand miles In the last four days, says a Parkereburg, W Va., dispatch,. Is being petted by local railroad men., with a view to Inducing It to give un its tours. Within the past .four days it has traveled on the trucks from Cin cinnati to Pittsburg and rotum on the Ohio Valley express, and has rome as far as Parkersburg on Its second trip. It is believed to be the same cat which recently journeyed In a similar way through Pennsylvania. Another communication has been re ceived from Mr. S. W. Barbee. wherelm the circumstances connected with the re turn of his manuscript are discussed at length: but. The Oregonian regrets to observe, the writer omits to throw any light on the perplexing mystery as to his Identity and his exact place of resi dence. The communication does not merit the Issue, and It is a waste of space to print it. It is perhaps fair to state that the author intimates that The Oregonian'a defense Is not acceptable, because In his: opfnion. It does not tell the truth. So he continues to Insist that the manu script be returned to him. This Tho Oregonian again assures him Is quite im possible, even assuming that it were will ing to provide the necessary stamp, which, it is not. Finally, The Oregonian thinks It pertinent to call Its dissatisfied corres pondent's attention to the standing an nouncement at head of Its editorial col umns thit "It cannot undertake to re turn any manuscripts sent to it without solicitation. No stamps should be en closed for this purpose." Nevertheless, The Oregonian doe3 return such manu scripts. m PLEASANTRIES OF PARAGRAPHERS BessieHarry tells me all he know. Flo. Indeed! Isn't the silence dreadfully oppres sive? Glasgow Evening Times. Edition de Sucre "What a beautiful vol ume of Emeron"s Essay you have, Misa Madge." "Yes. isn't It lovely? It's a candy box." Ind!anapoll3 Jou-nsl, Dumlelgh Hector Is trying to be funny about my poem because I rhymed "stono" and "one." There Li Eomethtmr In poetry be sides rhyme, you know. Synnex Generally,, yes; but not in yours. Dumlelgh. Boston Transcript. Her Anxiety. Daughter Oh. mamma. I de wish I were- pretty! Mother You needn't, dear; sensible men think very little about beauty. Daughter But It Isn't sensible men I'm thinking about, mamma; It's Charlie. Brooklyn Life. Mrs. Newlywed (to coolc. whom' she ha Just engaged at registry office) You see. my husband Is so very particular about his food. Cook fBympathetically) Thcr' nil allko. mem. My old man was just the same. I never cooked nothlnk to please Mm in my llfo.- Tit-Bits. Good Reasons. "Why are you o fond at Shakespeare?" asked the acquaintance. "Be cause," answered Mr. Storrolngton Barnes,, "he Is the great, tho peerless poet, the man who spoke allko to peasant and philosopher and moved the world to higher emotions. Besides, you don't have to nay Shakespear any roaltles for the U3e of his plays." Washington Star. Fearing the Worst. Sammy (who Is never allowed to stay out of school) Howdle Murl but didn't come to school all day. Mamma Why not? Sammy 'Cause his mother died. When you die may I stay home all day? Mamma Yes. darling; you may stay out a whole week Sammy (suspiciously) Oh. I know; you mean to die in vacation. Harlem Life. My Mind to Me a KinRtlom I SIR EDWARD DYER. My mlnu to mo a kingdom Is, Such perfect Joy therein I find. What excels all other bliss That God or Nature hath assigned; Though much I want that most must haf Yet still my mind forbids to erave. No princely port, nor wealthy storo. Nor force to win a victory; No wily wit to salvo a, sore. No shape to win a loving eyat To nor ot those I yield as thrall For why, my mind despise them all. I see that plenty surfeits oft, And hasty climbers soonest fall; I see that such as are aloft, Mishap dost threaten most of all; These get with ton and keep with feasi Such cares my mind can never bear- I press to bear no haughty sway; I wish no more than my suffice; I do no more than well I may. Look what I want my mind snppllesj Lo. thus I triumph llko a king. My mind's content with anything. I laugh not at another's loss, Nor grudge not at another's gain; No worldly waves my mind can tosat I brook that 13 another's bane; I fear no fee, nor fawn on friend: I loath not life, nor dread mine end. My wealth Is health and perfect ease, And conscience clear my chief defense! I never seek by bribes t please, ' Nor by desert to give offense; , Thus do I live, thus will I die; Would' all do so as well as I! A