THE MOBiXTSTG OREGONIAN, SATURDAY, AUGUST 25, 1900.
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3POICTLAJfD, SATOIDAV, AUGUST 25
A LOOK. AT THE FACTS.
The assertion of the antis Is that the
Filipinos had virtually won their inde
pendence of the Spaniards, and that
"we, -who ought to acknowledge and con
arm It, are trying, perfidiously, to take
it away from them. "We were bound in
itonor and justice, it is said, to assist
Agulnaldo and his junta to establish
and maintain an independent govern
mentwere morally bound to do so, in
etura for the assistance he had ren
dered us in taking Manila. The first
and last parts of this contention do
aot go well together, since if the Fili
pinos had virtually won their Independ
ence they really did not need us, nor
"we them. But the contention is pre
posterous. The Filipinos, before Dewey
arrived at Manila, had given up their
effort, and JVguInaldo had sold out to
the Spanish Goevrnment and left the
country. "When Agulnaldo "was per
mitted to return, no promises "were
made to him. On this point all our offi
cers who had anything to do with the
"business concur.
To wiiom ought we to go for infor
mation on such a subject? To a par
tisan campaign committee, seeking to
"'work" an important historical event
for the purposes of an election, or to
the distinguished men of our country,
in official service, who represented the
United States in the affair? In other
words, who should know best Mr.
Bryan and his campaign committee, or
Admiral Dewey. General Merrltt, Gen
eral Anderson and Colonel Denby?
In an article In a recent number of
the Torum Colonel Denby reviews the
question as to our alleged obligations
to Agulnaldo and the Filipinos. He
brings forward Admiral Dewey, who,
in the preliminary statement of the old
Philippine Commission, dated Novem
ber 2, 1S99, said: "No alliance of any
kind was entered into with Aguinaldo,
nor was any promise of Independence
made to him at any time." General
Merrltt, under date of December 18,
1S99, wrote: "There was positively no
agreement between Agulnaldo or any of
his representatives and myself that
locked toward co-operation between
tis." General Anderson wrote to Aguln
aldo July 23, 1S9S, that "if he did not
aid him in securing horses and sup
plies he would have to iiass him and
make requisition directly on the peo
ple"; and Agulnaldo himself wrote to
Anderson, August 13. 189S: "My troops
are forced by yours to retire from posi
tions taken." In his proclamation of
January 5, 2S99, Aguinaldo said: "The
Americans disembarked forces at the
town of Paranaque; they forced a ca
pitulation on the garrison of Manila";
and in the same proclamation he com
plains that he was "not notified" by
the Americans of their intention. July
28, 189S, Consul Pratt wrote to the De
partment of State: "I held out no
liopes to Aguinaldo of any kind, com
mitted the Government in no way
whatever, and in the course of our con
ferences never acted on the assumption
that the Government would co-operate
with Mm for furtherance of any plan
of his own." In August, 1S9S, Aguln
aldo asked Consul Williams. "Whv do
r.ot the American Generals co-operate
"with tho Filipino Generals?" "War was
declared on us by Agulnaldo, as Gen
era! Otis shows In his report, on the
h .if February, 1S99. simultaneously
with the attack on our troops. This is
tho history in brief. "What could be
m re conclusive?
Tl e Philippine group consists of nine
large and nearly 1300 small islands.
The area of the largest Luzon is
about that of the State of Ohio; the area
of tho next largest Mindanao is near
ly that of the State of Indiana. But
be; ween the northern and southern
llni'tfe of these two islands the distance
is neailj 166 miles. The other islands
arc situate dlspersedly over a wide
area of the sea. Is if probable that if
we should set up Agulnaldo with a
ro crnment in Luzon, such government
w ull be able to control the whole
group" It certainly would not. The so
cu.led government of Agulnaldo never
cr.i made pretense to control of any
tLmg outrfde of Luzon. But we do
1 v. id a:id control them. On what prln
cirle .ire we to be called on to surren
Cir them and at tbe same time engage
to oo'npel them to take Agulnaldo for
a mus r?
If cur antis would only consider this
s.tuution seriously and candidly, they
would see and acknowledge that their
s,. erne of independence and a protec
tirae is impossible. The United States
lt'jst either hold the islands or quit
lu m. Tlit? scheme of independent gov-en-nKKt
for the Tagalogs and a pro-tcvtoratv-'
over It will not bear any
sc-i us examination. Besides, the two
parts of it are incompatible and cannot
le reconciled. Independence and nro-
tictrate are "words that exclude eachj
oJier.
Our right of sovereignty, according to
nil the usages of nations, and laws of
Li?tury, is complete. "We had the right
to t.ke tbe country by conquest or pur
chase, or hoth combined else acquisi
tion of territory any terms is inad
missible; and if consent of the governed
must not yield to national sovereignty,
our Ctvil "War, from 1861 to 1865. was
prosecuted on a, principle that cannot
be defended. Besides, it is a strange
notion of consent of the governed that
would turn over all the islands of the
group except Luzon, and even the City
of Manila in Luzon, which Aguinaldo
never held, to a Tagalog government.
But, of course, since the antis rest
their argument on a sentimental phil
anthropy, on their peculiar conceptions
of charity, on misconstrued passages of
the Holy Scriptures, on misapplied ax
ioms of the Declaration of Independ
ence, and finally on palpitations of the
heart produced by an eager desire of
partisan success, which after all is the
mainspring of the motive to save the
cause of liberty represented by the en
lightened Tagalog since this is the
basis and this the end of their argu
ment, they will remain unconvinced.
But the spectacle of such distress for
liberty is not a touching one.
SELPtSirXBD TO THE CROSS.
There is no necessity that any should
remain in ignorance of the impelling
source of the gold standard in the
United States. It was forced upon us,
as every Bryanlc thinker and reformer
has explained, by a conspiracy whose
headquarters are in Lombard street,
London. The crime of '73 was but one
step in a long programme of bribery,
corruption, cajolery and intimidation
through which the United States has
been brought under subjection to the
power of British gold. The adoption of
the gold standard, so far as this coun
try is concerned, with the concomitant
maintenance of the parity and escape
from debased and- fluctuating cur
rency, is most accurately described as
the crucifixion of mankind upon a cross
of gold and thp pressing down upon
labor's brow of a crown of thorns. For
this we have no less authority than
Bryan himself.
Satisfactory and final as the diag
nosis is in the sad case of the United
States, some stretch of imagination is
necessary to extend the explanation
over the rest of civilization. The can
did and trustful soul who believes that
a British conspiracy against the wel
fare of this country has only to be
formulated to meet prompt aEsent and
co-operation of American statesmen
might be excused for hesitation to be
lieve that a similar British conspiracy
had been welcomed and promoted by
the ruling powers of Bussla, France,
Germany and Austria-Hungary. We
can only suppose that the Continental
statesmen are insincere In their dis
trust of English professions, or else
that their acuteness, dependable on all
other occasions, fails them on the
standard of value. .
In the New "World, also, accessions
to the British conspiracy are surpris
ingly numerous. The strenuous efforts
of our Central and South American Re
publics to reach the solid ground of the
gold standard are so many that one
almost mistrusts the victim has com
mitted voluntary self-sacrifice without
previous notice or request from the
London conspirators. Here is little
Costa Rica, which adopted the gold
standard in 1S96, announcing the com
pletion of its programme on the basis of
46.52 cents in gold for each "colon," and
the limitation of legal tender on silver
to $10. It is in line with similar an
nouncements from Pan-America, com
ing along all the time. It is certainly
very discouraging to all whose friend
ship for silver has been long and of an
intimate personal character.
In 1816 'England adopted the gold
standard.
In 1S54 Portugal adopted the gold
standard.
In 1871 Germany adopted the gold
standard.
In 1873 the United States adopted the
gold standard.
In 1873 Denmark adopted the gold
standard.
In 1873 Norway and Sweden adopted
the gold standard. t
In 1S77 Finland adopted the gold
standard.
In 1890 Roumania adopted the gold
standard.
In 1S92 Austria-Hungary adopted the
gold standard.
In 1895 Chile adopted the gold stand
ard. In 1S96 Costa Rica adopted the gold
standard.
InlS97 Russia adopted the gold stand
ard. In 1897 Japan adopted the gold stand
ard.
In 1S99 India adopted the gold stand
ard. In 1900 Santo Domingo adopted the
gold standard.
Thus it will appear that the black
crime of '73 spreads its awful pall over
almost the universal face of guilty hu
manity. How strange it is that with
the black doom of Great Britain and
the United States before their eyes,
other peoples rush on open-eyed to
financial destruction and slavery!
Or else it is strange that men with
Immortal souls and gray matter in their
skulls continue to regard Bryan as a
patriot and a thinker.
Does Bryan know as much about the
needs of the Philippines in 1900 as he
knew about the gold standard in 1S96?
"WHY WE REVOLTED.
The specific acts that induced the
American colonies to revolt from King
George are set out In sufficient detail in
the Declaration of Independence. It
would be superfluous to recount those
acts of injustice and oppression. They
make up a remarkable and Impressive
category of abuses. It was from these
specific and enumerated outrages that
the colonists sought relief. They recog
nized this, and therefore they made the
catalogue. Otherwise, they would have
Teen content to rest their case on the
fact that their "consent" had lapsed,
and that their pursuit of life, liberty
and happiness had been interfered
with.
Tho various "injuries and usurpa
tions" recounted in the immortal Dec
laration were adduced, not in support oi
the broad principles laid down in the
preamble, but to show the specific fact
that George had sought "the establish
ment of an absolute tyranny over these
states." Indeed, the preamble itself is
the only place in the whole document
where we encounter any generaliza
tion of principles at all. The catalogue;
of offenses is followed with an appeal
to the British people, not in support
of Republican doctrines, since entered
into the fabric of universal political
thinking, but in justification of the spe
cific act undertaken by reason of the
specific actions complained of.
"What the colonies said to the world
was: You see what we have suffered,
judge fairly of our choice of. remedy.
Now, that 1s just what human Institu
tions have always done and will always
do. The verdict must depend on the
evidence. "A decent respect to the
opinions of mankind' moved the sig
natory colonies to declare, not funda
mental principles of government, o"
which there are few if any, but "the
causes which impel them to the sepa
ration." They felt that justification for
rupture lay in specific acts that could
be proved, not in sounding declarations
to be dangled in the eyes of a hypno
tized world. And they were right. The
justification or condemnation of United
States rule in the Philippines will He,
not in grandiloquent phrases from any
source, but in the specific acts of our
rule there. Such a category of abuses
and usurpations as the Declaration con
tains would amply justify a revolt
there, but meanwhile itiis Idle to an
ticipate them.
Candidate Bryan bases his Philippine
contention upon the sounding phrases
of the Declaration, while he Ignores its
historical and actual significance. It is
certain those preliminary generaliza
tions were harmless when supplement
ed with the real matter of the arraign
ment and the resolve; but if they are to
be made the axioms of government for
all time, they must bei looked franklj
in the face. It was thought the clever
and desirable thing to introduce the
Declaration with lofty and plausible
sentiments. "All men are created
equal." But the inequality of men, by
heredity, by environment, by capacity,
by opportunity, is demonstrated every
day; and in the difficult struggles of
modern government we have come at
length to realize how painfully .unequal
men ate in the very quality the Dec
laration had in mind, that is, the capa
city for self-government. The colonists
had a real grievance against King
George; therefore they concluded that
all governments derive their just pow
ers from the consent of the governed.
They felt themselves fitted for self-government;
therefore, they, concluded, all
men are fjtted for self-government
that is, equal.
The Declaration says, moreover, that
life, liberty and the pursuit of happi
ness are "unalienable." It is a capti
vating phrase, but if it has any true
meaning, it is deeply hidden. All these
things are alienated by the transgres
sor every day.
JAPAN'S IS THE GLORY.
The Conger cipher dispatch of July
17, received by Secretary Hay on July
20, probably saved the Legations. The
allies had been in possession of Tien
Tsin for two days when, on July 16,
came the lying dispatches that the en
voys had been massacred July 6. The
transient credence given to this dis
patch was to halt the advance until
September 1, as useless save for retri
bution and punishment, which could be
Inflicted at leisure. But on July 20 Sec
retary Hay received Minister Conger's
reply to his dispatch of July 11. This
reply was undated, but it was sent from
Pekin July 17, and announced that
Minister Conger was in the British le
gation under continued shot and shell
from Chinese troops; that only quick
relief could prevent general massacre.
This announcement that the envoys
were alive, not dead, energized the al
lies to make their rush expedition to
Pekln. They started August 4 and res
cued the Legations August 14, arriving
just in time, as provisions were nearly
exhausted.
But the real credit for the rescue
belongs, after all, in the large sense
to the Japanese, for their military force
and not diplomacy rescued the Lega
tions. All the circulars and diplomatic
notes exchanged by the powers con
cerning their policy in China did not
have any bearing on the fact of the
ultimate rescue, which was due solely
to military force applied steadily all
the way from Tien Tsin to Pekin, and
of this military force the Japanese fur
nished two-thirds. Japan, a heathen
power, took the side of the Christian
powers promptly. She furnished two
thirds of the military force; she bore
the brunt of the fighting. It was the
final charge of the Japanese that cap
tured Tien Tsin. The glory of the crit
ical battle of Peit Sang belongs to the
Japanese, for they did all the hardest
fighting. Their cavalry did all the
scouting to Pekln, and they were the
first to break through the walls of the
Imperial city.
Without the Japanese, the rescue ex
pedition would not have been possible
at this time. Without the Japanese,
the envoys would have been murdered
or held as prisoners of war, to be tor
tured as were the British officers cap
tured by the Chinese in 1860. Two of
these British captive officers were be
headed, and the rest were so horribly
tortured in Pekin that they did not long
survive their injuries after their re
lease. To Japan belongs the glory of
the rescue, and If civilization forgets
this fact, to it will belong the shame.
ANALYSIS OF BRYAN.
Dr. George L. Miller, a lifelong Demo
crat, for many years proprietor and
editor of the Omaha Herald, presents a
view of William J. Bryan which throws
strong light on the candidate's political
and personal character. Dr. Miller
says:
I know Bryan as well as anyone can know
him, for I worked with him in his early po
litical days and have been in touch with his
actions of moro recent years. I have no faith
whatever in his sincerity, because I credit him
with more than ordinary Intelligence. He knew
the fallacy of the free-silver proposition when
ho first thrust it upon the party in this state,
but he insisted upon making- it a political is
sue, for, with panther-like quickness, he re
alized that it could be readily employed to de
lude a. people who at that time were suffering
from a universal business depression.
Proceeding with his analysis, Dr. Mil
ler says:
The primary objection to Bryan is his con
tinuous assault upon the established institu
tions of his country, his unremitting attacks
upon our citizens who happen to own some
, thin?, his opposition to the rights of our courts
and his Implied carelessness as (to the preser
vation of law and order. He Is forever appeal
ing to class to array one portion of our people
against another. Ho panders to the desires of
the envious, unscrupulous and irresponsible
members of society, and for that reason alone
he is a dangerous man to place at the head of
our Government.
Of course, every person who reads
Bryan's speeches sees instantly that we
have in these statements a delineation
of his purpose, method and character.
We reproduce one more extract from
this searching statement by the man
who for many years was leader of the
Democratic party, in its better days, in
the State of Nebraska:
On the rlrhts of life and property he molds
his speech in anarchistic form; on the subject
of law and order he Incites the revolutionary
spirit; on the Philippine problem he promises
nothing different from the course now being
pursued by the Administration, but attempts
to catch votes by a groundless cry of Im
perialism. Bryan is as Insincere In Tits utterances on
the Philippine question as he la in his silver
doctrine.
It Is admitted at Seattle that as far as
possible all the persons from- all parts
of the United States and from the rest
of the world, who sailed for Nome and
other northern ports, and all who sailed
on the transports for the Philippines,
were "taken" in the census of that city;
and their families, too, as far as could
be ascertained, in whatever quarter of
the world they might be living. These
facts are brought out in the dispute
between Seattle and Tacoma, over the
census. Seattle answers that "a sea
port city has the right to enumerate
those who are about to leave for remote
parts." Naturally, this would give the
right to enumerate all who arrive. Ta
coma charges that even commerqlal
travelers are Included in Seattle's re
turn, and fictitious names enrolled be
sides. The Tacoma Ledger, denouncing
this work, says "the wholesale pad
ding" has been Inspired largely by po
litical bosses, for the purpose of in
creasing Seattle's political power.
"Much," it adds, "is to be gained in the
way of increased power through the
addition of 20.000 or 30,000 fictitious or
illegitimate names, and the bosses are
not overlooking any bets. The recent
article in the Ledger showing wherein
Seattle would gain seven members in
the Legislature as a result of the pad
ding process is a fair indication qf what
can be fraudulently secured by the po
litical manipulators in that city. The
tremendous advantage that will be en
joyed by them in the event of a division
of the state into Congressloal districts
also furnishes an explanation as to the
motive in padding the Seattle count."
Senator Wellington, the Maryland
man, whose state has repudiated his
political dictation, utters this whine:
President McKlnley has betrayed me. I was
opposed to tho Paris peace treaty, and would
nover have voted for its ratification of my own
volition. 1 told' tho President so, and he In
duced ma to 'vote for it by solemnly pledging:
mo that it was not the intention of himself or
the Governm&nt to forcibly hold or perma
nently acquire the Philippines.
President McKinley has at all times
said that he himself has had no "in
tentions" as to the future of the Phil
ippine Islands. Time and again he has
declared that the whole business is in
the hands of Congress. Senator Welling
ton twiddles with the subject. McKin
ley has always said that he could make
no promises as to what Congress would
do. Why doesn't the little Senator from
Maryland employ his influence and
powers in getting Congress to drop the
Philippines? Because, of course, he is
without ability or influence, and can do
nothing. Is he sure that it was McKin
ley, not Bryan, who "betrayed" him?
Bryan threw all his influence in favor
of tho treaty, which was not inconsider
able. It is well known that the treaty
would have failed, had he not gone to
Washington and made personal appeal
to certain Democratic Senators In sup
port of it.
It is not likely that Russia will per
sist in any course toward China that
is not sanctioned by the action of at
least Germany, for she could not afford
to run counter to the policy of Great
Britain, Japan and the United States,
and she certainly cannot afford to op
pose these powers further supported
by Germany. Russia is not master of
the situation at Pekln, and will not be
permitted to dictate to other powers in
a matter of such vital importance as
the political future of China. The
United States, Japan and Great Britain
will have a preponderant voice upon
that question. The interest of the
United States, Great Britain and Japan
not being in the conquest and partition
of China, but in commercial expansion,
these powers certainly will act as a
unit in opposing with their influence a
course of action that would stop pro
duction in China and close its markets
to their trade.
In principle and In fact there Is no
diftere'hee between coercion in the Phil
ippines now and coercion of the South
from 1861 to 1865. In one case as in the
other, the enforcement of National sov
ereignty against a people disputing it
was and is the only issue. Not con
sent of the governed, but National au
thority, was and is the question. The
way to get consent of the governed is
through use of force. After the consent
is obtained through force it is held
through knowledge that force will be
used again, if authority should be dis
puted. This is the basis on which all
men submit to government. No man
likes the government to which he is
subject, but he submits because he has
no choice. Not a man in the United
States but would change its government
very materially, if he could.
"How in the world is President Bryan
to protect President Agulnaldo and his
government from foreign interference,
unless he keeps an army and navy over
'there? And wouldn't this be militar
ism?" These are questions addressed
to The Oregonian. We decline them.
They are too hard for us. They should
have been addressed to some keen in
tellect of the Bryan party say Hon.
Milt or Colonel Bob Miller.
Bryan started in on tariff as the para
mount issue. Then it was silver. Now
it i3 imperialism. The country has been
successively doomed to the dogs or to
the devil under each and every one.
Next time he will turn up with some
new paramount issue, on which the
country? must take his advice or go to
the dogs or to the devil some more.
Paramount issues while you wait.
The sentence of the ringleader In the
plot to abduct Lord Roberts and kill
British officers has been confirmed. He
could not expect a different decision,
for he deserved his fate. As a soldier
he had a right to shoot Lord Roberts in
battle, but as an ex-soldler he violated
his parole when he plotted abduction
and murder.
From Japanese official reports we
learn at last where the Empress is.
The Japs are all right. They do the
flghting and they get the news.
Bryan and the Treaty of Paris.
New York "Evening Post.
Mr. J. Sterling Morton's paper, the Con
servative, touches a raw spot in William
J. Bryan's record by republishing the
speech made by Senator Money, of Mis
sissippi, against the treaty with Spain
while Mr. Bryan was himself urging Its
ratification. It would seem as though Sen
ator Money was addressing himself par
ticularly to Mr. Bryan when he said:
"We are told that we want peace; that
we want to get the volunteers home. We
all do. Everybody wants peace. I want
the volunteers brought home. , t Poes
any man say we are going to have peace
by ratifying- this treaty? Yes, we wilt
have peace with Spain, but we will begin
war with the Filipinos. ... If we rati
fy the treaty with no declaration in it
that we disclaim any right to enslave
these people, or to hold them in subjec-.
tion, or use language which does not
mean giving them their liberty, we have
already embarked in a. war that will not
release the volunteers, but which will
call for fresh volunteers, and thousands
of the best American youth will lay
their bones upon the plains and in the
jungle of Luzon and In other parts of. the
Philippines."
. Referring to the Bacon resolution which
Mr. Bryan wished to have adopted simul
taneously with the ratification of the
treaty, Senator Money said that there
were several such resolution before the
Senate, but that they""nmounted to noth
ing because they were mere declarations
of opinlop. Congress might pass them to
day and repeal them tomorrow. They
did not fix the status of the Filipinos.
They did not disband the Army. They
dld not put a stop to the bloodshed. The
only place to accomplish these things
was in the treaty Itself. He (Mr. Money)
could not vote for a treaty without
stipulations insuring peace engrafted in
the instrument itself. With such stipula
tions he believed that it would receive
every vote on his side or the chamber.
DANGER IN THE SENATE.
How Bryan's Election Threatens the
Gold Standard.
New York Journal of Commerce.
The Republican National Committee
has finally issued a warning that the
party majority in the Senato might be
lost on March 4 next, and probably would
be if Mr. Bryan were elected. But the
more serious aspect of the situation the
committee's official relations to the party
prevent it from commenting on. This
aspect is that it is not enough to have
a Republican Senate; it is necessary that
there should be a sound-money Senate.
The present Senate Is both Republican
and moderately sound on the currency.
But the Republican blmetallsts in the
Senate, some of whom were sllverltes re
cently, had power enough to secure the
incorporation in the bill of several con
cessions to sllverlsm. All tho discussion
whether the new law is effective In estab
lishing and protecting the gold standard
is over points that the Republican bl
metallsts forced into the bill as the price
of their support. The party position
being pretty clearly defined, these gentle
men concluded to make some sacrifice to
maintain their party standing if their
party would also concede something.
which it did. But if Mr. Bryan were
elected it would be possible to argue that
the sentiment of the country was against
the gold standard, and these blmetallsts
would no longer feel it necessary to dis
guise their opinions in order to maintain
their party standing; they would appeal
to the party to come over to their posi
tion and save itself from' further defeat.
Among the Senators who voted for the
gold-standard law In March was Mr.
Lindsay, of Kentucky, but he Is a Dem
ocrat and will not be In the Senate after
March 3. Mr. Caffery, of Louisiana, was
paired In favor of the bill, but he Is a
Democrat, and his successor has already
been elected. Among the Republicans
who voted for the law were Baker of
Kansas, Bard and Perkins of California,
Carter of Montana, Clark of Wyoming,
Hansbrough and McCumber of North
Dakota, and Shoup of Idaho. How many
of these Senators can be trusted to defend
the gold standard if Mr. Bryan should be
elected? A few of these men, and of those
who were paired in support of the bill,
are really sound-money men and can be
trusted so long as they remain in the
Senate; but several of them are to have
their successors elected between now and
March 4, and If the Bryanites can carry
the country they can elect sllverite suc
cessors to these men or induce them to
abandon the gold -standard. Besides these
Senators there are Senator Chandler, of
New Hampshire, who is a blmetallst, and
Senator Thurston, of Nebraska, who Is an
opportunist and Is opposed to antagoniz
ing such cheap-money Republicans as
there are in tho West.
Of the present Senators who are
counted as .sound-money men, nine will
be re-elected or replaced before March 4,
and nine men taken from the sound
money side of the chamber would leye
that side a minority. The Republicans
may lose their control of tho Senate if
Mr. Bryan can be elected, and the sound
money hold upon the Senate Is not so
strong as that of the Republican party.
The TnsalV American Allies.
A few days before General Lawton was
killed on the field of battle by a Fili
pino bullet he wrote this letter:
I would to God that the trnth of
this whole Philippine situation
conld he known to every one In
America as I know it.
If the real history, Inspiration and
conditions of this insurrection, anil
the influences, local and external,
that now encourage the enemy, as
well as the actual possibilities of
these islands and people and their
relations to this great East, could
he understood at home, we would
hear no more tallc of unjust "shoot
ing: of government" into the Fili
pinos, or of hnnliner down our Hag
in the Philippines.
If he so-called nntl-Imperlnllsts
-would honestly ascertain the truth
on the ground and not in distant
America, they, whm I believe to be
honest men and misinformed, would
he convinced of the error of their
statements and conclusions and of
the unfortunate effect of their pub
lications here.
If I am shot by a Filipino bullet it
might as well come from one ot my
own men, because I know from ob
servations confirmed by captured
prisoners that tho continuance of
fighting- is chiefly due to reports that
are sent out from America.
Financial Measures in Costa Ttica.
Minister Merry writes from San Jose:
"Commencing tomorrow, the Government
of Costa Rica will attempt the gold
standard on a valuation of 46.52 cents in
United States gold for each 'colon. SU
ver will no longer constitute legal tender
for over $10 In one payment. The Bank of
Costa Rica has been for some time call
ing in Its paper circulation under the de
nomination of $5, and substituting there
for subsidiary sliver. The standard pro
posed for adoption being a fraction below
the present value of the Mexican silver
dollar, and the balance of trade having
been in favor of Costa Rica during the
past year, this effort for a gold basis
promises to succeed, unless the gold coin
emitted is hoarded by the people or in
the event of a disturbance of the public
peace requiring relatively large expendi
ture by the government. There has been
some friction between the chartered 'Bank
of Costa Rica and the government in
arranging fop this financial change of
base; but, so far as publicly known at
this time, arrangements are now com
pleted for the payment of gold 'colones'
on demand. The greater portion of this
gold coinage is in the denomination of 10
colones, having a value of 54.652 In United
States gold."
Austin Rises Into Prose.
New York Times.
So often have we been moved to criti
cise adversely the verses of Mr. Alfred
Austin, poet laureate of the British Em
pire, that it is with sincere pleasure we
take advantage of the opportunity he has
now given us to recognize more than ordi
nary merit in a prose letter of condolence
which he, on behalf of the London Dante
Society, has just sent to the widow of
Italy's murdered King. The extreme
difficulty of tasks like this one is too well
known to require more than mention, but
Mr. Austin has produced an expression
of sorrow and sympathy that cqmes very
near to perfection. Neither so long as to
be wearisome nor so short as to be formal
and inadequate, the letter possesses both
grace and dignity, and only cold-hearted
cynicism will suspect an element of insin
cerity in the enthusiasm with which, the
dead monarch's public and private vir
tues are recorded. "To the imagination
of the simple," wrote Mr. Austin, "the
diadem of Kings Is a crown of gold. A
more just appreciation of royal responsi
bility made ancient Lorabardy conceive It
as an iron crown, and. be it reverently
said, it would be no exaggeration of fancy
to regard it as, lnthese days, a crown of
thorns. As such. King Humbert humbly
but unflinchingly accepted it. and in his
tragic death, as in his truly klnsly life,
gave convincing and continuous proof of
that virile courage and that moral worth
which alone can preserve and perpetuate
hearty attachment to monarchical Insti
tutions among free and" independent com
munities." As excuse for writing, the
laureate says that his society bears a
name almost synonymous with that of
Italy itself, and he concludes: "We would
only ask your Majesty to nermlt us to
add that, as Englishmen, and members of
the British Empire, we cherish a. peculiar
anection ror Italy and the Italian DeoDle.
and that their sorrow and yours are. In
tnls melancholy hour, sincerely shared by
ourselves, as by all our fellow-country
men." How vastly better is Mr. Austin's
prose than his heroic verso!
ART OF INSINUATION.
Which Can Deceive, nt Most, Very
Few Thinking Persons.
Chicago Tribune.
Mr. Bryan is much given to making by
inference incorrect statements which he
deems It inadvisable to make directly.
xnus he said at Lincoln this week: "If
we dare to exclude the people of Porto
Rico from a share in the Government in
which they live, .we will deny our faith
in a principle that has been fundamental
in this country for a century and a quar
ter." Who Is talking of denying tho
"fundamental principle"? "Who denizes
of it, Betsy?"- No one. Then why should
Mr. Bryan insinuate that the Porto Ri-
cans are not to be allowed a sharo In
their own Government?
That gentleman has had much to say in
condemnation of some of the provisions
of the Porto RIcan legislation of the last
session. He should not be Ignorant of th
fact that local legislative powers have
been vested in a Legislative Assembly,
one branch of which the House of Dele
gates is to be elected by the qualified
voters of the Island. So the Porto Ricans
are to have an important share In the
Government In which they live. They are
to participate In the formulating of the
system of local taxation which must be
devised to meet the necessities of the lo
cal government. The customs duties
which now supply revenue will not be col
lected after March 1. 1902. It is settled
that the Porto Ricans are to have taxa
tion and representation. The first act
passed for the government of the Louis
iana Territory provided for taxation, but
gave no representation.
Not all adult male Porto Ricans can
vote for members of the House of Dele
gates. The right to the suffrage Is con
fined to those who can read and write.
This disfranchises large numbers. But
Mr. Bryan cannot object to such a limita
tion. It exists In the States of South Car
olina, Louisiana and Mississippi, state's
whose ruling classes are his frien.ds.
There is a serious difference, though, be
tween Porto 'Rico and those states. In
the former ignorant whites are denied
the ballot, as well as Ignorant blacks. In
the latter the Ignorant blacks are disfran
chised and "excluded from a share in- the
Government In which they live," but the
illiterate whites are not. It is not likely
that Mr. Bryan will be heard speaking
favorably of legislation which puts on the
same footing all Ignorant men, regardless
of their color. There Is an equality about
that which will not be commended by
him.
That is a side issue, however. The main
point is that Mr. Bryan affects to fear the
infliction of a grievous wrong on the
Porto Ricans that they who are not
taxed at all now are to be taxed without
their consent, or are not to be permitted
to have a voice in the making of the laws
under which they are to live. He knows
his pretended fears are witho'ut founda
tion, if he Is familiar with Porto RIcan
legislation. If he Is not he should study
it before he discusses Porto Rican affairs.
His Bid for Fame.
The Standard editor has received a polite hut
urgent request from The Oregonian for his
photograph and a few thousand words of biog
raphy. Tho purpose of the great paper is to
publish the latter surmounted by the former as
one of Its attractions in somo future Issue,
announcement ot which is to made In due
timo. The Standard editor declines to permit
his picture to appear In The Oregonlan's rogue
gallery. "We object to tne publicity entailed
and tho further fact that perhaps It may ap
pear simultaneous with the Ill-favored picture
of Shutt, tho raven-beaked monstrosity that
edits the Granite rag. Lawton Standard.
Men havo various ways of seeking
fame. This is tho Lawton Standard man's
way, and we give him the benefit of it.
His caper reminds us of the words of a
solemn poet, whose verse once had wide
favor, viz.:
In purple somo and some in rags stood forth
For reputation. Ono of lowlier mind
Displayed a limb well-fashloncd, etc
,
MEN AND WOMEN.
Sir Donald Currie, head of tho Castle line of
steamers, was discharged from the services ot
the Cunard line in his younger and humbler
days because he refused to worlc on Sunday.
Tjhe Sultan of Turkey has gone in for mo
toring, and is so pleased with his particular
machine that he has conferred a decoration
upon tho manazer of the Gevman works at
-which it was constructed.
Slgnor Tamagno has met with a. serious acci
dent. Workmen who were moving a heavy pic
ture in hl3 Villa Margherlta. at Varsee, let It
slip, and tho frame struck the famous tenor on
the head, Injuring him severely.
Baron Arthur do Rothschild is an enthusias
tic chauffeur. Recently in sgi automobile jour
ney from Paris to Hamburg he made the run
from Frankfort to the latter place in IS min
utes, beatln? the time of the fastest train by
seven minutes.
Tho new Kins of Italy Is taller than his
father and mother, but has not the broad
shoulders that lent lmpressiveness to the
figures of his parents when they were seated
or on horseback. Tho new King has abnor
mally short legs, that seem characteristic of
his branch of the family. His cousins of the
Aosta line are tall, well-built young fellows.
Rev. E. F. Lawrence secretary of the Church
Society for the Promotion of Kindness to Ani
mals, Intends to visit "Washington, for the pur
pose of presenting his Ideas to President Mc
Klnley. He hopes later to secure audiences
with the Czar, Emperor William and the heads
of other nations, being convinced of their co
operation. The Swiss Government will be
asked to summon the signatories to the general
convention.
During his rapid march from Rietfonteln to
Bloemfonteln. Lord Roberts noticed the suffer
ings of the bullocks as they tolled along with
the transport -wagons, their backs seamed with
the cruel lash of the Kaffir drivers. When the
army moved on again from Bloemfonteln tha
Commander-in-Chief issued a written order
that no Kaffir was to be allowed to flo? the
oxen: they might urge them on with the pistol
shot reports of their long whips, but no flog
ging. i
A Little While.
New Orleans Times-Democrat.
It is so natural that we fall asleep
Liko tired children wnen the day Is done.
That I would question why the living weep
When Death ha3 kissed the laughing lips of
one.
We do not sigh when golden skies have donned
The purple shadows and tho gray of night.
Because we know the morning lies beyond.
And we must wait a little while for light.
So when, crown weary with tho care and
strife, .
Our loved ones find In sleep the peace they
crave.
We should not weep, but learn to count this
life
A prelude to the one beyond the grave;
And thus be happy for them, not distressed.
But lift our hearts with lova to God, and
smile.
And we anon, like tired ones, will rest.
If we will hope and wait- little while.
KOTB AND COMMENT.
If China is not civilised, what 'shall bo
said of Northern Ohio?
The difference between Bryan andthe
RingMngs is that Bryan, has no show.
The long-Forbidden City Is liable to bo
come the most cosmopolitan of any.
Where there's a will there'a.a way; and
where there is a big es'tato there may "too
several wills.
Has any Porttander been heard- to- re
mark this month that he would like to
be the iceman?
Judging from the present and all past,
events, the coming ot the Astoria regatta
is a sure slsn of rain.
While the Czar Is collecting things ot
value In Manchuria, the other powers are
trying to collect their thoughts.
Students of Spanish who contemplate
going to the far East should remember
that "$i Mex" means ZQ cents ht Ametd
can silver.
The history of China is liable to be like
that of all savage peoples who refuse to.
learn. First the explorer, then the mis
sionary and next the cannon.
The entire number of pupils in all
schools, public and private, last year In.
this country was 1C.6S7.643. out of an esti
mated population of 72,737,100. There ara
101,058 young men and women in the uni
versities and colleges, 54,231. ht schools oC
law, medicine and theology. 67.53S in nor
mal schools. 70.930 In business schools, 23,501,
in reform schools and 97,737 In kindergar
tens. The success of the torpedo-boat de
stroyer Viper, operated upon the steam
turbine principle, has led tho Inventor.
Mr. Parsons, to build a great plant for
the manufacture of these engines, and
he asserts he will soon be ready;
to furnish engines that will drive
a trans-Atlantic liner across the ocean
In three days. The Viper went a3 hlgla.
as 45 miles an hour during the trials)
recently, and Mr. Parsons says ho be
lieves that the days of the ralle-a-mlnute
ship Are not far off.
James A, Rappe, of Marinette, Wis., o
veteran of three wars, is riding a bicycle
to Chicago to attend the G. A. R. Na
tional Encampment. He is Ju&t 81 years
old, and fought in the Semluole. Mexican,
and Civil Wars. Last year he rode his
bicycle from Marinette to Philadelphia to
attend the encampment. He made tha
IMO-mlle trip with apparent ease. and. al
though he was run over by a wagon after
his arrival In Philadelphia, and suffered
a broken arm and other injuries, he re
turned home in good condition and de
termined to ma to another Ionic bicycle
Journey this year.
It'n An Old Story. "
Chicago Journal, Ind.
When we read and reread that inspired
document known as the Kansas City pint
form, we confess that we fear for bur
country, and see nothing but blue rdn
ahead. But we pluck up courage agnfn
when we turn to the Democratic plat
form of 186S, which solemnly declared:
Under its (the Republican party's) repeated
assaults, the pillars of the Government are.
rocking on their base, and should It succeed in.
November next and inaugurate Its President.
wa will meet as a subjected and conquered,
people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scat
tered fragments ot the Constitution.
It would appear that rocking on their
bases Is a favorite practice with the pil
lars of the Government.
PLEASANTRIES OF PAHAGRAPHBRS
'They say the wife of LI Hung Chang has
4000 zown3." "Most of them tea gowns, of
course." Cleveland Plain Dealer.
Perhaps Not. "The husband of the Dowager
Empress, of course, is dead." "Oh, well! t
suppose he doesn't object to that " Puck.
"Papa, what Is the aln pomp and slory o
this world?" "My son. It's the things wa
preach against when we don't succeed In get
ting them." Life.
Edith Uncle George. Is It a painful opera
tion when a man has his leg pulled? And do.
they take anything? Uncle George Gas is.
usually administered. I believe. Boston Tran
script. Midsummer Research. "I haven't been down,
to the office for three days." "Sick?" "Noi
my family are going away, and I've beea
helping them Hnd the keys to the trunks."
Chicago Record.
Somebody to Fall Back On. "Dickie. T
hated to whip you, but you are so bad I had
to." "Well, never mlu. ma; when gran'ma
comes, an I tell her 'bout It. you'll be sor
rler'n' y' are now "Indianapolis Journal.
Political Curiosities. Watts I've got an un
cle out West who own-s two good gold mines,
and ho Is going to support Bryan. Potts Tv
got you beat. My barber Is a Mlddle-of-the-ltoad
Populist. Indianapolis Press.
A Geographical Simile. "It strlkei me," said
the first sensible man, "that Bryan -wants thox
earth." "Yes." the other agreed, "and lt(
strikes me he'll resemble the earth pretty
soon." "In what way?" "He'll bo flattened
at the polls." Philadelphia Press.
From a. Wife's Diary "Ah, me! Yesterday
my husband exclaimed. 'Parbleut at golf.
This evening he has Just exclaimed, 'Hoot,
mon!' at my fete champetre. How humiliating:
to be married to such a. clod of a man, with,
no soul, none of the finer benslbllltiest" De
troit Journal.
Emulation. Mamma (bent on conveying s
lesson In deportment) Tommy, did you notice
what a nolsa Eddie Stapleford made In eatlnff
when he was here yesterday? Mamma's Boy
Yes; but he can't make half as much noise as
I can. Just listen to mo eatln' this mush and
milk! Chicago Tribune.
The House of Love.
Folger McKlnsey in Baltimore News.
Wo built it out of a Summer dream.
With hopes of wonder for arch and beam;
We cleared a spot in the roy lane.
Where oaks gave shelter from sun and rain;
We wasted wealth of our fancy there
In that haven we built from the world ot care.
It grew, from the sill to the vaulted dome,
A sweet love nest and a love sweet home.
There- were secret ways through the tangled
wood
To the spot where Its walls of Jasper stood;
There were chestnuts bending above the moss
And the pine spread arms like a wayside eroaaj
There were wildwood blooms for the feet to
fall.
And the low. sweet plaint of the thrush's call:
There were faith, and trust, and the song- ot
life
In the rooms that were walled from thsatress
and strife.
We built it out of the ormos stone.
And the amethyst, with Its purple zone;
We set white lilies beside the door.
And strewed the myrrh-leaf on the floor;
We carved the rails of the winding- stair
Out of the marble snow-white and rare;
One chamber of gold in a sea ot white
Wo built to the east for the morning light.
One io the west was ot crimson sheen
For the sunset ribbons to flash between.
And one was the secret room ot tho h-irt
Where thou. O Love, didst reign apart
From the dust that stifles the voice of sonar
Where th feet go by ot the hurrying throng;
From the roar and rumble that thrill tho day
In the hundred haunts of the human fray.
We built It out of a Summer dream.
We followed the path of the far-off gleam.
Hand In hand to onr hopes we went
Under the lanes where the chestnuts bent.
And what If the house wera a house of dust?
And what if wo wasted our faith and trust?
And what if It crumbled away at our feet?
We bad our dream and the dream was Bweetl
r