is
THE MORNING OKEGONIAy, TUESDAY, MARCH 20, 1900.
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PORTLAXI), TUESDAY, MARCH 20.
THE BRITISH WAR, LOAN.
The British war loan has closed with
over-subscriptions nearly $50,000,000 In
amount, and it Is fair to assume, on
Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan's recent an
nouncement, that the $50,000,000 sub
scribed in this country will receive fa
vorable consideration. The total amount
of the loan is $150,000,000. so that United
States capital will get about a third of
it. A single life Insurance company
takes $10,000,000, and a single New York
bank as much more. The transaction
is suggestive in many ways, least of
which, probably, is the indication of
friendly feeling between the two coun
tries. Then there is the natural reflec
tion that we are gradually passing from
the status of debtor to that of a credi
tor nation. This loan affords tangible
evidence that by the amount of $50,000,
000 our debt to Europe has been re
duced, through sale of products thither.
More Important is the bearing of the
transaction on American finance and
currency. The conclusion is irresist
ible that this investment is more de
sirable to the capital concerned than
anything this country has to offer. The
consols pay but 2 per cent interest,
and the issue price being 1 per cent
below par, they provide an investment
at not to exceed 3 per cent a year,
though of the safest possible character.
The inference is fair that our indus
trial securities, though paying large
dividends and apparently assured of a
prolonged period of confidence, are
deemed Inferior, for careful investors,
to a 3 per cent bond, perfectly secure.
Of still greater interest and perti
nence is the question why these British
bonds are preferred to United States
bonds. The answer is not In the sim
ple comparison of nominal Interest
rates, though on that basis the advan
tage is clearly with the British bonds.
But the fact is that accumulation of
capital In this country has grown to a
point where competition for Investment
Is most keen and almost destructive
of profit. That is, we seem to be fast
approaching a condition like that of
Europe. An Influential difference be
tween the British bonds and ours is
that they run for only ten years, while
ours run for thirty. Hence theirs- sell
close to par, while ours are already at
a premium. If the British bonds ran
for thirty years. It is not Improbable
we should see them taken up at figures
netting between 1 and 2 per cent to the
holders. The new United States 2 per
cents are quoted In advance at from 6
to 7 per cent above par, and the old
bonds have risen correspondingly until
they are now salable at a price to yield
the purchaser hardly more than 1 per
cent. No Investment institution can,
accordingly, afford to keep these bonds
when it can easily do very much bet
ter, and the British war loan offers a
most favorable substitute comparative
ly, notwithstanding the fact that the
British bonds will be subject to Ameri
can taxation, while our own are not.
Incidentally, attention may be drawn
to the bearing of the bond affairs on
the volume of our currency. As was
pointed out by The Oregonlan long ago,
any expectation that low Interest-bearing
bonds will afford basis of extrava
gant note Issues is foredoomed to dis
appointment, because the more service
able they are for currency, the higher
their price will be in the markets, and
the lower, consequently, the profit on
the resulting circulation. A 2 per cent
bond can very readily reach a price
where it will be of no more service to a
bank for note issues than a 5 per cent
bond at par.
SUPERFLUOUS LARGESS.
Perhaps the most effective argument
against the subsidy bill is the simple
array of activity in American ship
yards generally. A dispatch to the
Boston Transcript is an extremely good
advertisement, or else shipbuilding 1b a
good business. It says the vast plant
of the New Tork Shipbuilding Com
pany at Camden is approaching com
pletion. There will soon be thirty feet
of water along a frontage of 2000 feet.
In the yard "many labor-saving de
vices are to be used, and in this re
spect the new yard will be far ahead of
some of its competitors." The capital
has already been increased from $3,000,
000 to $6,000,000, and "there is practi
cally unlimited wealth at its com
mand." Contracts enough to keep it
busy for a year after it is fully opened
are already In sight.
This activity is general. Within two
months Maine yards have launched
10,000 tons of shipping, and they expect
to launch 5000 tons a month for the
rest of the year. Not only are many
huge schooners being built, but the
price of coal is giving square-rigged
vessels a chance in competition with
tramp steamers that they have not had
for years. The present contracts of the
Bath Iron Works would keep 1000 men
at work for two years. Arthur Sewall
& Co. are to build two four-masted
steel ships larger than any they have
thus far built. A shipyard at New Lon
don, Conn., is to build for the Pacific
service of the Great Northern Itailroad
two steamers 700 feet long, 75 feet beam
and 30 feet draft. Chicago shipbuilders
are now figuring on two steamers to
have a guaranteed speed of 18 knots;
they will be 470 feet long and 50 feet
beam.
It should be noted, also, that through
employment of foreign vessels exten-
sions of our shipping facilities continue
without the help of the Government.
The large steamer Alton has Just
reached Philadelphia from Calcutta
with $300,000 worth of Jute and burlaps.
This is "the first bulk shipment ever
sent out by direct steamer from Cal
cutta to Philadelphia." The Press says
this voyage "Is the beginning of a di
rect and valuable commerce in eteam
bottoms between Philadelphia and Cal
cutta, as other cargoes are to follow
and have been already arranged for."
The Alton Is an English vessel.
The accounts of building operations
in American shipyards seem to answer
conclusively the contention that we
cannot build vessels in competition with
foreign Industry. Our shipyards secure
contracts for warships In open compe
tition with European firms, and there
is no reason why we should not do the
same with merchant vessels. The sub
sidy bill is consistent with the pro
gramme of surrender to the Protected
Interests, so distinctly revealed in the
reciprocity and Puerto Rico questions.
The attitude of the majority In all these
matters is suicidal. It is sowing the
wind. .
THE PROBLEM OP ARMY REFORM.
To Colonel Edward E. Britton, late of
the New York State National Guard,
has been awarded a gold medal for the
best essay answering the question, "In
what way can the National Guard be
modified so as to make it an effective
reserve to the regular Army In both
war and peace?" The committee of
award Included Governor Theodore
Roosevelt, of New York; that very able
and accomplished officer, Major-Gen-eral
Thomas H. Ruger, of the retired
list of the regular Army, and Major-
General Joseph W. Plume, of the New
Jersey National Guard.
At the outset of our war with Spain
the President directed his call for
troops to the Governors for quotas ap
portioned to their respective states.
The National Guard organizations be
ing considered as ready for service, re
quest was made that they be given the
preference. This expectation of readi
ness for service was not realized. A
liberal percentage of the men of the ex
isting National Guard was rejected as
physically unfit. There were neither
arms, equipments, uniforms nor equip
page enough to go round, and what
there was Included many varieties of
patterns and much that was become
obsolete and unserviceable. At the out
break of the war the states had an ag
gregate force under arms of nearly 114,
000 officers and men. Of the 124.S04 vol
unteers in service at the end of May,
1S98, under the President's first call of
April 23, for 125,000 men, more than
half had had no previous military
training whatever, not ever even hav
ing fired a gun. In other words, at the
outbreak of the war we were utterly
without an army able to resist the in
vasion of a disciplined, thoroughly
trained and equipped enemy. This per
ilous military situation was due entirely
to the prevailing militia system, or
rather lack of system, and not to any
lack of patriotic spirit or warlike har
dihood on part of our people. The pur
pose of Colonel Britton is to urge a re
form In our militia system that will
make the recurrence of our wretched
military condition in May, 1S98, Impos
sible. Instruction in manual drill and move
ments In an armory do not go far to
fit a soldier for active service. The
militiaman needs to be taught how to
take care of himself in camp and on the
march, in order to endure military fa
tigue and stand off disease. He needs
to become an expert marksman, to un
derstand how to take care of his rifle
and his whole personal military equip
ment. He needs to be of the kind of
stuff that will not shrink from severe
exertion outside of holiday parades.
Colonel Britton holds that the present
system of electing officers by the rank
and file Is most pernicious, since it
makes every regimental officer, save
the Colonel commanding, dependent on
the votes of subordinates for promo
tion, with the result that popularity
must sometimes be won at the expense
of discipline. Efficiency and discipline
can never be obtained as long as the
elective system prevails. The active
militia of. the states should be made
the great popular training school of sol
diers to furnish from its ranks or its
graduates, instructors and officers for
the masses of raw levies of volunteers
which must be put into the field in the
event of serious war. The number of
men liable to military duty in the
United States is upwards of 10,000,000.
In an army of 500,000 men there are
20,000 regimental and company com
missioned officers, and about 105,000
non-commissioned officers. Give to
these officers previous military train
ing and experience, and In thirty days
your raw lump of volunteers can be
leavened Into a fairly efficient military
force. The Seventh New York Regi
ment furnished over 700 skilled officers
for our volunteer armies of the Civil
War of 1S61-65.
The essential education of line and
staff officers and men lies in the camp
of instruction, and Its field maneuvers,
which should be annual and of about
two weeks' duration. The War Depart
ment should encamp with the state en
campment a body of regular troops.
The encampment should be a working
camp, with no advance preparations
beyond the space and sanitary fitness.
The total appropriations of the states
and of the United States for the Na
tional Guard Is but $27 10 per man, or
at the rate of less than 5 cents per an
num per head of population defended.
The cost of the maintenance of the vol
unteer organizations of Great Britain is
upwards of $4,000,000 per annum, about
12 cents per head of the population to
be defended. It Is hoped that Congress
will henceforth increase the annual ap
propriation to $1,000,000. Colonel Brit
ton would replace the law of 1792 with
a new National militia law, under
which the militia would be divided Into
the active militia, 'known as the "Vol
unteer Militia of the United States,"
consisting of the organized and uni
formed military forces in the dhferent
states and territories, and the reserve
militia, consisting of all those liable to
service but not serving in the active
militia.
The provisions of this proposed law
are all excellent. They provide for the
inspection of the militia by experienced
officers of the regular Army; for the
appointment and examination of Its of
ficers, fof arming, equipping and drill
ing the men after the pattern of the
regular Army of the United States. So
far as wise legislation can correct and
reform our present militia system,
Colonel Britton's recommendations are
sound, but the chief difficulty In mak
ing our National mllltla a body of ef
fective soldiery is one that no legisla
tion can hope fully to cure, and that is
the temper of our country, which Is 1
that of a warlike but not of a military
people. We are a nation of traders, like
England; and, like England, we have
no military ambition beyond self-defense
at home and abroad. Such na
tions will fight and endure most hero
ically when war comes, but it Is almost
impossible to teach them the import
ance of preparation In peace for war.
So hopeless Is the National mllltla of
any real reform that the best we could
do would be to make the regular Army
'as strong as possible- numerically, pro
vide officers enough for a skeleton army
that could be rapidly expanded in the
face of war. This, with the enlarge
ment of West Point, and the multipli
cation of schools and colleges, where
military drill and discipline are scien
tifically taught by a regular Army offi
cer, detailed for that purpose, Is about
all we can do In the way of correcting
the evil consequent upon the existence
of a mllltla that has always been
worthless In war time, and is likely to
be for the future.
A FEW WORDS TO GIRLS.
Two popular plays of the modern
stage deal with an interesting problem
of young womanhood. They are
"Magda" and "The Dancing Girl." In
each of these pieces the heroine is
distracted In girlhood with the severity
and repression of an old-fashioned
home, and seeks her own life In the
freedom of the outside world. She
can't stand the quiet and restraint of
her old father's house, its absence of
gayety, Its rigorous morality, its stern
discipline. So she leaves home, and
the next time we meet her she has
gained her freedom and lost her virtue.
The true solution of this difficult
problem is given In neither of the plays
referred to. In "Magda" the erring
daughter. It is true, is made to see her
self the cause of her poor old father's
death of a broken heart, but mean
while the high-spirited creature's chaf
ing at restraint and at the real or sup
posed Injustice of society, has been
so presented by the dramatist's con
summate art that she gains the sym
pathy of her audience. Her grievances,
we are given to understand, are Just,
but for all that her redress of them is
calamitous. And so In "The Dancing
Girl," the only outcome conceived by
the playwright for the young woman's
ambitions Is the wreck of her own life
and the ruin of her father's happiness.
The artist has taken an Irresistible im
pulse, and leads it along with consum
mate skill to tragedy. This Is art, but
it is not truth.
Why the old home of severity and re
straint Is not the thing for today would
perhaps be a bootless quest. Perhaps
It is that in the evolution of the race
the child Is older than he used to be.
Perhaps It Is that the maturity and
precocity that demand companionship
and equality instead of blows and im
prisonment and the chastening frown.
are only incidents of the advancing
stages in the mental equipment of the
race. A man used to be young at 30,
now he is worldly-wise at 25. However
this may be, the wise parent recognizes
the fact that the period of adolescence
calls for skill, instead of simple firm
ness, strategy Instead of direct assault.
The modern youth of both sexes are
armed by advancing freedom with
smokeless powder and magazine guns
of liberty and discernment. The old
method of attack Is outdated. They
may be out-generaled, but they will not
be overpowered. The home that is;a
prison or a convent will not hold them.
But there Is a way for escapes that
leads not to ruin of self or sacrifice of
others. The boy that can't abide his
father's excessive restraint may make
a man of himself In the outside world.
And It is supremest folly to teach that
the only escape for a girl from parental
tyranny Is to become the mistress of
some rich roue. There Is greater free
dom for the woman who is alone In the
world than ever before, but this fair
chance does not mean looseness and to
teach that it does is a perversion of
truth. The plays we have spoken of
err in this, that they offer the ambi
tious young woman no choice between
being crushed at home and ruined
abroad. The true course Is one of self
respecting independence. The young
woman who adheres to this will find
herself secure from Injury or Insult, and
will meet honest hands to help her at
every turn.
A TIMELY WORD.
The consoling feature of the discovery
that chickens may and do contract
consumption is in the fact that their
flesh Is always thoroughly cooked be
fore eating, and thus far tuberculous
conditions have not been discovered in
eggs. The discovery of trichina in
pork some years ago was rendered
doubly alarming because of the very
prevalent habit among certain classes
of eating smoked cured meats In a
raw or slightly cooked state. Though
warning was sounded by physicians
and the public press, several years
elapsed before It reached the ears of
those for whom it was more especially
Intended. Accounts of whole families
perishing from the disgusting disease
contracted from eating raw pork con
tinued to be published, and American
pork was for a time seriously discred
ited at home and abroad. In the mean
time preventive measures, which con
sisted chiefly in rigorous supervision of
the food of swine and insistence upon
thorough cooking of the product, re
duced the danger to the minimum, al
layed the excitement and restored pork
products to favor among our own peo
ple. "Diseased meat" Is, however, the
plea by which Germany still discrimi
nates against American pork, and
though, as all intelligent people know,
this Is but an excuse to hide govern
ment opposition to the American prod
ucts, the action continues to justify
itself In the plea.
The prevention of this disease was
found to be a simple matter, but one
requiring intelligent vigilance in re
gard to the ,-food of swine. Poultry
raisers will be able to overcome this
newly developed disease In chickens In
the same manner. Fowls, like hoes
can be kept In clean quarters, fed clean
food and given pure water to drink.
This is the whole preventive process,
not only as regards trichina and tu
berculosis, but of other diseases that
reduce the profits on hog and chlcken
ralslng. Nothing more is required to
prevent the introduction of diseases
among these creatures, not overnice in
the matter of eating, and nothing less
will suffice. A full understanding of
this fact ought, on the simple basis of
self-interest, to stamp out, through
these simple and sufficient means, the
disease which disgusts and alarms the
consumers of poultry products, and
which wllF, If It progresses beyond the
locality where the discovery was made,
lessen greatly the demand for them i
among considerate, enlightened people.
A word to the wise Is sufficient. That
word has beei. sent out by the bac
teriologist of the Agricultural College
at Corvallls, who, reporting upon the
tuberculous condition of the fowl sub
mitted to him for inspection, said:
"Everything showed that the disease
had been contracted from germs swal
lowed in the -food."
The statement of William Redmond,
the Irish agitator, that Queen "Victoria
was not entitled to an address of wel
come from the Corporation of the City of
Dublin, because "the record of her reign
has been one of unparalleled disaster to
Ireland," is historically untrue, for
since 1837, when the Queen succeeded
to the throne, all the great reforms In
the English government of Ireland,
save Catholic emancipation, have been
obtained. The government of Ireland
at no time since 1837 has been a3 op
pressive and cruel as It was previous
to her reign, and since 186S there has
been a steady enlargement of liberal
government in Ireland. Since 1868 there
have been many long forward steps and
no backward steps. The leaders of the
Irish rebellion of 1848, Mitchell, Mea
gher and O'Brien, did not suffer capital
punishment, but were transported to
Australia, where they were so loosely
guarded that MltchelL and Meagher
easily escaped to the United States.
O'Brien was pardoned in a few years
and returned to Ireland. Charles Gavin
Duffy rose to be a distinguished figure
among the colonial statesmen of Aus
tralia, was knighted, and In his old age
returned to Ireland. It Is historically
untrue to pronounce the reign of Vic
toria "one of unparalleled disaster to
Ireland," in face of the fact that It in
cludes the disestablishment of the Irish
Church under Gladstone's first Pre
miership, and the Important land re
form legislation of his second. After
Gladstone was defeated in his effort for
home rule, no reactionary legislation
was attempted by Lord Salisbury. On
the contrary, the most recent step In
Irish local reform legislation was pro
posed and enacted in a Parliament that
had an overwhelming Conservative
majority.
The death at 81 years of age of An
drew Bolter, of Chicago, America's
most noted entomologist, closes a life
of extraordinary Industry in the pur
suit of a special object. Though Mr.
Bolter had been an enthusiast in the
insect world from his early boyhood,
he has not left a single book Illustrative
of his explorations In this wonderful
realm. He has left, however, the finest
collection of insects in the country, and
through this collection an object-lesson
of great interest and value his In
dustry and zeal will be represented to
future generations. There Is something
refreshing in the modesty of a man of
science who did not carry his findings
as a student of nature during a long
life Into print, but after all the world
is the loser in such a case, and can but
deplore its los6.
Prudent people will give prompt at
tention to the suggestion of the City
Physician in regard to vaccination.
"While Portland has been signally fa
vored as regards smallpox a disease
that has been for months prevalent to
a greater or less extent In the country
as well as In the cities and towns to the
south, east and north of us It has been
owing to the most unremitting vigi
lance that but very few cases have de
veloped here. At present there are but
two cases known to exist, both of which
are receiving treatment at the small
pox hospital; yet it Is manifest that
this condition of Immunity may not
and indeed is not likely to continue.
Hence the urgency of Dr. Wheeler's
plea for general vaccination and the
duty of our citizens to heed it.
The reason why the Legislature of
1897 did not organize, and why Mr.
Mitchell failed of re-election, is per
fectly well known, and It Is needless
to multiply words about it. Personal
controversies over it are altogether use
less; and The Oregonlan doesn't like to
be made the vehicle through which par
ticipants In this affair may express
their opinions of each other. It has,
however, given Mr. Simon space and
it has given Mr. Mitchell space, and
now it gives Mr. Corbett space. This
completes the trilogy; and It trusts It
will not be called on for space to con
tinue a controversy which has been
largely personal, and which from the
nature of the case would be wholly so
if pursued further.
The announcement made from Pre
toria that the Boer losses prior to the
relief of Kimberley and Ladysmlth
were, from battle, accidents and dis
ease, 4351, means that their total losses
to this date cannot be less than 10,000
men, for Cronje surrendered over 4000
men, and his killed and wounded were
not less than 500. The Boer losses in
the last fighting before Ladysmlth were
severe, doubtless not less than 500
killed and wounded. The whole British
loss in killed, wounded and prisoners
is about 15,000. The Boers cannot re
place their losses, so that a loss of 10,
000 from the ranks of their army is a
very serious calamity.
A correspondent at Corvallls writes:
"When Mr. Simon spoke In the Senate
on the legislative hold-up in Oregon
and attributed it to Mr. Mitchell, he
did not make it sufficiently clear why
and how It was due to him. This gave
Mitchell his opportunity for rejoinder."
The point Is well stated. The reason
was, however, Implied in Mr. Simon's
remarks. He thought, perhaps, he
ought not to .go into explanatory de
tails, or that it was unnecessary. It
was necessary, however. If for no other
reason, in order to preclude reply.
American in Ensrlond.
Forum.
The majority of Americans In England
are perfectly satisfied to be governed by
English laws, and by English authorities,
without any wish to interfere In their ad
ministration. It is the e.me with the Eng
lish here In tho United States. If we do
not seek naturalization, if we remain true
to the old flag, it Is because we feel that
we can do so without giving offense to our
American friends, and, above all,, without
any conflict with the obligations which,
are Imposed upon us by the hospitality
which we enjoy here. We are not treated
like Ultlandere, but with the same degree
of cordiality and friendship that Ameri
cans Invariably meet wltn In England.
Thero is so much sympathy between our
two countries, so great an analogy between
their institutions, the system of law and
justice being almost Identical, that It la
possible for us Englishmen In America to
remain loyal to our Queen and to fulfill
our duties of well, let mo call It honor
ary citizens of the United States at one
and the same time. If we do not apply
for naturalization, It Is because wc do
not feel the need of franchise, and if we
we do not experience the necessity of hav-
Ing any voice In the Government. The
English in the Transvaal only asked to be
allowed to participate in the administra
tion of the republic by means of a par
liamentary vote, because they considered
that they were badly governed, and were
consequently dissatisfied both with their
own condition and with the authorities to
whoso rulo they were subject. "We Eng
lishmen in America are perrectly satisfied
with the system of government that we
find in the United States, and are content
to comply with all the laws and usages
of tho land, wlthoutdeshing to modify
them in any way. In fact, there is no
reason why we should wish for any
change. We have not the slightest ob
jection to being governed by native-born
American citizens; and as for those emi
nent American statesmen, legislators,
judges and bosses in general who are of
ansn Dirth well, we English have long
been accustomed to be ruled by the Irl3h.
CLAYTOX-BULWER TnHATY.
If In Force, So Are Concc.iHlona From
Guatemala and Honduras.
New York Journal of Commerce.
Senator Mason has offered a resolution
calling for state papers concerning the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty, most, if not all,
of which has been Issued by the Depart
ment of State within a month, and the
terms of tho resolution Imply that the
treaty Is no longer in force, and that it
was violated by Great Britain. All thl3
was Implied by Mr. Hepburn in his report
on. the canal bill. As tne House of Rep
resentatives Is not a part of the treaty
making branch of the Government, Mr.
Hepburn's argument, addressed to the
House, that the treaty was no longer In
existence was irrelevant, not to say im
pertinent. Mr. Mason is a part of the
treaty-making branch of the Government,
but for that very reason he ought to be
better Informed than he seems to be. His
Ideas regarding the Clayton-Bulwer treaty
are so common In the House of Represen
tatives, and among newspapers that plumo
themselves on their Americanism because
they are Ignorant of vcrythlne- fnroin-n
or because their managers brought their
European politics with them when they
came to this country, that it is important
to present the truth.
Senator Mason's resolution calls for all
exnress'ons of Secretaries of State on the
validity of the treaty, the British replies,
"and the violation of tho terms of the
treaty on the part of Great Britain which
have been held by the Government of the
United States to have operated as an abro
gation of the treaty." Since the time of
Secretary Blaino a good deal has been
heard about England's violation of the
treaty having abrogated it. yet Mr. Blalna
did not hold the treaty to be abrogated,
but asked for certain modifications of It.
The Idea that English action had de
stroyed tho agreement wns based upon the
English occupation of Belize and certain
British claims upon the Bay Islands and
the Mosquito Coast. As to Belize tho
treaty was signed by Sir Henry Bulwer
with a special reservation that the treaty
did not apply to the British settlement at
Honduras, or Its dependencies, and this
was acknowledged by Secretary Clayton
who made a written memorandum "ac
knowledging that I understood British
Honduras was not embraced In the treaty."
The Mosquito Codst and the Bay Islands
gave rise to much correspondence be
tween the two governments, but In Decem
ber, I860, President Buchanan's message to
Congress announced that "the discordant
constructions of the Clayton and Bulwpr
treaty between the two governments,
which at different periods of the discussion
bore a threatening aspect, have resulted In
a final settlement entirely satisfactory to
this Government." Nothing, then, could
be moro baseless and Improper than for
any American to attack the treaty on tho
ground of British action prior to Decem
ber 3. 1SS0, and no one has accused Eng
land of any act since in violation of the
treaty.
Tho treaty has been apflumed to bo In
full force and effect In official documents
by Secretary Seward In 1SW, by Secretary
Fish In 1S77, In 1SS1 by Secretary Blaine.
who asked Great Britain to concede cer
tain "modifications of tho treatv," tho
rest of it to "remain in full force"; by
Secretary Frellnghuysen In 1SS2, who held
hypothetlcally that the treaty was void
able, not that It was void: In 1S93 by Sec
retary Olney, and in 1900 by Secretary Hay.
It Is In extremely bad taste, therefore,
for any Senator to raise a question as to
tho present existence of the treaty.
If the Clayton-Bulwer treaty be In force
tho opponents of the Hay-Pauncefote
treaty, or thoso who will support that
treaty only with the Davis amendment,
have no ground to stand on. The rejec
tion of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty would
not leave the whole subjet open and freo
to he considered do rovo; It will simply
leave our canal compact with England In
full forco and effect. In its report on the
Hay-Pauncefote treaty the Senate com
mittee on foreign relations makes the fur
ther point that the abrogation of the un
executed parts of the Clavton-Bulwer
treaty "would leavo Great Britain In pos
session of tho rights she has acquired in
her treaties In Guatemala and Honduras
as to the territory of those states, and
it would leave her in enjoyment of her
treaty rights, as to the canal, that ara
granted her by Nicaragua in the treaty of
the 2Sth of August. 1EG0. These lights
are Identical with those acquired oy tho
United States In the treaty with Nicar
agua of June 1, 1SCT. . . . Tho Identical
treaties . . . provide for the protection
of the canal and the companies of con
struction by the governments, with the
uso of military or civil Instrumentalities."
Therefore, Great Britain would still have
rights In tho Isthmus If the Hay-Paunce
fote and Clayton-Bulwer treaties coula
bo eliminated.
Mohammcilnn Peculiarities.
Henry O. Dwight, In tho Forum.
Mohammedans differ from the rest of
mankind even In regions inhabited by
wild tribes alone. A long and somewhat
intimate acquaintance has given me ad
miration and respect for many Moham
medans as friends. Many of their finest
qualities may bo traced to the teachings
of that religion. But dealings with Mo
hammedans sooner or later bring one In
contnet ylith their essential peculiarity.
They cannot avoid regarding others from
a religious standpoint; and they cannot
set aside permanently the fact that God
has commanded them to subjugate or ex
terminate all who refuse to believe in
Mohammed. This divine command shapes
their conduct toward aliens, even when
they themselves would like to forget it.
It classes all of alien faith as blasphemers;
and this fact once being fixed, inquiry
as to minor detail is needless In their
eyes. A blasphemer (klafir or giaour) Is
a blasphemer. Wherefore ask whether
he be American or Spaniard? It leads
also to endless confusion in the use of
words of ethical importance. Not only
does "peace" mean something different
to tho Mussulman from what It means to
the other party to a reconciliation, as will
be seen below, but such words as "hon
esty," "kindness," "pity," and "piety,"
do not. In the mind of the Mohammedan,
have the sense which the Christian gives
them.
Sultan Haroun el Raschid, of Sulu,
seems to have liberal views. Apparently
he likes the Americans with whom he
has had dealings. Perhaps he Is as honest
and magnanimous as his great namesake
of Bagdad. Yet we cannot forgot that
for purely selfish reasons, Haroun of Bag
dad killed his best friend, the Vezlr Jaf
fer. And tho crime neither disturbed his
own conscience nor stained his repute
with the people for Justice and piety. The
Moro Sultan has the same standards of
right and wrong. If not the same vast
power, as the Caliph of the eighth cen
tury. For moral conduct has small room
for chango among Mohammedans, because
the "thus salth the Lord" of their law
book applies to acts so much more fre
quently than to principles. A better un
derstanding of doctrine Is contrary to the
whole spirit of the system. And so, what
ever their personal geniality or amiabil
ity of disposition In dealings with aliens,
the divine command comes into the minds
of Mohammedans, at the very moment of
fruition, like .the alchemist's suggestion
of the fox' tall, to spoil the charm which
promised to bring forth a shining vir
tue. The full Importance of this curious trait
can only be gauged by gaining the Mo
hammedan point of view, as found in any
compend of the Holy Law now in use
in Mohammedan countries. Only by actual
study of the books can one get an Idea
of the deadly earnestness of such ex
positions of the Divine Will. Yet these
books today form the foundation of the
ological and legal education as well as of
aspiration In the hearts of the common
people in all of those countries.
PROTECTED INTERESTS AROUSED.
Infant Industries Mnlcc a. Stand
Against Reclprocitr With. France.
Chicago Tribune.
Senator Aldrlch, of Rhode Island, says
that If the provisions of the reciprocity
treaty with France "were understood by
the Interests to be affected by It. there
would be a thousand manufacturers here
In less than a week protesting against It."
That is not impossible. On previous oc
casions the overprotected manufacturers
of Rhode Island have protested against
tho slightest abatement of excessive pro
tection. But if the provisions of tho
treaty were understood by the farmers
and most of the manufacturers o3 the
West, they would serve notice on their
Senators that a failure to vote for the
ratification of tho treaty would bo taken
as an unpardonable offense.
Senator Aldrlch Is against the treaty
because it will reduce the duty on knit
goods from over 64 per cent ad valorem,
which is practically prohibitory, to 51.5
per cent ad valorem. The Senators from
New Jersey oppose the treaty because the
duty on silk goods, which averages 53
per cent ad valorem, will be reduced to a
trifle under 50 per cent Possibly these
Senators are acting as their manufactur
ing constituents wish them to. If so. those
constituents are scandalously greedy.
When the DIngley tariff bill was framed
some of the duties were made higher than
they were in the McKinley law, so as to
have something to trade on when reci
procity treaties were negotiated with
France and other countries. Apparently
tho manufacturers who are the bene
ficiaries of those abnormally high duties
do not wish to seo one jot or title of them
abated.
The French Agrarians charge that the
treaty sacrifices French Interests. A small
group of American manufacturers say it
will do Infinitely more for France than
for this country. Tho reverse is the case.
The average reduction of duties to be
made by the United States is less than
7 er cent. The average reduction to be
made by France Is 43 per cent. If the
treaty Is ratified, as it should be. thora
will be a small Increase in the Imports of
some French cotton, silk, and glass goods.
There will be a great increase in Ameri
can exports to France of provisions and
breadstuffs. Of American meats France
bought only $3,S00.000 worth during the
last fiscal year. The treaty reduces the
duties on hams and bacon 50 per cent,
and on lard 37 per cent. The Western
manufacturers of agricultural Implements
can appreciate the value of a reduction
in the French duty of 41 per cent. Month
before last the exports of wheat and flour
to Great Britain were valued at $5,540.0CO.
and those to France at JG760. Wheat from
the United States pays a higher duty than
that from any other country. Under the
treaty there will be no discriminations
ana a ranee win buy American cereals.
moro freely.
The treaty as It stands is of much value
to this country. It does credit to the
perseverance and skill of John A. Kas
son, who negotiated It. Nevertheless, the
indications are that It cannot command a
two-thirds vote in the Senate. An effort
is being made to get from France a year
more of time in which to act on It. While
that year Is gliding by a few hundred
thousand dollars' worth of French cotton
hosier' and knit goods will be kept out
of the United States. Millions of dollars
worth of American breadstuffs, provisions
and manufactures will txs keDt nut at
France.
This New Jersey-Rhodo Island-Connecticut
dictation is becoming offensive to
Western producers. It is Intolerable that
they should be denied access to French
markets In order that a. few mill bosses
may remain- protected by duties ranging
from 50 to 120 per cent ad valorem. What
are the Senators from the Middle West
thinking of that they are not laboring to
secure the ratification of this French
treaty?
U 8.
A Duke, nut Xot a Gentleman.
New York Sun.
To Queen Victoria personally, the Duke
of Orleans, like his father the Comte de
Paris, his great-grandfather Louis Phil
ippo and all members of his family. Is
under deep obligations not merely for hos
pitable entertainment In England for more
than 40 years, but for countless private
Kinaneeses. when a French comic paper
some time ago published disgusting cari
catures of the Queen's person, the Duke
of Orleans thought fit to write from Eng
land a letter of approval to the caricatur
ist. The latter was unable to keep the
news to himself, and French newspapers
commented on the fact that the letter
had been written. The Duke of Orleans
thereupon categorically denied that any
such letter existed, accused the caricatur
ist of lying and left England for the Con
tinent. Thereupon, the facsimile of the let
ter In Monseigneur the Duke of Orlean'a
unmistakable handwriting was printed by
his indignant correspondent.
Roynl Irlih Gnnrds.
London Times.
The creation of an Irish regiment or reg
iments of Guards, as a correspondent
points out In our columns this morning,
would be a permanent recognition of the
servicer of Irish soldiers in the war. There
are English Guards and Scots Guards.
Why should there not be Irish Guards
as well?
c
Department Store Atrocities.
Chicago Tribune.
"A piece of furniture like that," the de
mure young woman remarked, "hallways
looks well In a house, don't you think?"
"Yes, ma'am," answered the solemn
salesman.
"Anything of this kind hatracks a good
deal of attontlon."
o-
Hot All in Bringing Up.
Boston Transcript.
Hicks So far as my observation goes,
everything depends upon training.
Wicks Not everything. There's that
clerk of Wiggins. He was taught upright
penmanship at school, but, notwithstand
ing that, he has turned out a forger.
c
Xot So Deep.
Baltimore American.
Miss Gushy Ah, Professor, It was easy
to seo that your singing was from the
heart.
Professor Von Growle No. madame, Id
iss vrom der diaphragm. Der tones Iss
nod goot ven dey vrom der heart iss.
o
Puerto RIco'ji Plea.
New York World.
The people of our new possession send
to Congress a plea for untaxed trade
which is eloquently summed up In Its clos
ing words: "We ask broad as a right from
our mother. Do not, we pray, give us a
stone."
Vermont and Its Sons.
Boston Herald.
It is a rather odd circumstance that,
of the two ablest and most eminent Ver
monters of this generation, one has just
died at his home In New Haven and
the other Is living In Philadelphia.
o
A Cynic.
Washington Star.
"He 13 very cynical In his comments on
some of the most successful historical
characters."
"Yes," answered Miss Cayenne, "to him
the corridors, of time represent a grand
over-crowded rogues' gallery."
NOTE AND COMMENT.
Bryan will be wise if he comes to Ore
gon to bury freo silver, not to praise It.
It is hard to loso the sunshine, but tho
average precipitation must bo kept up if
it takes all summer.
When the seat of war is shifted to tho
magazines, the commanders will have a
chance to get back at the military ex
perts. The daughter of the Sultan of Turkey
has eloped with a poet. It wasn't Austin,
however, so Abdul Hamid may be pla
cated. When Editor Sheldon has finished re
forming journalism In Kansas he will
find a wide and unworked field In Cali
fornia. A Willamette "illey farmer says that
McBride should not insist upon maintain
ing a vacancy in the Senate for another
six years.
The Chicago Record says that the Demo
crats will retain silver. It forgets that
they are going into the hands of the Kan
sas City hotel men. -
A dramatist wants ?50 damages because,
his play was produced by amateurs. It
must have been an unusual amateur com
pany to Inflict only ?50 worth of injury.
Tho Empress Dowager of China offers
a reward for the assassination of reform
ers. That is undoubtedly the way Richard
Croker feels, but his Is a limited mon
archy. Dunraven is forming a Sharpshooters'
Club to send to the Boer War. Dunraven
is a thoroughbred sport and a fine fellow,
but he has a habit of being just a little
behind the game.
Luccheni, the murderer of Empress
Elizabeth. Is again in solitary confinement.
He tried to stab the superintendent of tho
prison where he Is confined with a sharp
Instrument he had made oui. of a can-opener.
The reason for the attack was a re
fusal of unusual privileges.
The Republican National convention
will meet in Philadelphia, 'June 19; the
Populist National convention in Sioux
Falls. S. D., May 9; the Mlddle-of-the-Road
Populists will meet In Cincinnati on
the same day; the Prohibitionists in Chi
cago, June 27, and the Democratic National
convention In Kansas City, July 4.
Walters In restaurants, from having to
deal with all sorts and conditions of peo
ple, frequently become apt at repartee.
An Illustration of this fact was furnished
yesterday morning, when a man went into
a restaurant and said to the waiter: "Give
me some horse feed." "Rolled oats for
a mule!" shouted the waiter, in a voico
heard all over the place.
At the recent annual town meeting of
Northtield, VL, a resolution was passed
which provides that all persons procuring
liquor at the town liquor agency shall
have their names printed In the local
newspapers at the end of each month,
with the quantity procured, the purpose.
for which it Is obtained, and the amount
paid. This resolution is possibly a trap to
catch a number of nominal sunbeams of
the prohibition cause.
Isaac N. Stevens, of Colorado, vice
chairman of the National Silver Commit
tee In 1S9C, announces his return to tho
Republican fold. Silver has been elimi
nated from the campaign as" a leading
Issue, he says. The Silver Republican can
didate for Lieutenant-Governor of Colo
rado four years ago has also abandoned
Bryan and Teller, and will now follow
McKinley and Wolcott. J. D. Vaughn, of
Denver, chairman of the state Republi
can Silver convention at that time, Is an
other to return to the regular ranks.
Tho story has currency that tho late Ed
ward J. Phelps would have been mada
Chief Justice of the United States Supreme
Court by President Cleveland, on the death
of Judge Walte. had It not been for the
antagonism of the Irish-Americans, who
were bitter on account of his unfriendly
attitude toward the home-rulo agitation
while Minister to England. It Is said that
when Patrick A. Collins heard of "Cleve
land's Intention he told the President that
tho then forthcoming Democratic conven
tion at St. Louis might as well not be
hqld. Accordingly tho appointment was
not made. Mr. Collins refuses to confirm
or deny the truth of tho story.
We've been huntln' you, McKinley, but w
don't know where you air:
When we clap our fingers on you. why we And
you're never there.
When we hunted through the tariff. In tha
place you'd ought to be.
Why you wasn't 'round there nowhere, least
aa far as we could see.
In this Puerto Rico thingumbob we thought
we'd find you aure;
"When we got there you'd been trekking. Ilka
the smooth and wily Boer;
So we afked the gold supporters If they thought
we'd And you there.
.And they said they guessed so, aoaie place, but
they didn't Just know where.
Alger said he hadn't seen you, and he shed a
bitter tear
When he said you'd gone an' left him like a
sinking ship last year.
When we visited Mark Hanna, who was busy
countln" pelf,
"Why, he eald he couldn't tell uo, fer he didn't
know hlrself.
So we've Just kep' on a huntln' till we're nearly
petered out.
And. although we thought we had you, now w
find we're sllll In doubt.
If these Unto should ever reach you, and you'd
write us where you be.
You'd confer a good-sized favor on your friends,
the G. O. P.
i s
Corrymeela.
Molra O'Neill.
Over here In England I'm helpln wl the hay.
An' I wisht I was In Ireland the livelong day:
Weary on the English hay, an' sorra take tha
wheat ,
Och! Corrymeela an' the blue sky over It.
There's a deep dumb river flowln by beyanl
the heavy trees.
This llvln air la molthered wl the bummln o
the bees;
I wisht I'd hear the Claddagh burn go runnla'
through the heat
Past Corrymeele, wl' the blue sky over It.
The people that'e In England Is richer nor tha
Jews,
There's not the smallest young gossoon but
thravela In his shoes!
I'd gUe the pipe between- me teeth to cee a
barefut child,
Och! Corrymeela an' the low south wind.
Here's hands so full o money an hearts so full
o care.
By the luck o" love! I'd still go light for all I
did go bare.
"God save ye. colleen dftas," I said; the girl
she thought "me wild.
Far Corrymeela. an the low south wind.
D'ye mind me now, the song at night Is mortal
bard to raise.
The girls are heavy goln' here, the boys are ill
to plase;
When one'st I'm out this worJdn hive, 'tis Til
be back again
Ay, Corrymeela, la the flame soft rain.
The puff o' smoke from one ould roof before as
'English townl
For a shaugh wld Andy Feelan here I'd give a
sliver crown,
For a curl o' hair like Mollle's ye'll ask th
like In vain.
Sweet Corrymeela, an the sarae soft rain.