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THE. MOENING- .pBEGOMAN ffiEPTSESDAlE , OCTOBEB 10, 1900.,
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POUTUSD, WEDKESDAT, OCT. lO
"PHOPERTT.ATCD PdLITICAIi RIGHTS.
Plutocracy, In a country committed
"to equal and universal suffrage, is a
word of Imaginary terrors. It may ap
ply properly la a country where equal
and universal suffrage is denied, "but
there can he no plutocracy in a coun
try Tvhere equal and universal suffrage
prevails, and -where, indeed, as in our
country, It is the very basis of political
taction.
"We have men like Sir.. C. E. S. Wood
who fear that our country is galloping
into a plutocracy. They do not suffi
ciently consider the composition, of the
.forces "which constitute the actual
working system of the state. Property
and wealth In the larger masses really
liave little influence in our politics.
Poor men Trill always be numerous.
Rich men will always be few. Equal
and universal suffrage puts the same
power in the hand of the poor man
that the rich man possesses. Is it said
that the latter Is able by the influence
of his wealth to control the vote, of the
former? Not so. The power does not
exist The employe is protected by se
cret ballot; his employer knows not
how he votes, and any attempt by the
employer to put pressure on the em
ploye for control of his political action
could only result in making it more
certain that the latter would -vote
against the desire of the former. For
human nature, when it has any possi
ble chance of asserting Independence,
will never bear coercion. No wise em
ployer, whatever his wealth, attempts
It; and the. working people of the coun
try, time and again, have shown their
independence -of their employers, as
they did notably in 1892, when the great
body of employers of the country be
lieved the general interests would be
best subserved by re-election of Presi
dent Harrison; yet the wage-people de
feated him.
There are industrial discontents.
They exist, have always existed, inde
pendent of the form of government.
It was long thought by many that po
litical equality would secure industrial
quality, but even the most enthusiastic
"have jjow practically abandoned that
idea, either science nor experience
sanctions the doctrine of the equality of
man; y"et this unscientific and a priori
idea must be unhesitatingly accepted
as oner of the paramount forces in
American democracy not realizable,
indeed, as a principle or a fact, but
effective'as an element In the evolution
of our Avil institutions. At present,
with us" the tendency Is to make the
government the public business of the
6tate an industrial, as long.ago it was
made a political, partnership. Democ
xacy is "now construed towards com
"znunispS, towards a labor copartnership.
The polijtical copartnership, on the basis
of equality, has failed to make each
cltlzen Tlch, and those who have not
liches sispect those who have them to
be robbers, and look upon, the state as
the chief robber 0f all. The privileges
of democracy breed, discontent, and
whatever the form or the idea of the
state, man cannot get rid of himself.
Sis philosophy, his vagaries, his -stomach,
are always with him; democracy
is not .an. Insurance against the conse
quences of being born into the world.
But its tendencies are unquestionably
as we have described them. This is no
statement in hostility to these tenden
cies, but an Inquiry after a truth.
"When we view the case thus, what dan
ger can we see of the rule of wealth,
or plutocracy? To us It seems imagint
ary. The conditions in our country aie
not as" conditions have been in other
countries In past times, when the
masses had no political power. Here,
through the greatest of all instruments
of power, the free ballot, the masses
possess far the larger share of It vir
tually all. The suffrage of the country
has unlimited power orer its property,
can take it all, through- taxation. The
people want "free" things, of which we
have many in Portland already, and
more are wanted; and we get them
through taxation of those who have
property in sight. As a consequence,
the condition of property .is low.
Through equal and universal suffrage
men of no property and little property
govern. The outlook at this moment Is,'
in our judgment, far worse for prop
erty than for popular rights. "Plu
tocracy,"" in a country like ours, is an
impossibility. The word Is a bugbear.
In times past. In states where the peo
ple had no suffrage, It was a legitimate
word. But with us it Is a .word of
demagogical invention, or importation.
"We think we are not required to ask
3r. "Wood's pardon here, since it was
neither invented nor imported by him.
But why take so gloomy a view of
the future of the people? Man, as man,
is superior to wealth, always was,; but
now, through the power of the masses
over government, he has In his hands
the means of complete domination over
wealth, and taxpayers know how he
uses it. The main trouble Is that the
rulers of the country, under this sys
tem, are the cunning and unscrupulous
politicians, who lead the masses, ex
ploit the suffrage, squeeze the taxpayer
and enrich themselves while pretending
that wealth has too' much influence,
property too much power, in the gov
ernment. Legitimate property,' honest
business, are gTound heavily under this
system, and men Who can, try to escape
it by putting values Into invisible or
intangible things; but visible property,
as lands, buildings, merchandise, suf
fers ferrlbly. "We dbn't know that it
can be helped, for perhaps this plunder
of property and business is necessary
to maintenance of the rights of the peo
ple; but a little attention to the facts
will show that property and business
can ha-e no dangerous Bower over gov
ernment, under equal and universal
suffrage. Nor are great fortunes more
exempt than small ones, except as they
may find means of hiding away
through investment, In distant parts of
the world. If property 4s fit ,to be an
object of solicitude, there is reason to
take a more gloomy view of the future
of property than of political rights, for
the many, who have little property or
none, have full political rights, which
give them entire power over all the
property of the country. We are not
prepared, therefore, to share the
gloomy view of those who alarm them
selves with the fear that this country
will be. subjected to the government of
an aristocracy of wealth. The question
is whether the whole country Is to fall
under the control of such oligarchies a3
rule New Tork, Philadelphia and Chi
cago; and every mar; knows wna-t the
source of the power of those oligarchies
Is. It is plunder of the unfortunate
owner of property, through equal and
universal suffrage. We have had gome
little taste of It here In Portland-
enough, by the way, to account for the
apparently irrecoverable depression of
property values.
1000 IS NOT 1S0S.
It is true that labor was prosperous
in 1892, yet voted a reversal of our Na
tional policy. The fact is cited as de
structive of the hypothesis that pros
perity will incline the laboring men
to vote for McKinley in 1900. The cases
are not parallel, and for two reasons.
Labor's rock of offense in 1892 was
Whitelaw Reid. His paper, the New
Tork Tribune, was notorious for con
tinued warfare with the Typographical
Union. The Republicans were warned
In advance that his nomination would
Incur the enmity of labor organizations,
and the sequel proved ls justification.
Labor leaders denounced the ticket and
came out for Cleveland.- Other things
entered into the result, but It will
hardly be denied that If the labor vote
antagonized by Mr. Held had voted
for Mr. Harrison, he might have car
ried New Tork, Illinois and Indiana
and have been elected.
Labor was regardless of consequences,
in 1892 to an extent that cannot prevail
In 1900. For many years there had been
no great commercial or industrial dis
tress, notwithstanding changes of Ad
ministration, and the natural feeling
was that it would make no difference
who was elected. Things have been
different the past two Administrations.
Memories of 1S93-6 are still vivid. They
will exert an influence. The burnt
child dreads the Are.
It must not be forgotten, moreover,
that In this election, as In that of 1696,
the issues involve a very real and vital
bearing upon our industrial welfare.
We shall not quarrel with the man who
thinks the tariff aspect of Cleveland's
election caused the panic of 1893, though
it did notl There are numbers who
think so, and they will act accordingly.
But this time there is no doubt about
It. Whether prosperity was at stake
In the election of 1892 or not, there Is
no doubt that it is at stake In 1900. We
give labor credit for ability to under
stand this, as it understood it in 1896.
STRIKES HEUE AND ABROAD.
The present coal strike in Pennsyl
vania has thus far been remarkably
free from scenes of violence. There is
in this country a total lack of such ex
cuse for violence as has been present In
the great coal strikes of France, whose
horrors have been so powerfully de
picted by Zola. The French coalminer
is paid starvation wages. Toung girls
barely past puberty and women work
underground naked to the waist, load
ing and pushing the coal cars to and
fro in a hot, stifling atmosphere, water
dripping everywhere upon them; but
neither in the United States nor 'in
England, since 1840, is female labor per
mitted in the mines. The French coal-
miners of both sexes are practically
starved wolves, and when they strike
and riot It is but the desperation of
creatures maddened by oppression and
morbidlzed by miserable diet, pestilen
tial air and degrading sexual relations.
Out of this French coal pit of filth,
want, wretchedness and licentiousness
no wonder crime comes forth periodi
cally and runs amuck like ' a gaunt,
starved lunatic through the land. A
French coal mining "strike is the wild
cry of the "lost children" out of a hell
of inhuman, cruel and hopeless, condi
tions to which the greed of capital has
consigned them. The riot and savagery
of striking labor in France is the irrup
tion of wild dogs chained and starved
Into ferocity In their kennels. Breaking
their chains, this howling pack bursts
forth, barking dismally for bread and
snapplrtg right and left at 'those who
have starved them, to enjoy a holiday
of luxurious existence.
A French coal mine strike and riot is
an awful rebuke to organized greed
and stony-hearted capital, for the
French miners have been robbed of the
rights of human nature. -No wondor
Zola saw the specter of another French.
"red terror" hovering over France,
where labor is degraded into a wild
beast by the greed and Inhumanity of
capital and the indifference of the law
making power, but out of our labor sit
uation no "red terror" of anarchy need
be apprehended, so long as patriotic
men of courage, justice, peace and good
will immensely outnumber the anarch
ists and demagogues of the land. When
the quarrel of rioting labor is not just,
it will not win in this land; It cannot
win until the American flag ceases to
stand for liberty throughout the .land;
Individual liberty to have, hold and oc
cupy your own property; individual
liberty to sell your labor to whom you
please, so long as the terms satisfy
you. A nation that Invites anarchy by
the legal oppression of labor has gopd
reason to fear the specter, of the "'red
terror" that Zola sees hovering like a
tgreat unsightly bat with, outstretched
wings over France, but a nation that
has always lifted, fre? Ifthor up since
r
We cast the rattlesnake skin of slavery
Is not ready to be turned over -to social
disorder and political revolution, be
cause labor anarchists sometimes at
tempt to deny that the Tight to work
is as sacred as the right to strike.
The conservative labor -of America
will -never let labor anarchists, like
those of Coeur d'Alene, cut the throat
of liberty under law.. Labor lashed by
starvation and hopeless misery into
riot, rage and prospective terrorism Is
the picture that oppressed and tortured
humanity may present any moment in
France, but in the case ofi the Home
stead riots of 1S96 and the Coeur d'Alene
riots of 1899 the labor that committed
murder and wantonly destroyed prop
erty was well .paid, well fed, well
clothed, four times beyond the best re
munerated Identical labor of the high
est and most humane civilization of
Europe. There are probably 20,000,000
of wageworkers in the" United States.
The ballots of the wageworkers of
America make its laws and unmake
them, and the whole spirit of our laws
is In defense of the rights of the work- j
ingman; not in contempt or -subversion
of those rights. The sympathy of 'the
public is so strong with labor that sel
dom does labor fall to carry ttie public
with its cause If it keeps within the
law. It is only when labor wantonly
destroys property or violently insists
that every wageworker shall, under
pain of death, ask leave of striking la
bor to earn his own bread under con
ditions and limitations fixed by strik
ing labor, that the American public
does not sympathize with American
labor.
A DESERTED CAUSE.
The most recent exploit of the Civil
Service Reform League was the osten
tatious dispatch of circulars to Chair
man Hanna and Chairman Jones de
manding abstinence this year from
calls upon Federal office-holders for
campaign contributions. In due course
of time a promise was obtained and
promulgated from Chairman Jones, un
der the terms of' which he undertook to
forego assessing the Federal office-holders
for funds to assist in Bryan's elec
tion and their own consequent removal
from office a result which the league
mus have regarded as a highly solemn
and impartial achievement. This act,
however, is apparently the only effort
the reformers recognize as Incumbent
upon themselves this campaign. - Yet
there Is another that may without im
propriety be suggested.
Four years ago the league reflected
upon the hostile attitude of the Demo
cratic party toward civil service re
form, and it issued an "address to the
country, setting forth "the attitude of
the parties to the reform, to the- dis
advantage of the Bryanltes.j Today the
same hostile attitude is maintained, but
we hear nothing about' it. The most
direct Bryanite assault u,pon the civil
service is contained In a letter from Mr.
Bryan himself, sent to a clerk in the
railway malL service, at Indianapolis,
and by its recipient given to. the press.
In this letter Mr. Bryan says:
We ar In favor of fixed terms of office In the
civil departments of the Government. We
want It so that when 'a man goes Into office
he m 111 know how long he Is going to stay and
when he is going out. We do not "want to
build up an otflcs-h-oldlns class and fill S bur
offices for life, 'because men, appointed under
those conditions are likely to have no concern
except to draw their salaries. We believe that
a life tenure, which relieves a man from all
further care, Is destructive of the highest form
of citizenship, and ought not to be tolerated
In a country like ours.
The spoils doctrine was never more
clearly stated or positively indorsed.
Mr. Schurz is president of the Civil
Service Reform League. He is work
ing for Bryan, and will doubtless pre
fer to sacrifice the civil service as well'
as the gold standard upon the altar of
Aguinaldism. But that Is no reason
why the league as a, whole. mustK do
likewise. Is Schurz the" whole league,
or Is he running It to suit himself, re
gardless of the consent of ther gov
erned? AMERICAN aiACHINERY ABROAD.
The growth within the past four
years in our shipments of .manufactures
to foreign countries is amazing. This
Is especially true In regard to Ameri
can machinery, the exports of which
in the last year were enormous, and
the demand for which is still rapidly
increasing. This represents more than
a triumph in finance; it is a tribute to
the inventive and mechanical skill of
American workers in .iron and steel
that cannot be questioned. When
skilled English engineers, with a natu
ral preference for their own land and
Its products, and when great inventors
and manufacturers of the Old World,,
come to A'merica to obtain machinery
that cannot be gotten elsewhere, but
one conclusion Is possible. Not only
England, but France, Germany and
Russia, share In the admiration for.
American Ingenuity and skill thus dis
closed, and buy of us as a matter of
highest self-interest .
There is no sentiment in all this. It
Is a plain business proposition. These
foreigners whd' are buying" shiploads
of machinery from us would not come
hither as purchasers if they could do
as well or nearly as well as at home.
The truth is that Americans lead
In all labor-'saving and progres
sive ideas as worked out in ma
chinery, and it is this that enables
them to attract Old World, buyers and
underbid on contracts foreign compet
itors who have the Initial advantage
of low wages. The American manufac
turer pays the highest wages given by
any employer In the world, but hegets
more out of his men because of their
readiness to lay hold on mechanical
means for reducing the cost of produc
tion. These are among the glorious vic
tories of peace victories many of them
made possible, however, by war and
Its ever-present menace. With the
products of our-skill, Industry and en
terprise in demand everywhere, ,added
to the fact that we a're fast becoming
the great creditor Nation of the world,,
surely there is not much to desire in
the way of change in our National pol
icy. ' - ? l
The Greenbackers have the best of
the fiat-money argument when they say
to the free-silver BryanlteS: "If a legal
tender dollar, can be made out of less
than 50 cents' worth of silver, why not
make a more corivenlent dollar out of,
less than a cent's worth of 'paper?"
The advocates of free silver, bimetal
Ism and greenbacks .are all bitten by
the same bee in their bonnet, that all
money is the creation of law; and that
it is law that gives it 'monetary force.
Silverism and greenbacklsm 'are fath
ered by the same fallacy. The silver
craze, born tjut of' "the greenbaok ln-j
flatlon.Jhas loaded .us 'UP with millions
of unavailable assets -Jn shape- of' silver
and axlded hat amount to ourftatlonaJ
obligations. We cannot force silver dol
lars Into circulation; we cannot sell 'our'
silver hoard to any a'&vantage. 'Green
back Inflation, held to be a grave mili
tary necessity during the Clvjl War,
cost us $800,000,000, and the silver craze
has cost us over $600,000,000. The only
difference today between" the "Populist
who is a Greenbacker pure and simple
and a Free-Sllyerlte is the difference
between twp xoads that both lead "to
unlimiteVi flat money, whether silver or
pap'er, the7 -difference" defined by the
man who, when asked which of two
roads to take, replied: "Well, they are
both so bad that If you take either one
you will wish you "had taken the other."
The initiative and Referendum is a
popular- measure of theoretical reform
with political doctrinaires, but the
trouble is that in practice the people
seldom payah.y attention to it. At the
. , , -, ,, " ..-u 1
reuem eiecuon in xviaine, mere wauuu
mitted an .amendment to the constitu
tion establishing the office of State
Auditor. The proposition was defeated;
but it isnpteworthy that little attention
was paid to it by the voters. In Cum
berland County, out of 15,000 men who
voted for Governor, only 3536 had" inter
est enough to mark their ballots either
way. The average voter does not lm
prove the opportunity" of the referen
dum when It comes rarely; the vote on
the woman suffrage and other amend
ments at our June election shows that
the Voter in Oregon is about as indif
ferent lii such" matters as the voter in
Maine. In practice the initiative and
referendum comes .'to naught; some
times, as 'In one of. the Dakotas, the
failure to vote on amendments referred
to "the, people has saddled the state with
unwelcome and most expensive obliga
tions, which have been Incurred
through default of the popular vote.
It may be said of John G. WooHey,
Prohlbltjion candidate for President of
the United States, that a man of more
lofty political ideals never raised or
bore the standard of political con
science into a hopeless fight. It is the
great misfortune ofi Mr. Woolley that
he has . to deal with ready-made men
and not men fashioned to his order.
Speaking of himself, and his associates
In the prohibition idea, he says: "As
to when or how, .or, indeed, whether
we may compass the destruction of the
liquor traffic, we are anxious, but -we
do no't despair; confident, but we do not
prophesy; but meanwhile, we roll in
thq luxury of' self-respect and glorify
God and our country with our bodies
and our spirits, which are theirs." This
is rather more elaborate than the sim
ple, persistent declaration of our prohi
bition friends, with e which, through
repetition hammered on the ear, we
have become familiar in past years,
that they were content to "stand up
and be counted" against the liquor
traffic; but It amounts to the same
thing, ,
The Oregonlan has received from an
anonymous T3an Francisco source print
ed proo? sheets of an elaborate "article
exposing the Inaccuracies, absurdities
and blunders of various school geogra
phies. It happens that these same
text-books were in competition with
Harr Wagner's great wbrk, and the
suspicion Would therefore, seem to be
justified. that the eminent California
scholar had'complled and consigned to
the mails these copious criticisms of
the rival books. The Oregonlan Is will
ing to concede without examination the
demerits and defects of these geogra
phies. They' have nothing or very lit
tle todo w,4th the case How they ex
cuse the superlative stupidity and bab
bling Ignorance so abundantl3r dis
played throughout the Wagner geog
raphy It does not see. '
Politicians tramping over Oregon are
haranguing on the dangers of wealth
and Its designs on the -liberties of the
people; though there Is hardly enough,
wealth 4n Oregon to set a hen withal.
What Oregon wants Is wealth, and
wealth In great masses and combina
tions, for the development of great In
dustries. The state gets ahead but
slowly, because it is so poor. Tet the
Bryan ()doctrine is that wealth Is the
public enemy; and this is the staple of
the Bryan .campaign. One thing It is
doing; it is making capital extremely
wary and cautious, is causing slack
ness., arready in the operations of busi
nesses -shortening orders and contracts
and putting us on the start for another
perlo'd of- ''-hard times," sure to ensue
if Bean's party should be successful.
Bryan makes h's campaign against
"combinations of capital" and "aggre
gations of capital." For the present he
Ignores "16 to l,y and has less and less
to say'abbut "imperialism"." But should
he become President, ig it likely that
means would be found to prevent com
binations t)f capital, -or would the coun
try acquiesce in such endeavor, If
Brvan's""- nartv attempted It? What
'would be' practicable here? Are Indus
trials enterprises to be forbidden be
cause they are orra large scale? It is
as well to have definite Ideas about
these things. ,
The .political oratory of the present
year In the great states Is awfully poor.
Bryan is reported' daily; so Is Roose
velt, and less noted persons are every
where on the stump. East of the Rocky
Mountains no .speech has yet appeared
comparable In 'ability wtth that deliv
ered at Hllfsboro, Or., by Hon. George
H. Williams. Bryan's work this year
strikes every reader as" far below his
'performances four years ago, and
Roosevelt has nownere come up to pub
lic expectation. It Is a dreary lot ot
stuff we get, from the "great orators"
every day.
As Baker .City Ndlspatch to the Spo
kane Spokesman-Review says that the
"enthusiasm of th crowd" that listened
to Anti-Imperialist C. E. S. Wood's re
cent antl-imperlalist oration "was, not
with the speaker. Bets of $100 were
made here" tonight, that McKinley will
jcarrjr Baker County, heretofore a Dem
jOcrat'ip county." For the sake of a
worthy and able Portland citizen who
has gone wrong politically, let us ex
press the hope that Baker County has
'not conceived a sudden affection for
McKinley for the enemies he has mad"e.
Men can't vote for Bryan without
voting for sixteen to one, and for every
thing the -country condemned
four
year$ ago.
. An Independent Estiinate.
The Bosti Herald Is .the great news
paper of New England. Throughout that
.section Its circulation is general, indeed
universal. It is an independent jou nal,
with, leanings towards, the ,Dem6crat-'c
jRarty during many years, till the nomi
nation of Bryan in 1896 compelled It to
support, of McKinley. It has since been
cratlc party; but Is studiously fair and
often sympathetic towards it, in the pre
sentation of news and discussion of opin
ions and events. In Its issue of October ,
4 it has the" following on, the political
outlook. In New England and the country
at large:
The Herald has, perhaps, said enough with,
regard to the polltlcal'lndlcatlons ro. hfc coun
try, but It would not be n. fullr lalthful re
corder of the signs of the times tf It omitted
to note the lncreaslns Indications Cowards the
support of McKinley In the portion of the
country In which It Is published. These are
found -very much In ihe business world here.
They are seen among people who do 3iot fully
sustain, he president's action In administra
tion, and who are less Influenced by the feeling
that tlje .Nation Is fairly" prosperous now than
by the dread, of what such a change aa they
apprehend would be produced by the election
of firyan might bring. This has weight In
many minds, and we thlnH Is aiding, the Repub
licans In this 'region more than campaign
speakfng and casnpalgn canvassing. We writs
of the -situation here. Of what It Is In nther I
quarters, we have varying and conflicting ac
counts. The Republicans are claiming that
they are to carry even Mr. Brian's own state
of Nebraska, and to make heavy Inroads upsn
that1 rock-ribbed Democratic" state, Missouri.
We place no more confidence In them than we
do In the Democratic claim that this party Is
td Succeed In Illinois and Ohio .New York,
where tho same influences operate as are ap
parent in New England, we regard as prac
tically conceded, to the Republicans, while In
diana, lh a Bplrlt of unwonted candor on both
sides, Is admitted to be In doubt as to her -1
electoral vote.
"GOVERtfMEXT BY INJUNCTION."
Events Skow Exactly TVliat Bryan.
ism Means by It.
St. Paul Pioneer Press.
Mr. "Bryan In his letter of acceptance
referred to what ho said was "the grow
ing "practice of calling on the. army to
settle labor troubles," the evident pur
pose of this utterance being to commend
himself to the lawless elements of the"
country as the champion of "Free Riot."
But it was a gross .perversion of the
facts of history. The New York Even
ing Post points out the fact the army
has been used to put down labor disturb-,
ances only twice since the great railway
strikes of nearly a quarter of a century
'ago- The two occasions were thq Debs
riots in Chicago and the Coeur d'Alene
riots In Idaho. In the nrst case Chicago
was terrorized by a lawless mob engaged
in a furious riot of violence and incen
diarism which the city, government did
nothing to restrain. It was then the
duty of Governor Altgeld to call out
the militia, but he practically let the
rioters have their own way. The mob
had stopped the running of all trains, in
cluding those carrying the United States
malls, and on this ground President Cleve
land promptly sent some regular troops
to prevent interference with the mails.
The whole nation, without regard to
party, applauded his action. Mr. Bryan
would not have interfered, and the reign
of free riot? and incendiarism would proo.
ably have continued until Chicago was
in ashes.
In the second case, early In 1S99, ,as a
sequence of the labo'r troubles which
had broken out among the Coeur d'Alene
miners, a body of armed and masked
men seized a Northern Pacific train ana
ran It to Wardner to reinforce the strik
ers., Here a mob of 1000 men put dyna
mite under the mill of two non-union
mines and "utterly destroyed the IJ50.1KK)
structure. The mob terrorized the whole
country. The county authorities would
f do nothing. The Democratic-Populist Gov
ernor, ateunenberg, believed it his duty to
restore order. The Idaho militia being in
the Philippines, he called on President
McKinley for federal troops to suppress
the riots. The President did so, as he was
bound to do, on the request of the Gov
ernor of the state. Bryan would not have
furnished the troops, and the reign of
terror established- by the lawless mob
would probably have continued until
every mining mill In the state had been
destroyed .and whole counties depopu
lated. As the Chicago Tribune says, "tho
odd thing Js that In the first case a
Democratic President acted without the
request of a Democratic Mayor or Gov
ernor, and In the other case a Republi
can President acted on the request of a
Democratic-Populist Governor." In both
cases the law-abiding people of the whole
country approved their action. But free
RItft Is one of the cardinal articles ot
Bryan's .creed; and his protest against the
vise of the troops lh both these cases
shows that, In like crises, he would do
nothing to restrain any outbreak of law
less violence which the local authorities
were -unable to repress, either unon the
call of the Governor of a state, as the J
L.uii5iHuiiun requires, or in any othor
case.
DISAPPEARANCE Otf KASKASKIA.
No VeatfKc Rerunin of the Old Town
1 of Illinois.
Chicago Inter Ocean, October 6.
One hundred years before -Illinois be
came, a territory, and 111 years before it
became a state, there was a town at
Kaskaskla. Fifty years before there' was
a white settlement at St. Louis or any
military post at Pittsburg, arid 96 years
before the foundations were laid for
Fort Dearborn at Chicago, Kaskaskla
was a thriving village.
As early as 1719 there were In the town
three mills for grinding corn. As early
as 1765 the town contained 65 families or
whites. In 1771, five j-ears .before the
Revolutionary War, it contained .0
houses, and had' a population, ot 5C0
whites and 500 negroes. In 1S00 It was
made tho capital of Illinois territory, It
was the capital of tho state from 1813
until 1821, and was the seat of Randolph
County until 1847.
The first brick house built west of
Pittsburg was constructed In Kaskaskla.
For over-half a century Kaskaskla was
the metropolis of the Upper Mississippi
Valley, and was the focus of commerce
In the Northwest Territory.
On Thursday the last vestige of thlH
historic settlement was swept away by
the Mississippi River. The work of d
struction that began with the great flood
of 1844 was completed, and the home of
the early Illinois Governors the first
state capital ceased to exist. Its de
struction wascomplete. Not a stone was
left to mark the place.
Chicago, that was built In a swamp, Is
the" second city In America. New Or
leans, located In what was believed an
unsafe and unhealthy district. Is the
commercial metropolis of the .Southwest.
But Kasjjtaskla, which was set on a spot
chosen from the boundless variety of the
"Virgin West, is merely a memory.
Hill's Worlc at Knnans City.
New York Sun.
That the Hon. David B. Hill played
hanky panky with the. Democratic Income
tax at Kansas City seems to be affirmed
by himself in his speech In Brooklyn on
Monday night: .
It 1b true, -as Is well known, that T Bought to
secure a modification of the proposed platform
In some particular; In which, however, I was
only partially successful.
As Mr. Hill has defended everything In
the platform excepting free silver, which
was reaffirmed against his objections, one
must conclude that his "partial successv
was in preventing a specific reaffirmation
of tho Income tax. It was a glorious vio
" tory.
Demo-Pops Out of Tunc.
Senator Butler attended 'a Populist
meeting near Fayetteville, N. C, a few
days since, at which he made a sceecft
J 4eribunclng the Democrats. The Senator
nad Uttlo to say aoout'ine .rresiaenuat
campaign, but hurled metaphorical bricks
' At the" Democrats for their violence, in the
late state canvass. The1 Populist meetings
nowadays In North Carolina are devoted
to efforts to' get even with their former
allies for their course In state politics.
The breach between the Populists and the
Democrats In that section seems to be ir-
' reparable. Those Populists who really aa
here to Bryanism went (back, to the Dem
ocratic party some time ago.
SENATOR HOAR ON THE ISSUES.
I am asked to state briefly why I think
antMmperlallstfr should vote for. Presi
dent McKinley this 'Fall. There Is, in
y- judgment. Such a .thing as Imperial
ism, and such a thing- as antl-lmperiallsm.
The Imperialist says the Philippine Isl
ands are ours. The anti-Imperialists say
th Philippine Islands belong to the Phil
ippine people. The Imperialist says h&
will establish for them the best govern
ment we Lhlnk they are Rt Tor. The
anti-imperialists say they have a right
to establish for themselves such a govern
ment as they think good and fit for them
selves. A
Ifc Is thoroughly unmanly and un-American
to take to the woods. Either Presi
dent McKinley or Mr. Bryan will be
chosen. Voting for a third party, under
the drcumstances. Is no- better dan not
to Trote at alT. You may as well leave
your vote with the census officer as to
leave it with the election officer, unless
you vote for one or the other of these
two men.
Wow, 'President McKinley made tho
treaty, and Mr. Bryan, when its defeat
was assured, came to Washington and
saved It. These two great political lead
erst, between whom you avfe to take your
choice, are equally responsible for every
thing that has happened so far. When
the treaty became the law of the land, the
public faith was pledged to pay 52O,000,X
for sovereignty over the Philippine Isl
ands, and that Congress, and not the
people, should dispose of them hereafter.
It became the Constitutional duty of the
President, until Congress should act, or
declare otherwise, to reduce them to or
der and submission. The Supreme Court
of the "United States so held long ago.
The only difference up to this point be
tween President,McKtnley and Mr. Bryan
Is that President McKinley believed he
was doing right, belonged to a party
which had always been, as he himself
had been, the champion of political lib
erty. In the past, afkl Is right on all ot
the other Questions that are at stake In
the coming election, and la nt to he trust
ed with all new questions that shall arise.
On the other hand. Mr. Bryan thought
the whole transaction wrong, makes some
thin and frivolous excuses for his con
duct, and the party with whom he acts;
and the man who surround him and will
surround him as his counselors are men
who have been the opponents of right
eousness, equality and civil liberty always
in the past, are wrong on all the other
great cuostlons that are at stake la tht
present election, and are not. In my judg
ment, to be trusted with new questions,
however important or vital,, that are to
come up In the future.
I nay to the lover of liberty, I say
to the nntl-Imperlnllst, I amy to the
man who think the Republican
party has made a great and tfrlevous
iniKtake, yon cannot look for the
co-rection of that mlttrike to a can
didate or to a partj- who, whatever
they may think of the principles
applied to the Philippine Inlands,
means to apply those principles in
their worst form to citizens of the
United States.
In the matter of imperialism there has
been Uttlo practical difference between
President McKinley and Mr. Bryan lp the
past. There will be little practical dif
ference in the future. Mr. Bryan does
not even promise to use his power aa
Executive and Commander-in-Chief In
calling our troops from the Philippines. He
only promises to call Congress together.
He knows very well he cannot command
even the strength of his own party to
undo the mischief which 17 of his own
followers in the Senate, at his own In
stance, wrought when they "ratified the
treaty Messrs. McEnery, Mcljaurln, Mor
gan, Pettus. Sullivan, Allen, Butler, Har
ris, Teller, Kyle and Jones of Nevada
have not changed their minds. Possibly
Mr. Clay, of Georgia, and Mr. Kenney, of
Delaware, among his associates, have
done so. It Is hopeless, even If the Dem
ocrats get a tie, or even a majority In the
Senate, to expect them to accomplish
anything in behalf of the Independence
of the Philippine Islands.
In 1S96 you regarded Mr. Bryan's cam
paign as a "passionate crusade of dis
honor." Tou said Its success would bring
with it not only adversity, but disgrace.
"Would Its success not bring disgrace now?
Mr. Bryan said at Topeka that if he were
elected the free coinage of sliver should
be accomplished before another Presiden
tial election. Secretary G-aare says he can
lawfully accqmpllsh It by Executive
power alone. "Whether Mr. Gage Is right
in his construction of the powers of the
President under existing- law, I will not
undertake to say. But I will undertake
to say that Mr. Bryan will not hesitate
to ueo that power If he has the groat
authority of Mr. Gage .fof Its lawfulness.
I ,do not believe the man who promoted
the ratification of the Spanish treaty
means business In this matter of the
Philippine Islands. But I do believe he
means business in the matter of the free
coinage of silver. In the matter of free
trade, and In his purpose to reconstruct
the Supreme Court. He means bad busi
ness. He means business which will
overthrow prosperity and embarrass man
ufacture: which will reduce wages and
destroy credit; which will debauch the
currency and render the standard of value
uncertain; which will impair the obliga
tion of contracts and the value of sav
ings; which will hurt our credit and break
our faith. AH this you believe, as I do.
You said so in 1S96. You have been con
firmed in your opinion by everything that
has hanoencd since. Will you support a
c?.ndldate who, If ho have his wayr you
admit wlllaccompllsh all these things, be
cause he and his party give you an empty
promise" of justice to ID.OOO.COO Asiatics,
and at the same time threaten grievous In
justice" and wrong to lO.OCO.OCO Americans?
I will not vote for a candidate for the
Presidency, or help to bring a party Into
power who, while they plant ono heej
on tha forehead of Booker "Washington
and the other on the forehead of Robert
Small, wave the flag over Agulnaldo and
MabinC GEORGE F. HOAR.
Worcester. Mass, October u
Better Safe Than Sorry.
Hartford Courant.
The question at the core of this cam
paign, Is- a very simple one. Isn't It bet
ter to be safe than to be sorry? In oth
er words, Isn't it wiaer to put In the
White House for four years to come a
man who Is pledged to maintain the gold
standard than to put there a man who is
pledged to strike it down (and the Na
tion's credit with it) If he can?
That Full Dinner Pail.
Chicago Record.
In speaking of the full dinner pall, Mr.
Bryan, declares that what the working
men need Is intellectual food. Would he
take out the pie, cake and chicken from
the laborer's lunch basket and substi
tute therefor parts of the. Congressional
Rneord relating to free silver, expansion
(and trusts?
KOTE AND COHMEKr.
The colored people 'of Oregon retime to
be oppressed, even In Bryan's speeches.
The situation in China seems to have
slowed down to the ultimatum stag
once more.
For a dead man, ProfesHor Andree sup
plies a remarkable amount of "copy" to
the newspapers.
Bryan does not think much of the full
dinner pall as an issue. The full pocket
book for W. J. Bryan Is what he seem
to be after.
It Is usually advisable for a 'minster
who has any swearing to do to hire
someone who can do it In such a way
as not to excite comment.
Seme one who has an Issue which will ,
not wear out after two days' use- cart
hear of something to his advantage by
communication with J. K. Jones
The fact that Bourke Cockran andi
other Democratic orators have, wealt
throats does not trouble Bryan. He is
glad of an opportunity to do all the
talking.
It is said that people usually hear bet
ter with their right ear than their left.
The Democrats muBt have had their left
ears to the ground when they heard, the
voce of the public calling them to the
rescue.
Iv Is now said that Oom Paul paid
Web Davis .$123,000 for championing tho
cause of the Boers In America. If this
is true it shows that even Uncle Paul
can't resist the temptation to buy a gold
brick when It Is offered to him cheap.
The vibratory motion of the leaf of the
aspen and other poplar trees is 'caused
by a flattening of the petiole at Its junc
tion with the lamina. The lowet part oC
the leaf stalk Is elongated and rigid, thus
forming a basis upon which the flattened
portion of the stalk can. In virtue of Its
elasticity, move to and fro as the wind
acts ppon the leaves of the tree. There
have been several theories offered by bot
anists, none of them very Satisfactory,
however, to explain the origin of this
curious structure and the purpose- served
by the "trembling" of tho leaf. H- J
Colbourn, In a recent letter to Nature,
suggests a new explanation. He thinks
tho vibration may be an adaptation for
rapidly throwing off the excess of con
densed moisture, which is likely to form
on the foliage of trees In marshy situa
tions. At one of the meetings during the
opening of tho Republican campaign In
Ohio Senator Hanna was called upon for
a speech after Senator Depew had con
cluded. The Ohio Senator remarked that
It was not fair to expect a speech from
him after the able address of his pre
decessor, so Instead of making a speech
he would tell a story, Illustrative of the.
worklngman's dinner pall. A farmer, he
said, Dought a cow and calf from a neigh
bor. He started to lead the cow home,
the calf following along beside. On the
way a steer jumped the fence and tore,
down the road, tho calf following. Tying
the cow to a rail the farmer gave chase
after the calf. He ran until he was out
of breath, and finding he could not over
take the fleeing animal he stopped and
shaking his fist in Its direction, shouted 5
"Go ahead, blame you! You'll know the.
difference when dinner time comes!"
Rev. Anson Phelps Stokes, the young
millionaire who recently entered the
ministry, preached his first sermon In St.
Paul's Protestant Episcopal Church, ,ln
New Haven, Conn., on September 16. A
little before the service he said to a
Yale professor: "I almost wish I was a
poor man. The money that I have inher
ited Is an incumbrance to me. People
will never forget that I am wealthy, and
that In spite of all I can do my advent
to the priesthood has been sensational.
Could I have become a minister without
attracting all this attention I could have
done more good. It Is discouraging to
me, because In my audiences I shall not
be able to know whether the people are
worshipers or are there out of curiosity.
And what can a rich man do? If ho
helps the people of Galveston he will ba
Immediately advertised In all the papers.
But I am going ahead and live down my
reputation as a rich man. I want to be
a humble preacher of the word of God,
and I hope, somehow, to make the peo
ple forget that I have been called a mil
lionaire." PLEASANTRIES OF FARAGRAFHEIIS
HU Reply. Sapplngton Tour sister looks
sweet onoush to eat. Little Rodney Sho dos
eat. Judge.
Up" to Date. Customer Some crabs, please.
Walter Shirt-waist or hupting-case? Custom
er "What do you mean? Walter Soft or hard
shell, alrt Puck.
2YeHow I envy the man who Just sang; the
solo. She Why. I thought ho had an excep
tionally poor olce. He Oh, It Isn't his voice,
I envy; It's his nerve Tlt-Blts.
Early Piety. Rev Mr. Whanftle My boy.
I'm sorry to cce you flyins your kite on the
Sabbath day. The Boy It's all right, sir; this
Is a recular Sunday kite, this Is. It's mado
out ot the Christian Globe, an got a tall of
tracts. I've sot another for week days.
PIck-Me-XTp.
Teacher Jimmy. It you found 13 pennies and
another boy should take two-thirds ot them
away, what would each of you have? Jimmy
I'd have six pennies an he'd have a good
thumpln', 'less he handed back, the rest of
em mighty quick. Glasgow Evening Times.
Unanimous; Opinion. "Candidly, Jane." said
n. September bridegroom to his bride In a
spirit of self-abasoment, "I can't pcreetve
what you aw In ma to make you wilting to
marry me." "Never mind, dear." replied tha
bride; "that's what all my relatlvos saar."
Plttsburs Chronicle-Telegraph.
The Official Forecaster.
Chicago Times-Herald.
The forecast man slta down
And figures pro and con;
He's sure ot Arkansaw
And Maine and Oregon;
Ohio and New Tork
He takes with grace and ease;
He carries Illinois
As calmly as you please;
New Jersey, Maryland.
"Wisconsin, Delaware,
He gathers In his list
And never turns a hairl
He studies, then, a bit,
Subtracts and multiplies.
And, wearied, finally
He shuts his tired eyes
And gtves the other side
A small state here and there
Not that Its -vote's in doubt.
But merely to bo fair.
All Sorts of People.
Indianapolis Sun. f
To make the world go. why. It takes
All kinds of people. There's the snob,
The pampered pup. tho rounder rake.
The woman ever at the Job
Of spreading tales; the man who'll Her
"I'll pay foe this some othor time,"
E'en while he looks jou In the eye
"With nerve and manner most sublims.
Then there's the hypocritlc man.
The Jealous woman, and the sneak.
The selfish man with pract3 of land.
Too wrapped up In himself to speolct
It takes them all the high and low,
For they unto the world belong:.
It takes them all to make her o
To keep her always solng-wronjs.