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About Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 26, 1900)
THE MOfiMtfG OKEGOlSAN WEDNESDAY,' SEPTEMBEK 26, 1900. mm IS ANSWERED Arguments of the Democracy Demolished. SPEECH BY SENATOR BEYERIDGE XmpotbIMty of Carrying Out the Opposition's Progrramnic i the . Philippines. CHICAGO, Sept 25. Senator Beveridge, of Indiana, was the chief speaker at a Republican mass" "meeting' held tonight In the Auditorium under the auspices of the Marquette Club. There was a great audi ence to hear the Senator. Mr. Beveridge said: '"Westward the star of empires takes Its way." Not the star of kingly power, for kingdoms are everywhere dissolving In the increasing rights of men; not the star jof autocratic oppression, for civili sation Is brightening and the liberties of the people -are broadening under every flag that floats. But the star of empire, as Washington ud the word, when he called this Republic an "empire"; as Jef ferson understood it, when he declared our form of government ideal for ex tending "our empire" as Marshall under stood it, when he closed a noble period tt an Immortal Constitutional opinion by naming the domain of the American peo ple "our empire." This is the "empire" of which the prophetic yolce declared "Westward the star of empire takes its way" the star of the empire of liberty and law, of commerce and communica tion, of social order and the Gospel of our Lord the star of the empire of civiliza tion of the world - "Westward tbnt star of the empire takes its course. And to day it illumines our path of duty across the Pacific into the islands and lands where Providence has called us. In that path the American Government is march ing forward, opposed at every step by those who deny the right of the Republic to plant the Institutions of the flag where events have planted that flag itself. For this is our purpose, to perform which the opposition to the Government declares that the Republic has no warrant In the Constitution, In morals or In the rights of sum. And I mean to examine tonight every argument they advance for their policy of reaction and retreat. It is not true, as the opposition assert, that every race is naturally self-governing without Instruction and guidance. If eo, the Indians were capable of self-government. Our America or is America 'ours? belonged to them, whether they were or were not capable of self-government. If they were capable of self-gov--ernment It was not only wrong, but It was a crime to set up our independent government of their land without their consent. If this Is true, the Puritans, instead of being noble, are despicable characters; and the patriots of 1776, to which the opposition compares the Fili pinos, were only a swarm of land pirates rebelling against their captain. If the opposition is right, the Zulus, who owned the Transvaal, were capable of self-government, and the Boers, who expelled them, According to the opposition, deserve abhorrence of righteous men. But while the Boers took the land they occupy from the natives who peopled them, while we peopled this country in spite of the Indian who owned it, and while this may be justified by the wel fare of the world which those events ad vanced, that is not what is to be done In the Philippines. The American Gov ernment, as a government, will not ap propriate the Filipinos' land or permit Americans -as individuals to seize It. It will protect the Filipinos In its posses sions. If any American secures real es tate in the Philippines, it will be because he buys it from the owner. Under Ameri can administration the Filipino who owns his little plot of ground will experience a security in the possession of his prop erty which he has never known before. The English in Egypt and India have not taken the land from Its owners; they have confirmed the occupants In their ownership. In Hawaii we have not taken the land from its owners; we have se :ured its owners in their peaceable pos session. And our administration la the Philippines will also establish there that same security of property and life which are the very beginnings of civilization itself. Tropical Countries Governed by Cau casians. If it be said that tropical countries cannot be peopled by the Caucasian race, I answer that, even if true (which is not yet proi'ed), , it 'is no reason why they .should not be governed by the Caucasian race. India is a tropical country. India is ruled by Great Britain to the advant age of India and England alike. "Who denies that India's 300,000,000 are better off under English , administration than under the bestial tyranny of native rulers, to whom the agony of their subjects was their highest form of amusement? it you think of present famine when I men tion India, I remind you that famine was formerly so frequent as to be a familiar condition, and not the hideous exception whose rarity now excites the pity of the world; and that with famine walked the pestilence now nearly unknown. Dare Mr. Bryan say that he would have India hack to its condition before England took It? If he dare not, he Is answered. Dar he say that lie would withdraw English rule now? If she dare not, he is answered. Dare he &&$ that he would take the English residents from the Malay states -and ,' turn them back again to the tiger rule iof 'the brutal lords? If he dare not, he is answered. Dare he say that the Soers should restore the Transvaal to Its original owners? If he dare not, he is answered iDare he deny that the greatest progress shown upon the map of the , earth today is the progress of Egypt dur ing the last 20 years under English rule? If he dare not, he Is answered. And he tfare not. If he -proclaims his trust in the Filipino people, who know not the meaning of self-government, I declare my, faith In the American people, who have developed the realities of liberty. Grant, for the purposes of argument, the opposition's premise that th6 white man cannot people.. the Philippines. Grant, also, that the Malays of those Islands cannot, unaided, establish civilization there: build roads, open mines, erect schools, maintain social order, represn piracy and administer safe government throughout the archipelago. And this must be granted; for they are the same race which inhabit the Malay Peninsula. "What, then, is the conclusion demanded "by the general welfare of the world? Surely not that this land, rich in all that civilised man requires, and these people needing the very blessings they lgnorant ly repel, should be remanded to savagery and the wilderness! If you say this, you say that barbarism and undeveloped re sources are better than civilization and the earth's resources developed. "What is the conclusion, then, which the logic of civilization compels from these admitted premises? It is that the reign of law must be established throughout these lsl hinds, their resources developed and their people civilized by those In whose blood resides the genius of administration. Lawton and MacArthur and our Civil Commission are higher agents of civiliza tion than Agulnaldo. The Stars and Stripes is a surer emblem of liberty and law than any Malay standard that ever was or ever can be raised. Separate Government for Cuba An Error. If the opposition declare that we ought to set up a separate government over the Philippines because we are setting up a separate government over Cuba, I an swer that such an error in Cuba does not dustify the same error In the Philippines. I am speaking for ,myself alone, but speaking thus, I say that for the good of Cuba, more even than for the 'good of the United States, a separate govern ment over Cuba, uncontrolled by the American Republic, never should have been promised. Cuba is a mere exten sion of our Atlantic Coast line. It com mands the ocean entrances to the Mis sissippi and the Isthmian canaL Jef ferson's dearest dream was that Cuba shpuld "belong to the United States. To possess this extension of American soli has been the wish of every far-seeing statesman from Jefferson to Blaine. An nexation to the greatest nation the world has ever seen would have been a prouder Cuban destiny than separate nationality. As an American possession, Cuba might possibly have been fitted for statehood in a period not much longer than that in which Louisiana was prepared for state hood. Even now the work of regenera tionof cleansing cities building road3, establishing posts, erecting a system of universal education and the action of all the forces that make up our civilization Is speeding forward faster than at any time or place In human history American administration! But yesterday there were less than 10,000. Cuban children in school; today there are nearly 150.000 Cu ban children In school American admin istration! But yesterday Havana was the source of our yellow fever plagues; to day It Is nearly as healthy as New Or leansAmerican administration! When we stop this work and withdraw our re straint, revolution will succeed revolu tion, as In the Central and South Amer ican countries; Havana again fester with the yellow, death: systematic education again degenerate Into sporadic instances; and Cuba, which under our control would have been a source of profit, power and glory to the Republic and herself, will bo a source of irritation, and loss, of danger and disease to both. The United States needs Cuba for our protection; but Cuba needs the United States for Cuba's salvation. The resolution, hastily passed by all parties in Congress, at an excited hour, was an error which years of time, pro pinquity of location, common commerce, mutual Interests and similar dangers surely will correct Our great President, jealous of American honor, rightly anx ious for the good name of the Republic above every other consideration, justly counting the fulfillment of National en gagements the most exalted National achievement, considers that resolution a promise. And American promise means performance. And so the unnatural ex periment Is to be tried. What war and Nature aye, what God hath joined to gether Is to be put asunder. I speak for myself alone, but speaking thus, I say that It will be an evil day for Cuba when the Stars and Stripes cqmes down from Morro Castle. And I predict that within 25years we shall again be forced to assume the government of Cuba, but only after our commerce has again been paralyzed by revolution, after Internal dissension has again spilled rivers of Cuban blood, after the yellow fever has again and again crossed over to our Southern Coast from Its hotbed In Havana harbor, and after we have as sumed hundreds of milllanr. of dollars of Cuban debt to prevent this island from falling Into the hands of a foreign power. Opposition's Plan In Philippines. Consider, now, the opposition's proposed method of procedure in the Philippines. It Is to establish a stable government there, turn that government over to the Fili pinos, and protect them and their gov ernment from molestation by any other j nation. It is thus admitted that we mu3t "establish a stable government" If we "establish a stable government" we must see that that stable government Is main tained. For if we are not going to take care that this stable government, which the opposition says we must establish. Is kept stable, why should we establish it? If the government we establish ceases to be stable after we turn it over to the Filipinos, how can we prevent interfer ence by other nations, the lives and prop erties of whose citizens would be imper iled and destroyed unless we re-enter and restore the government's stability? "Fs tabllsh government?" Why should we? Have the Filipinos asked us to . "estab lish government" for them? How does Mr. Bryan, know that the Fl'lplnos w 11 let us "establish government" for them? Has he lnfomatlon on this subject which the American people have not? Suppose the opposition's plan In opera tion. Suppose a satisfactory government is established, turned over to the FlUnl nos and American troops withdrawn. The new government would experience feuds, factions and revolution. This Is the his tory of every new government It wis so even with the American people. Wit ness Shays' Rebellion against the Na tional Government almost shaking Its foundations; witness the Whisky Rebel lion in, Pennsylvania, which required the first exercise of armed National power to maintain order with a state of the Union. And we were of a self-governing race at that period we were almost whol ly Anglo-Saxon How can we expect the Philippine Malays to escape this common fate of all new governments? If the American Government has been on the point of dissolution by reason of Internal disturbance, how dare we conclude that the Filipinos, those children of sedition, schooled In the practices of revolution against authority, would not resist and rend in pieces their own government? Remember that they are Malays. Re member that as a race they have not that civil cohesion which binds a people Into a nation,. Remember that every inl and is envious of every other one; and that In each island every officer Is a general, jealous of his dignity, Intrigu ing for advancement How long would this stable government which the oppo sition asks us to establish, remain sta ble. If we withdraw our forces? And If resistance broke out In the Vlsayas, If revolf sprang Into flame among the mur derous Moros, what would be our duty? It would be to re-enter where we had withdrawn, and restore the stability of tne government which the opposition de clares that we shall establish before we withdraw. And so the opposition pro gramme constantly defeats itself and compels us to do over and over again the work which we must perform at the. beginning. And all this without benefit to the Philippine people, without Im provement to their lands and with im measurable loss to ourselves recouped not from a single source of profit But the American flag floating there forever means not only established liberty, but permanent stability. Commercial Advantages. I do not advocate this high course for commercial reasons. All men who under stand production and exchange, under- stana tne commercial advantage result ing from our ownership of these, the richest possessions that ever belonged to any nation. Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines producing what we need and cannot so well produce, we producing what they need and cannot so well produce, constitute the very Ideality of reciprocal trade. And with these possessions ours, that reciprocal trade, established In na ture, would be sealed to us forever by our control. If Spain exported 526,000.000 of her products annually to Cuba, we would in a decade have been exporting $260, 000,000 of our products annually to Cuba. For under Spain, Cuba's people were op pressed and her resolutions repressed; and under us, her people would have been unllfted and her resources developed. If Spain exported $5,000,000 of her products annually to the Philippines, our commerce with that archipelago In a decade will multiply Spain's trade ten-fold. For who denies that we will do ten times more in developing Philippine resources than Spaniards? Alrendy our exports haye, in a single year, Increased over 1800 per cent Jn spite "of war and paralyzed com merce. Before annexation our exports to Hawaii were less than $5,000,000 annually; today they are nearly $14,000,000 annually, an Increase of over 175 per cent In less than three years. Cuba and Porto Rico are the commercial stepping-stones to South America; Hawaii and the Philip pines are the stepping-stones to China and all the -East We trade with Brazil from New York easier than from San Francisco because It is nearer this is self-evident, with South America from Santiago easier than from Boston; with Mexico from Havana easier than from Baltimore. We can trade with China, Australia and Asia's unnumbered mil lions easier from Manila than from Port land; and we can trade through Manila from San Francisco, Seattle, Tacoma, Portland and the harbors of the "West easier than from New Orleans, because It Is nearer this Is self evident And if we have Santiago, Havana, San Juan, Hawaii, Manila, Apparl, Ho Ho and Cuba, we will have -trading points with those regions to which even now our Increasing production is driving us. Today our trade In manufactured ar ticles, as well as In the products of the farm, Is chiefly with' Europe. Our agri cultural trade will always continue to dominate Old World Markets, although it will not absorb all our surplus. But our manufactured trade with them is nearly at Its zenith. Why? England Is making more than she can consume, and seeking foreign markets for her surplus. France Is making more than she can consume, and seeking foreign markets for her surplus. Germany Is making more than she can consume, and seeking foreign markets for her surplus. Russia, alone, for decades will be necessarily de voted to territorial development. We, too, are manufacturing more than we can consume, and more than we sell to "Europe. We are raising more than we can consume, and. soon more than we can sell to Europe; and we, too, must secure now foreign markets for our sur plus. We cannot go to Europe for a market for much more than we now sell SENATOR BEVERIDGE, OF INDIANA, WHO OPENED THE REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS YESTERDAY. there, for that market will soon be glut ted. Where shall we turn? Ask, ratlrer, where have events turned us? To In dia, with her 300,000,000 consumers, to which the Philippines give us almost equal access with England herself; to China, with her 400,000,000 consumers, to which the Philippines give us quicker access than even Japan; to South Amer- lea, to which Cuba and Porto Rlco give ' us easier access than any nation In the world; to Australia and all Oceanlca, to which again the Philippines give us easier access than England herself. The canal Is a future certainty. That canal, too, will be ours; but whether ours, or whether the lofty conception of Secretary Hay be realized, and It be made a neutral waterway, Porto Rlco, Hawaii and the Philippines will, nevertheless, give us almost commercial control; of the world's chief ocean highway of trade with Cuba we should have more com plete control. The commerce from Eu rope to Asia will pass through that ca nal. Direct Benefit to Wage-Enrners. England's annual exports are' over $lt42O.OCO,00O In value. Over $420,000,000 of these exports are purchased by England's colonies. And those colonies command a market for several hundred millions more of England's exports. .. .iat would Eng lish worklngmen do without those mar kets? And what, If better markets than these were buying the surplus products of the American laboring man, and call ing still for more? And England's co lonial markets are only examples. Con sider, on the other hand, what we con sume. Every year we buy $300,000,000 of tropical products.- Today we pay much of this vast amount in money. Suppose we paid for this In products which our arti sans and mechanics make and our farm ers raise? Think of the markets that would mean for every American factory and farm! And remember that wages and prices depend on markets, not money; and prosperity depenus on wages a nd Dricea. Aim uuusiuci uic uiuuiuuiuuic: benefit to both if this treniendous trade is between the American people and their own possessions! And then contemplate the magnitude of the markets which those possessions command In addition to their own markets! But while all this means employment to I every American worklngman on farm, In factory, shop, store and mine, on rail road and In ship; while means plenty In the American home for a hundred years and maybe centuries to come; while It means the commercial and Industrial lord ship of the world by American labor and capital, and while these are mighty argu ments, I waive them all as Insignificant compared with the master argument of the progress of civilization, which under God tho American people are henceforth to lead until our day Is done. For hence forward In the trooping of the colors of the nations they shall cluster around and follow the Republic's Banner of the Stars, the master flag of all the flags of earth. The mercantile argument Is mighty with Americans In merely mercantile times, and It should be so; but the argument of destiny Is tile master argument In the hour of destiny, and It should be so. The American people never yet entered on a great movement for merely mercantile reasons. Sentiment and duty have start ed and controlled every noble -current of American history. And at this historic hour destiny Is the controlling considera tion In the prophetic statesmanship which conditions require of the American peo ple. It Is destiny that the world shall he res cued from Its natural wilderness and from savage .men. Civilization Is no less an evolution than the changing forms of ani mal and vegetable life. Surely and stead ily the reign of law, which is the very spirit of liberty, takes the place of arbi trary caprice. Surely and steadily the methods of social order are bringing tho whole earth under their subjection. And to deny that this is right is to deny that civilization should Increase. In this great work the American people must have their part History establishes these propositions: First Every people who have become great have become colonizers or admin istrators. Second Through this colonization and administration their material and political greatness develop. Third Their decline Is coincident with their abandonment of their policy of pos session and administration, or departure from the true principles thereof. And. as a corrollary to these propc- sltlons is this self-evident and contem poraneous truth: Every progressive nation of Europe to day is seeking lands to colonize, and gov ernments to administer.' And can this common instinct of the! most progressive people of the world this common conclusion of the ablest statesmen of other nations be baseless? Militarism Prevented and Jfot Caused by Colonisation. If the opposition say that this pro gramme, written not In the statutes of man, but In the nature of things, will smother our Institutions with a myriad of soldiers, I answer that the world today demonstrates that It will result In the reverse. If they point to Germany and other nations with vast military es tablishments, to prove that colonization and administration over land held as pos sessions and dependencies results in the supremacy of the soldiery over the com mon people, I answer that the examples do not sustain, but destroy, the propo sltion. What is it that establishes mil itarism in Germany? On. the west, the immediate proximity of France, her he reditary foe. determined'' on Germany's destruction. On the east "the immediate proximity of Russia, her hereditary foe; on the south the Immediate proximity of a " hetrogenous empire, des tined to -dismemberment In the swiftly approaching future. What Is It that es tablishes militarism In France? The im mediate proximity of Germany on the east her hereditary foe. against" whom she has sworn a national vendetta: the immediate proximity of England on the north, an enemy at whose hands cen turies of defeat has loaded France's blood with the poison of hatred; the Immediate proximity of Italy on the south, the third of the Anti-French "Drelbend. These ar& the things which establish militarism In Europe not colonization, not possessions, not obedience to the great natural law of expansion and growth. No! the con trary Is true. If Franco, Germany, Itly, Austria, would devote themselves to the world's great work of rescuing the wilder ness, of planting civilization, of extend ing their Institutions, as England has done, as Germany Is beginning to do. a the American Republic, under God, is go lng to lead the world in doing, the anna. ments of these Europein military powers would necessarily dissolve-, because there would bo no longer occasion for them; and becaupe r.ll their enogries would be required In the nobler wont to which they would thus set their hands. To produce the same militarism In America that curses Europe. It would be necessary fd? Canada, on the north, to be an equal power with us, hostile with present rival ry and centuries of inherited hatred; and for Mexico to be the same thing on the south. And even then we should have only half the conditions that produce mil itarism in any European rmtlon. ' Sep arate government in Cuba Is the only proposed step that creates conditions of militarism In America. Militarism In extending American authority! No!" No! The wider the dominion of the Stars and Stripes, the broader the reign of peace. Our Institutions FolloYV-the Flngr. The Institutions of every nation follow Its flag. German Institutions follow the flag of the Fatherland. English Institu tions follow the -banner of St. George. French institutions follow the trl-color of France. And just so, American institu tions follow the starry banner of the Re public. Nay! Our institutions not only follow the flag, they accompany It They troop beneath Its folds of glory. Wher ever an American citizen goes he carrios the spirit of our institutions. On what ever soil his blood Is shed to establish the sovereignty of our flag, there are planted the lmperiahable seeds of tho lnstltutlons of the Nation; and there those Institutions flourish In proportion as the soil where they are planted Is prepared for them. Of these Institutions, the American Con stitution Is tho highest, noblest and ulti mate expression; and so our Constitution can grow only where the simpler forms of our Institutions have already prepared the way. Therefore, our Constitution may follow the' flag, but our Institutions do follow the flag. Our Constitution did not create our institutions; our Institutions created or Constitution. Our Constitution did not give us liberty; liberty gave us our Constitution. Even some of those who most strenuously fought for Amer ican Independence resisted the adoption of the Constitution as the prison-house In which, if adopted, liberty would expire. Patrick Henry, who said, "Give me lib erty or give me death," apposed tho adoption of the Constitution. Thomas Jefferson, who wrote the Declaration, ac cepted the Constitution with reluctance. Our Constitution is not and never was in tended to' be anything else than a method of National government, an ordinance of National unity. As such, it Is the noblest product of American Institutions. And therefore our institutions follow the flag, and our Constitution may follow the flag when our Institutions have worked out their results among the peoples where we have sent them. If the opposition say that our Constitu tion forbids tho American people to hold and govern possessions .as their situation may require, I demand that they show me the denial of that power In the Con stitution. We are a Nation. We can ac quire territory. If we can acquire terri tory, we can, govern It. If we can gov ern it, we can govern it as Its sit uation may demand. If this Is not true, we cannot acquire any territory ex cept such as may be governed as a part of the Nation, with Its Inhabitants as our fellow-citizens of the Republic. But this would forever prevent the American people from acquiring places of power and commercial advantage at the world's strategic points. So Important a limitation upon our power, otherwise In herent In us as a Nation, must be ex pressed in undoubted terms In, our Con stitution. I defy the opposition to the Government to find such a prohibition In that great instrument. I defy the oppo sition to the Government to find such a limitation on our powers as a Nation In our history as a separate people. I defy the opposition to the Government to find evidence of such a limitation upon na tional power in the whole history of the administrating, expanding, colonizing race of which the American people are the most vital, progressive branch. But not only Is no such limitation on our power as a Nation found in our Con stitution, but on the ccntrary( tho Con-, atltutloa, In; express terms, gives the government of the Republic power to govern possessions in any way that may be "needful" within the great fundamen tal limitations of human rights expressly marked out In that instrument Porto Rlco is territory belonging to the United States. The Philippines are terri tory belonging to the United States. The Constitution says that "Congress may make all needfui'rules and regulations re specting" them and may even "dispose of them." If the opposition say that this power is too broad, I answer, first, that broad or narrow, that that power Is there; and, second, that It -Is not broader than the future of the Republic now with in sight of living eyes requires. No! not broader than even the situation of today demands. Prophecy has been confounded by the progress of the American peo ple. If the Opposition declare that Filipino labor will come Into competition with our labor, because the Constitution, following the flag, already extends over the Philip pines, and with tho Constitution, unre stricted trade, I answer that the Op position were In favor of, free trade with all the world but yesterday, and declared that free trade with all the world would benefit, and not oppress, American labor. If they were right yesterday, then surely free trade with an Inferior race, peopling a small part of the world, and that belong ing to the Republic Itself, cannot injure American labor today. But I waive this Inconsistency, and ask: If It is true that the American Consti tution follows the flag, It Is already over the Philippines as well as Porto Rlco; if the Constitution Is already there we must have free trade with those Islands; and so I ask how the opposition will get rid of that free trade. If they say that they will get rid of It by getting rid of the lBlands themselves, I answer that no power-can separate from the Republic any territory over which the Constitu tion has already extended. If the Con stitution Is already over these islands, they are a part of the Republic forever. No power can cut loose a part of the Republic from the rest of the Republic. That proposition was settled at Appomat tox. And therefore. If the opposition is right, It would have no power to cut adrift from the Philippines. Cuba and Porto Rlco, even If it controlled Presi dency and Congress, because, according to the opposition, the Constitution follow ing the flag, Is already over them; they are thereby already a part of the Repub lic; their inhabitants are thereby already embryo citizens of the United States; and free trade with them for weal or woe Is thereby already fastened upon the American people' till the end of time. This is the proposition of the opposition to the Government. I deny and denounce it. I affirm that the Constitution has not followed the flag over the Philippines, Porto Rlco arid Cuba; but that this ocean empire Is a possession of the United States, between whom and the Repub lic, the American people, through their servants In Congress, can establish a tar iff if Interest or justice demand It, or establish liberty of trade If that course will be best for the Nation and our wards. If the opposition is right, the Philippines ought not to be ours, but nev ertheless are fastened to us forever. If the Government Is right, the Philippines ought to be ours; but nevertheless we have power to soil them, surrender them, set up an Independent government over then-u keep them or do with them what ever the American people may determine. -And the future Is safe In the hands of the American people. The opposition cite the Porto Rican law as proof that we will not pursur the proper pollqy. even conceding that wo have the power. But that law provo3 the reverse. The law on the statute books Is not the proposed act which caused the original opposition. The law as finally enacted Is a compromise of all opinions within the Republican party. In tho Sen ate there were Republicans who belleed, and still oelleve, that commercial policy and sound statesmanship require reci procity between the Republic and Its pos sessions; and we battled for our opin ions. There were those who be'leve in 'a tariff with our possessions; and ts.ey batt'ed for their opinions. Tho result was a composite of the views of all, as every practical law must be, as the Declaration of Independence was, as the Constitution of the United States was. Tha act that finally passed and is now the law was the Senate civil government bill, which, while not perfect, is the best legislation ever constructed for a dependency. On to that law a section was engrafted which, as finally modified provides free trade one way immediately, and free trade both ways, as soon as the cUil government of the Island Is established. Free trade with Porro Rlco Is our de clared and enacted policy. The conflict ing views of Republican legislators were considered. The conflicting views of Re public newspapers of the country were considered. The conflicting views of Re publican voters of the country were con sidered. And this is the greatest glory, of the Republican party; It is the only political organization In the world that permits liberty of thought No man dic tates to the Republican party its policies, as the great chieftain of the opposition dictated his policies to his convention at Kansas City. Every Republican Is hon ored within the party for the mainte nance of his convictions. And those con victions are a consideration In the forma tion of any law which a Republican ma jority passes or any platform which a Republican convention adopts. But the Democratic party tolerates no independ ent thought. It concedes nothing to a minority, no matter how wise, honest and heroic that minority. War "Will Cense With McKInley's , Election. The opposition demands that the shed ding of blood shall cease. So does the 'Government But blood will continue to flow until American sympathy with the Insurrection Is repudiated by the Ameri can people. The Philippine people aye, the world look upon this campaign as a trial before the American people of the course of the American Government In the Philippines; and the election will mean to them American endorsement or rebuke of the American Government Since men In America began to hold out to the rebels In Luzon hope of success through change In National Administra tion; since the unappreciated efforts of our peace-loving President through the Civil Commission to stop the war con vinced the Malays that we feared them every phase of this conflict has been planned and pursued with reference to this election. In the Senate, of the United States, on January 9, I said that: "It Is the de clared Intention of the Filipinos to re sist, harass, break up into small bands, resort to guerilla warfare, and by all means to continue resistance until tne next Presidential election. " I repeat that statement now. Every development of Insurgent resist ance for more than a year was under stood and openly talked of In Luzon last May and June. If from the first there had been, united support of the Ameri can Government in holding aloft the American flag In the Philippines, no bloodshed would have been necessary, no lives of America soldiers required to keep It floating there. Our dead soldiers! The American graves In that land of sunset! The vacant chairs, flag-draped, in the homes of the Republic! It is a subject too sacred for speech. And those who cheered the misguided natives on, to shoot those soldiers down! Those who held out hope to Insurrection against the Flag! It Is a subject too terrible for thought What said Lawton Lawton, In diana's pride and the Republic's Bayard "without fear and without reproach"? These are Lawton's words of Are: "If I am shot by a Filipino bullet It might as well come from one of my own men because . . . the continuance of the fighting Is chiefly due to reports that are sent out from America." Who will wear on his forehead the everlasting brand which Lawton's words burn and shall burn while American soldiers con tinue to fall under the Flag In the Phil ippines; I anpeal to no passions; I state 'the facts. The defeat of the oppos'tlon tothe Government here Is the defeat of tho opposition to the Government, there. DAVITT AND THE BOERS WHY THE IRISH "LEADER CHANGED HIS OPIinONS. Saw Them Run Before "tie British and Became Tliorousfhly Disil lusioned Kramer's Purpose. LONDON. Sept IS. Tuesday. The Pre toria correspondent of the Standard, in a recent dispatch, throws an entirely new light upon Michael Davltt's expe riences In the Transvaal and his feelings toward the Boers. In view of Mr. Da vltt's contributions to the American press during and subsequent to his visit to the seat of war, the Standard's dispatch Is of interest It Is as follows: Michael Davltt left Pretoria on May 15, "broken and sick at heart" according to the words he himself used on the railway train. Rev. H. J. Batts, a Bap tist minister. ha3 recorded them, and they are testified to by Rev. Henry W. Goodwin, Congregational minister. "He told me," says Mr. Batts. "that he had that morning advised the Transvaal Gov ernment that If they would commend themselves In the eyes of the world and obtain the sympathy of European na tions, they should at once wire Lord Rob erts to this effect: 'Now, that the Free State Is conquered and we are quite un able to resist alone the might of Eng land, In the Interests of humanity, and to prevent further bloodshed, we will surrender.' 'Instead of doing this.' said Mr. Davitt, 'they have sent a message of a threatening character, telling Lord Roberts that they will blow up the mlne3 or destroy Johannesburg if some terms are not made. What the terms are they do not state, and they do not really mean to carry out the threat. Their whole ac tion will cover them with Ignominy and .nnfomnt VinfnTA the civilized world. f Their purpose Is to prolong the business without seriously meaning to ngnt ibt the one object of heaping up the bars of gold they are taking from the mines and of accumulating and hoarding them in obedience to the dictation, of that old man, Paul Kruger.' " That old man Paul Kruger con tinued Mr. Davltt, 'Is engaged In a sort of spiritualist seance business with some jbllnd boy predicting events that are to happen on certain days. I came out here at my own expense. It has cost me 300. X was full of enthusiasm for these peo ple. They know me, they knew my feel ings, but they have never trusted me. To day, they refused to give me information as to the situation for my papers, and I go away broken and sick at heart I am thoroughly disillusioned. For me to re main Is no longer possible. I cannot en dure It They ask me, "Why go away so soon? Things are not as bad as you think" " 'What,' said I, 'when 10.000 men retire as at Kroonstadt and practically run away without firing a shot? I went down to Kroonstadt and saw their positions. They were excellent. The Boers thor oughly deceived me. They assured me that they would dispute every inch of ground and would sell their liberties with their lives. What happened, you know. All along the line I have been refused their confidence and have been thorough ly deceived. I wrote to my papers this rubbish about the grand stand that was to be made at Kroonstadt speaking through them to Europe. I would give 100 to withdraw what I have written.. I go away today, but do not know that I can get a British passport from Dela goa Bay." " 'But.' Interposed Mr. Batts, 'there are other English journalists here beside yourself.' " 'Yes,' replied Mr. Davltt, "but I am journalist plus politician. There Is a dif ference.' "A French Baron came up at this mo ment. 'He has.' said Mr. Davltt. 'fought through the war. He has given up every thing for their cause. Now ho 13 going away a pauper, utterly neglected; with out money 'enough to pay his fare.' " ACROSS THE TRANSVAAL. War "Which Began on Cape Border Endn on Portuguese Frontier. NEW YORK, Sept. 25. A dispatch to the Tribune from London say3: The Duke of Devonshire has replied to the challenge from Delmeny, and Messrs. Balfour and Chamberlain, tho Earl of Klmberley and scores of canvassers have been speaking within 24 hours. But Lord Rosebery's letters have Imparted the chief Impulse to the Liberal canvass, while Lord Roberts has dono the most effective work for the Unionists. He has fully confirmed the earlier reports of the occupation of Komatlpoort by the British Army and the appearance of the rem nants of theBoer commands In Portu guese territory, after a few rifle shots had been fired. The guards' brigade, which has held the post of honor throughout the campaign, led the way Into Komatlpoort, the final objective point of Lord Roberts' strategy. That brigade has marched In the course of the year from De Aar to Magersfon teln, under Methucn. and to Bloemfonteln. Pretoria and the Portuguese frontier, un der Lord Roberts, and It now stands guard over the back door of the neutral base through which the Dutch received their arms and supplies. The war has ended with tho destruction of guns and ammunition on the edge of the frontier and with the disarming of the refugees by the Portuguese officials. Every mile of railway In the two Ddtch states Is now under British control, ana every important town Is garrisoned. Lord Roberts has finished his work and can return to England, after proclaiming a state of peace In which belligerents will be liable to summary punishment as out laws and murderers. The Delagoa Bay Railroad, which has played an Important port in the Boer plan of campaign, will now become an instrument of peace. It Is nominally owned by a Holland company, but has virtually been the property of the Trans vaal Government. The Holland directors, in order to prevent the confiscation of this railway by the British military au thorities, will be anxious to clear the line and put it in working order to Pre toria for supplying the army of occupa tion and for the resumption of mining operations on the Rand. The interests of the Portuguese traders are identical with those of the directors. The neutral base without which the Boers could not have armed themselves and kept up a year's campaign. Is con verted by the completion of Lord Rob erts' campaign Into a center of 'commerce with the victorious army and mining camps which are behind It. The Boer refugees are disarmed and even Impris oned, and the merchants of Delagoa Bay are settling down at once for a period of brisk trade with Pretoria and Johan nesburg. The railway bridge at Koma tlpoort has been saved, probably through the good offices of the Portuguese, and raiders who Interfere with the prompt resumption of business all along the line will Have no friends In Delagoa Bay. The entire influence of the neutral base will now be thrown on the British side against a prolongation of a hopeless struggle by train wreckers and roving bands of guerrillas. Incidents which now All Lord Roberts' Apollinan ("THE QUEEN OF TABLE WATERS") BEWARE XF SUBSTITUTIONS DO YOU GET UP WITH A LAME BACK? Kidney Trouble Makes You Miserable. Almost everybody who reads the news papers is sure to know of the wonderful cures made by Dr. ; Kilmer's Swamp-Root, I the sreat kidnev. liver t and bladder remedy. It is the great medi cal triumph of the nine teenth century; dis covered after years of scientific research by J Dr. Kilmer, the emi nent kidney and blad der specialist, and Is wonderfully successful In promptly curing lame back, kidney, bladder, uric acid trou-bles-and Bright 's Disease, which is the worst form of kidney trouble. Dr. Kilmer's Swamp-Root Is not rec ommended for everything but if you havekld ney, liver or bladder trouble It will be found Just the remedy you need. It has been tested In so many ways, in hospital work, in private practice, among the helpless too poor to pur chase relief and has proved so successful in every case that a special arrangement hs3 been made by which all readers of this paper who have not already tried It, may have a sample bottle sent free by mall,, also a book telling more about Swamp-Root and how to findout if you have kidney or bladder trouble. when writing mention reading this j offer in this paper and send your address toi Dr. Kilmer & Co.,Bing-j namton. n. x. ine regular fifty cent and Homo of Swamp-Boot. dollar sizes are sold by all good druggists. dally bulletins and the meagre dispatches received by the London press are details of police work rather than acts of war. Methuen has captured large droves of cattle and sheep. Paget has broken up tho camp of Erasmus' commando, and other commandoes are picking up wag ons, ammunition, horses and livestock, and here and there squads of famished and desperate burghers. These are the closing episodes of a campaign which has cost more in blood and treasure than any war of the Queen's reign, and tho Unionist press finds it convenient to dis play them with large headlines for po litical effect C3 proofs that hostilities have really ended and that the electors aro called upon to decide whether the soldiers of the Queen have fought their battles and shed their blood In vain. Favorable as are the dispatches from Komatlpoort, there are croakera in the military clubs who forecast a long pe riod of brigandage and plunder In tho conquered territory, and assert that the British commanders will find the last stage of Dutch resistance more difficult to deal with than guerrilla warfare, en cumbered with Its trains, wagons and droves of cattle and sheep. They assum" that the thorough disarming of the Boers will require years of systemaflc sur veillance, sinco guns, rlfle3 and ammu nition have been sown like dragon teeth among tho kopje3 and mountain fast nesses. Police work of this kind will, however, cease to be dignified as war fare and will pass without observation. After Steyn and Reits. LONDON. Sept 20. The Daily Mall has the following' dispatch from Lourenco iMarquea: "Heavy fighting is reported across tho Sabl River. This means that the British are intercepting Steyn and Reitz, who. with their forces, are attempting to push northward, and to effect a junction. A commando is said to be surrounded near Pletersburg." A HUNG JURY. Disagreement In the Case of Jaraes Howard. FRANKFORT. Ky7 Sept. 25. The jury in the Howard case reported at 5:13 o'clock this afternoon that the jurors had been unable to reach a verdict. The jury took the case at 2:30, and nearly three hours were spent In the jury-room in an effort to reach an agreement A hung Jury has been generally predicted. Judge Cantrill did not discharge the Jury, and it will report again at 9 o'clock tomorrow. It Is generally believed the Jury 13 hope lessly hung, and that a verdict will not be found, as It Is supposed the jurors are divided on the question as to How ard's guilt or Innocence, and not as to the degree of punl3hment Snow Storm in Colorado. DENVER, Sept. 23. Dispatches from various points in the Rocky Mountains show that there has been a heavy snow fall. At Red Mountain, near Ouray, tho snow Is reported three feet deep. At Leadville there are about two Inches of snow on the level. The snow was ac companied by a high wind, which mado the weather decidedly disagreeable. A cold rain la falling tonight east of the mountains. PENVBR, Sept. 25. A. special to the News from Telluride. Colo.. say3 that It has been snowing in that section for two days incessantly. On the mountains tho snow Is from 2& to four feet deep. The trails to the mines are becoming blocked. As yet, railroad traffic has not been af fected. Train RobberT'XtaistTKted. DENVER, Sept 23. What is regarded as an attempt to rob Denver & Rio Grande passenger train No. IS was frustrated early today by tho courage of Brakeman Ross Miller. When the train stopped at the point where tho Rio Grando crosses the Santa Fe road, near Florence, Miller was ordered by a man who had a revolver leveled at him to hold up hl3 hands. In stead of complying. Miller struck the fel low on the head with his lantern. The would-be robber shot at the Drakeman Just as he jumped back Into the car. Mil ler then procured a revolver and fired Beveral shots at the desperado as he dis appeared In the high weeds which Una the track. Tftcaragmo. Canal Report. WASHINGTON, Sept 25. The Isthmian Canal Commission stated today that it would be able to submit a report to Con gress sufficiently comprehensive to serve as a basis, for the action of that body at the approaching session, if It should be desirable to act. The field parties havo all reported, and only a few of the hy drographlc parties and several boring parties remain on the Isthmus clearing up the work. McKInley's Callers. CANTON, Sept. 25. President McKln ley and Mrs. McKlnley today drove to Osnaburg. five miles east of the city. There was a long list of callers during the day. Rev. S. L. Hamilton, of Los Angeles, called on hl3 way to a church meeting at Plbtgburg. stopping over to pay his re spects and to confer with the President on several matters. crS I Ir'TwTW Iffi-I generous fZft