'4
THE MOKNING OREGONLAN, MONDAY, MAECH 19, 1900.
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PORTLAND MONDAY, MARCH 10.
LET THEM STAND ALONE I
The Republican leaders are reported
as greatly exercised as to how the
country will regard the party's atti
tude to the trusts. A little investiga
tion will show them that this Is not
nearly so important a matter as the
question how the country will regard
the party's attitude toward the Pro
tected Interests. The politicians are
planning to outdo each other In plat
form attacks on the trusts: but the
people are patiently waiting for some
sign from the Republican party that
it is independent of the Protected In
terests. So far as the trusts are concerned.
It begins to look very doubtful whether
the people will be disposed to insist on
Indiscriminate prosecution and perse
cution of trusts simply because they
ere trusts. If we can have special
privileges removed from trusts, corpo
rations or Individuals, and publicity
lor corporate finances, and free scope
for natural influences such as those
that have recently hit the sugar trust
and the flour trust so hard If we can
have these things, the people will be
disposed to stand off a while and see
if these simple remedies will not go
very far toward solving the trust
problem.
If aggregations of capital are able to
secure unjust advantages through fa
voring legislation. It makes little dif
ference whether the owners of that
capital are trusts, partnerships or lm
jnersely wealthy individuals. And It
is the special privileges created by the
tariff, by undue power with railroads,
and by failures to enforce laws already
in existence against restraint of trade,
that have excited the antipathy of the
people. It is this conviction In favor
of stepping these special privileges that
has been so aroused by the events of
the past few weeks at Washington.
The reciprocity treaties and the Just
proposals for Puerto Rico have been
put by, in response to appeals of the
Protected Interests. That Is the source
of the popular cry, and It Is a matter
of little importance whether these great
interests are in the form of organized
trusts or not.
Soon after the formation of the Fed
eral Union, our infant industries ap
pealed to Congress for support through
tariff legislation, and in 1816 the history
of protection began. If they could
have a monopoly, complete or partial,
of the home market for a few years,
they would be able to stand alone. All
they wanted was a little temporary re
lief. The protection was granted, and
the impression is gaining ground that
it has been extended long enough. The
evidence In support of this Is found In
the fact that, while consumers here at
home, are deprived of the advantages of
foreign competition, our manufac
turers are able to export large quan
tities, pay the freight to Europe, im
port duties, if there are any, and com
pete successfully with foreign makers
on their own ground. For example:
There is a tariff on soap of 20 per
cent ad valorem, on castlle soap of
1 cents a pound, and on toilet soap
of 16 cents a pound; yet our exports
of soap reached 26,000,000 pounds in
1897, 28,000,000 pounds in 1898, and 41,
000,000 pounds in 1899. There is a tar
iff of $4 a ton on pig-iron, but we are
exporting 3,000,000 tons of pig-iron an
nually. There Is a tariff of $7 a ton
on steel rails, but our exports of steel
rails have grown from 2,900,000 pounds
in 1897 to 5,800,000 pounds In 1S9S, and
6,100,000 pounds In 1899. All kinds of
tools, machinery and Implements are
heavily protected, yet our exports of
these things are advancing prodigious
ly, thup:
Exports. 1897. 1S0S.
Firearms $ 601.360 $ SH2.620
Builders hardware 6,405,082 8,iM3.530
Pumps 9M.4M 3.016.(M5
Electrical machines 017.453 3,143,330
Sewing-machines 3,103,130 4.103.&U
Printing preesea 743.221 1,037,014
Steam engines 4,112.207 0.724,000
Typewriters 1.506.916 2,776,303
Perhaps the heaviest beneficiary of
our tariff laws is the Iron and steel
industry, which exported, exclusive of
ore, $62,737,250 worth of goods In 1897,
and in 1899 the stupendous total of
5105.6S9.645. Though able to export
these vast quantities of manufactures,
the iron and steel Interests will not
permit free competition here of foreign
makers for the benefit of our consum
ers. Or, take manufactures of leather,
which are still very heavily protected.
"We sold abroad 55,000,000 worth In 1897,
and nearly 57,000,000 worth in 1899. On
boots and shoes the duty is 25 cents on
the dollar; yet we sold abroad last year
53,600,000 worth of boots and shoes.
Our total sales of leather manufac
tures of all kinds have risen from $19,
000,000 worth in 1897 to 526,000,000 worth
in 1899. Of manufactured cotton goods,
heavily protected, we sold 518,000,000
worth in 1897, and 524,000,000 worth in
1899. Of agricultural Implements, pro
tected by a duty of 20 cents on the dol
lar, our exports have risen from 55,300,
000 worth in 1897 to 513,600,000 in 1899.
The manufactured articles of our pro
jected industries, sold abroad, were
530S.000.000 in value In 1898, and 5381,000,
000 in value In 1899. It Is folly to pretend
that these Immense Interests are un
able to meet European competition here
without a tariff of 10 cents to 51 on
every dollar.
The once infant Industries that stood
a humble suppliant at the door of Con-
press have grown like the white man
In the Indian's speech, until they have
spread out their parchment over the
whole and say "It Is mine." Our mill
Ions of consumers realize that the bur
den of higher prices they have so long
been carrying for the manufacturer's
benefit may at length be safely laid
down. The laboring man at length
realizes that the wages he gets from
the manufacturer do not depend on
the tariff. The question simply Is
whether Justice Is to be granted over
the protest of the protected interests,
or whether their will is supreme In
Congress and at the White House.
This question Is what the people are
determined to find out, and no one
need doubt that they will do so. The
day for special privileges to these in
fant industries, now grown to be giants,
has gone by. Let them stand alone!
THE FARMERS TRUSTS.
Though the attention of the various
political parties In Oregon may be
drawn to the combinations of hop-
growers and fruitgrowers, it Is safe to
assume that no thunderbolts will be
launched against these combinations.
They are In restraint of trade. In one
sense, because they aim to head off
the natural process between Indlvld
ual buyer and seller. Their naked and
unashamed object Is to raise prices,
and this borders upon conspiracy
against the consumer. Tet, so far as
the politicians are concerned, or even
the Legislature, these farmers' trusts
may pursue their unmolested way.
Is there a gleam of light here on the
trust problem in general? Probably
there Is; for, though the politician Is
mindful of the farmer vote, his forbear
ance In this instance has reason behind
it. There is a great difference between
these farmers' trusts and most of the
trusts we read about and denounce
without fear of consequences. In the
first place, the farmers will not ask
for special favors at the hands of the
Government. They don't expect any
protective tariff, and they don't expect
to Interfere In the least with any farm
er outside their organization, and cry
out "Government by injunction!" if
one of their number breaks the law
and has to be punished or restrained.
In the second place, these farmers
trusts are not stock-Jobbing concerns
based on overcapitalization of acquired
properties. The trust that goes to work
to buy up sugar refineries, or cracker
factories, or flour mills, or salmon can
neries, at extravagant figures, paying
for them In stock and with the pro
ceeds of stock sold to credulous in
vestors, is an entirely different thing
from the trust that alms merely to
combine the output of Independent pro
ducers for more scientific marketing.
If all the trusts had stood on their
own bottom, without tariff protection
from the Government or Illegal favors
from railroads, and had abstained from
stock-jobbing and swindling overcapi
talization, the agitation of the past
few months would have been devoid
of much of Its vigor and Its terror to
the politicians.
The success of the farmers' trusts is
to be doubted. The field Is too big.
The concern Is in danger of topheavi
ness through ambition, and collapse
under the load of weak members.
These schemes have gone to pieces be
fore, and very likely will do so again.
But that is their own lookout. So long
as they get along without special privi
leges accorded by law and conduct
their dealings with business fairness
and honesty, nobody Is going to have
their officers arrested or denounce them
as public enemies.
RECOGNITION OP A JUST DEMAXD.
A "bill to promote the efficiency of
the revenue uter service" is now
before both branches of Congress, .with
excellent prospects of favorable action.
The Intent of this bill is to afford rec
ognition which Is long overdue to one
of the most Important branches of the
naval service. The chief purpose of
the bill Is to make the officers of the
revenue cutter service rank with those
of the regular army and navy. Coinci
dent with this, a permanent retired list
Is provided, enabling men who have
grown gray in the service to make way
for younger men. The duties of the
hevenue cutter service are at times
most severe, and call for the best phys
ical and mental equipment possible In
mankind. Thus it Is but natural that
as men age in the service they are of
less value than the younger men. Un
der existing rules, the elderly men are
placed on waiting orders without de
priving them of their rank or making
places for their younger officers.
The result of this apparent hopeless
ness which stares the young men in
the face is a lack of interest In the
service, which shows a general inclina
tion toward stagnation. In time, un
less remedial legislation is secured, it
will be extremely difficult, if not Impos
sible, to secure the class of men re
quired for this Important duty. Per
haps the most glaring Injustice that ex
ists In connection with the service Is
the discrimination in pay that is made
against the cutter service men. The
latter, in peace and war alike, are al
ways engaged. When the Nation is
at peace with all the world, and the
vessels of the regular navy are loafing
around on their stations, with nothing
special demanding their attention, the
revenue cutters are on police duty in
the far North, chasing smugglers,
pelagic sealers, suppressing piracy or
mutiny on merchant vessels, or assist
ing local authorities in some seaport
town to quiet any disorder that may
arise. Despite all this work, requiring
courage and executive ability of a high
order, there has always existed a great
disparity in the pay of the cutter men
as compared with the regular navy and
army officers, occupying relatively the
same station In the service.
Seldom, if ever, is there a question
raised about the chief officers of the
army and navy being overpaid, and
yet for much more arduous duties the
cutter men receive only about two
thirds of the pay allotted the men In
the army and navy. On the Pacific
Coast especially a high order of effi
ciency In the cutter service will be
of the greatest Importance now and
in the near future. With the rapidly
Increasing Oriental trade and Alaska's
maritime business assuming big pro
portions, the only "floating military au
thority" in the Northwest will find
plenty of work, and It will be work of
a class where underpaid and dissat
isfied men should not be engaged.
The captain of a revenue cutter Is
compelled by law to land a party to
quell a disturbance of any kind when
ever called on by the civil authorities
of a port. In many of the new towns
on the Alaskan coast this authority will
be about the only kind that will be rec
ognized by the lawless element which
4 is always found with the vanguard of
civilization. The bill In question will
undoubtedly bring the efficiency of the
cutter service up to the high standard
needed, and it is to be hoped that the
favorable recommendation of the House
commerce committee will be acted on.
BRAVE MILITIA ARE NOT TRAINED
SOLDIERS.
The conduct of the Boers during their
retreat before the advance of Lord
Roberts makes It certain that they are
only fit for the defense of strong natu
ral positions, where only steadiness and
good marksmanship are needed. They
have some skillful leaders, like Joubert
hand Cronje, some trained artillerists and
military engineers, but their leaders
are only able and enterprising soldiers
In the sense that Marlon, Sumter and
Andrew Jackson were valuablo In par
tisan warfare. The difference between
a General like Nathaniel Greene, who
was a born tactician and maneuverer,
and Andrew Jackson Is the difference
between a great General like Lord
Roberts and a skillful defensive Com
mander like Joubert.
The retreat of the Boers shows that
they are unequal to a steady retreat,
A German military critic has already
pointed out the Boers' Incapacity for
tactical offensive movements. They
have never been equal to making a
determined attack. They have not the
slightest capacity to conduct such a
retreat as Lee made after Gettysburg,
finally crossing a swollen river in face
of a superior victorious army without
leaving anything of value behind. The
Boers cannot do these things because
no men can do them, no matter how
brave they may be, unless they have
become a real army through drill and
discipline under trained officers. Brave
militia who can shoot straight can do
deeds like Bunker Hill, New Orleans
and Magersfonteln, but brave militia
cannot steadily assault an entrenched
line nor make a successful retreat un
der fire.
Had the Boers been equal to the
work of trained soldiers, they would
easily have stormed Ladysmlth. Had
they been equal to the work of trained
soldiers, they would have transferred
the bulk of their army from Ladysmlth
to the Orange Free State In time to
reinforce Cronje, and the capture of
Ladysmlth, with the foiling of the
British pursuit of Cronje, would have
roused the Cape Colony Boers Into re
bellion. The Boers have been easily
discomfited by Lord Roberts, because
he clearly understands their strength
and their weakness; and he declines to
make war after the methods of Gen
eral Methuen.
It Is exceedingly doubtful whether
the Boers will make an effective stand
for any length of time this side of the
Vaal River. They are preparing
against a British advance from the
southwest Into the Transvaal, and a
camp has been established at Bloemhof,
on the north bank of the "Vaal, near
the western border of the Transvaal,
to guard the roads leading from Klm
berley across the river toward Klerks
dorp, the present western terminus of
the railway from Johannesburg. There
are plenty of strong defensive posi
tions north of WInburg, but they are
threatened on the left by General But
ler's advance from Natal, while the
right could. If necessary, be turned
by a column moving from Klmberley
or Vryburg. With an army of 80,000
moving from Bloemfonteln, and an
army of at least 25,000 men pounding
at the gateway from Natal to the Or
ange Free State, the Boers are not
likely to make a long stand south of
the Vaal River, and we are likely soon
to see the seat of war transferred to
the South African Republic.
AMERICAN AUTOMOBILES FIRST.
According to the New York Herald,
American Inventors are about to Invade
France with automobiles that promise
to eclipse, both In, speed and endurance,
anything yet produced In Europe. The
machine thus Invading the original do
main of the automobile, prepared to'
meet all requirements of wear and tear,
will not give out for want of battery
power or water, since It will be run
by kerosene, a motive power that, In
case of stress, can be procured at any
house by the roadside. Experience has
shown the necessity of employing a
fuel that is safe, easily obtainable and
condensed In form. One pound of kero
sene equals fifty pounds of liquefied air,
450 pounds of storage battery t and has
the further advantage over the battery
of being already charged with energy.
As proof that the horseless vehicle of
the future will be driven by an ex
plosive gas, and not by electricity, It
Is cited that out of 100 vehicles of all
classes shown at the recent automobile
exhibitions In London, one was pro
pelled by electricity, one by steam, and
ninety-eight by explosive engines of the
Dameller or De Dion types. These are
respectively the accepted German and
French type of automobile motor, but
they all suffer from vibration, and for
comfort cannot compare with the elec
trically driven motor. According to
cable advices, to which reference Is
above made, It has remained for an
American Inventor, John A. Secor, of
Brooklyn, to devise an automobile mo
tor with a cylinder In which explosions
occur almost simultaneously on both
sides of the piston one being much
lighter pressure than the other alter
nately, but sufficient In strength to
take up all vibration. The Idea is de
clared by automobile experts to be a
solution of mechanical difficulties that
have barred the way to the popular
Introduction of the horseless carriage.
If this view proves correct, the new
device will go a long way toward
bringing the automobile Into general
use, making it, in fact, possible for
everybody to keep a carriage and use
It with perfept safety, as nearly as
that term can be applied to any means
of rapid locomotion.
Several newspapers of the machine
type say that "if McKinley shall be
renominated The Oregonlan will have to
eat its words, and a nice dish of crow
it will have." Such Is the machine
Idea of politics in journalism. If The
Oregonlan shall support McKinley for
re-election it will eat no words. It will
not withdraw an expression, nor abate
one jot or tittle from its estimates of
McKinley. The question that will de
cide Its course of action Is this, name
ly. What Is the character of the op
position party, and what policy does
It offer the country? This Is the In
quiry on which the Independent citi
zen makes up his mind. He wants to
know what the parties stand for, what
Is the sum of the forces that control
them, what is the tendency of the
course of action of each, and what
results should be expected from the
success of either. This is the basis on
I which the men whose votes will de-
clde the coming election will act. So
It was In 1896; so It Will be in 1900. In
such matters candidates are of little
account.
The great sacrifices of the war and
the necessity of making peace on a
basis that will preclude future wars
render It Impossible to suppose, reason
ably, that Great Britain will make any
terms with the Boers that do not start
from the basis that the national inde
pendence and political autonomy of
the South African Republic and the
Orange Free State are to be extin
guished. Proposals of mediation, there
fore, are valueless, and worse than use
less; for on the one hand they hold
out hopes to the Boers that never can
be realized, and thereby lure them on
to moro complete destruction; and on
the other hand they tend to make ugly
relations between Great Britain and
the nation that interposes. No sane
person can doubt that Great Britain
would accept any war rather than yield
to intervention.
The almost unanimous indorsement of
Representative Moody given by the Re
publicans of his home county at Sat
urday's primaries is a weighty Indica
tion that the people there realize no
mistake was made In substituting him
for the cipher who previously repre
sented Eastern Oregon In Congress.
Mr. Moody's latest triumph Is the fa
vorable report of the "double minimum"
bill from the House committee on pub
lic lands. Mr, Moody was sent to Con
gress because he was right on the main
question of the hour the safety of the
currency. It Is gratifying to know he
has not only stood firmly for that, but
Is also developing effective qualities as
a legislator. The result In Wasco
seems to guarantee Mr. Moody's re
election an event to be desired for
many reasons.
It Is probable the Senate will con
tinue to Insist on our right to fortify
the Nicaragua canal. Yet Admiral
Dewey says the talk about the "ne
cessity" of fortifying It is pure non
sense. Rear-Admiral Erben- says that
the building of forts down there would
be "a waste of money." Captain Ma
han, the author of "Sea Power,'1 Is of
the same opinion. Possibly, as the New
York Press, with a touch of sarcasm,
suggests, their judgment on the matter
Is as likely to be sound as that of Hon.
W. B. Hepburn, of Appanoose, la.
We all learn new things as we grow
older. Now we discover that Senator
Mitchell was so grieved over the de
feat of Senator Dolph that at last he
Indignantly accuses Senator Simon of
having brought it about. Whether the
accusation Is Just, or not, The Orego
nlan does not pause now to inquire.
What strikes it with force Is this proof
of the jrrief of Senator Mitchell over
the defeat of Senator Dolph, at the
time McBrlde was elected.
The San Francisco Examiner, Demo
cratic organ, says that the "free-silver
terror has been eliminated by enact
ment of the gold-standard bill," and It
will therefore "be Impossible to repeat
the scare of 1896." The Examiner is
jubilant thereat. And yet It knows its
party will still demand free coinage of
silver. What then? Is there no dan
ger? Doesn't it expect its party to
Win? Evidently not.
It Is the season of political amenities
in Alabama. The Selma Times wants
Governor Johnston elected to the Sen
ate; the Montgomery Advertiser sup
ports Senator Morgan for re-election.
Here is one of the Montgomery paper's
courtesies to its neighbor:
The Selma Times let up on Johnstonlsm last
Saturday and devoted a column editorial to a
dead dog-. But it wasn't much of a chance In
subjects, after all.
The Republican leaders rest secure
In the belief that the people will soon
get tired of howling about Puerto Rico
and "come back to protection." It is a
vain reliance. There has never been a
day since 1888 when high tariff could
carry the country.
Matthew Marshall, of the New York
Sun, admits his error In predicting that
the new 2 per cent bonds would not
command par. Perhaps the rest of his
pessimistic prophecies will prove equal
ly Ill-founded.
Does the labor of this great country
need or ask "protection" against poor
little Puerto Rico? Not at all; but
there are some special "grafts" in Con
necticut and New York that demand it.
"UTOPIAN AND VISIONARY."
"Consent of the Governed," From
the Confederate Standpoint.
Memphis Commercial-Appeal, Dem.
On the question of expansion. Colonel
Bryan was perceptibly less Intense and
radical than formerly, but still Utopian
and visionary. He would abandon tha
Philippines on grounds purely sentimen
tal, and had much to say on the subject
of "tho consent of the governed." The
consent of the governed, like the declara
tion that "all men are created free and
equal," Is a beautiful theory, but not
one that is always followed In practice.
"The consent of tho governed" was not
sought or cared for In acquiring any of
the territory that has been added to the
13 original states, save In tho case of
Texas. The poignant irony of the abstrac
tion must have been apparent and almost
grotesque to the grim ex-Confederates
who sat in the audience, and who re
flected that for four years they fought
against the power that now governs them
without their consent. No doubt they
thought that if such treatment Is good
enough for them it ought to be good
enourh for the fraction of a Tagal tribe
in the Philippines. On one point, all will
agree with Colonel Bryan. Ho said that
he believed that every drop of blood shed
In the Philippines was spilled without
necessity. This is true. No blood would
have been shed, or very little of it, at
least, bad it not been for tho Hoars, At
kinsons and other aunties cabling encour
agement to Agulnaldo and giving him to
understand that the American people ap
proved of his shooting down American
soldiers. But all such sentimental talk
Is useless, or fit only for academic ex
ercises. Wo own the Philippines, and the
war there Is over. The people of this
section prefer the Philippines and 10-cent
cotton to sentimentality and 5-cent cotton.
"Life Is real, life Is earnest," and the
lupine Instinct In man remains to confute
the dreams of the dreamers and the the
ories of the theorists. The Philippines
will be held. The contempt of logic In
volved In tho "consent of the governed"
preachment Is nowhere better understood
than In the South. Besides this, our friends
over tho Ohio outnumber us three to one,
and they have had much to say about
how we handle our race problem, and
there Is no objection in these quarters to
giving them a race problem of their
own. Let them try their " "prent'ee hand"
at It, so that when their hysterical spin
jesters rave over tho wrongs of the op,
pressed they may strike near home. Let
them uplift the Orientals, teach them the
ways of Western civilization, and the
South will sell them cotton clothes to
wear. On the whole, a stanch supporter
of Mr. Bryan's summed up the situation
accurately when he said: "Bryan is mod
ifying his views on expansion rapidly. He
took such high grounds at the outset that
it is difficult for him to climb down."
So let us hope. Ideas such as he enter
tains on expansion are hostile to the bus
iness Interests of the country, opposed
to the National aspiration, antagonistic to
accomplished facts, and, If followed, will
land any party in the slough of merited
defeat.
a
ARMAMENT OF THE BOERS.
Their Complete Preparations for the
Present War.
New York Times.
It was not In 1S99, or because of any
thing done by Englishmen In that year,
that the Boers determined to try their
strength with Great Britain's. In the
comparatively calm days of ISM Oom Paul
and his people bought 5500.000 worth of
big cannon in Germany, and spent the
same large sum in Austria for rifles. The
Krupp guns were delivered the next year,
and they included two of what were then
the most powerful cannon In the world.
They are 48 feet long, weigh 120 tons,
throw a shell weighing 2300 pounds, and
burn 904 pounds of powder at each dis
charge. In 1835 another half-million pro
duced by the taxation of the Uitlandera
found Its way to Herr Krupp. and in re
turn ho sent to the Transvaal a number
of long-range field guns and several
mountain and bush guns especially adapt
ed for use In a hilly country, and a hot
climate. The next year the Boers began
to secure the cannon they have found
most effective In the present war six
Creusot guns. Tho number of these has
since increased to 21. The Creusot gun
has an arrangement of springs and brakes
to lessen the recoil and bring the gun
back to Its former position within two
seconds after being discharged. This gives
greater velocity to the projectile and in
creases the range. The velocity Is over
1800 feet at the muzzle, and the carrying
distance Is a trifle under Ave miles, the
charge being less than two pounds of pow
der, the gun weighing only 3400 pounds.
Eight shots may be fired each minute
without heating the metal, and every gun
goes Into action provided with 144 rounds
of ammunition. All through 1S96, 1S37 and
part of 1S9S, the Boers continued to
strengthen their armament and to fortify
their capital and their frontiers. Just
what the total expenditures for these pur
poses amounted to It is impossible to
say, but when at last the war came they
were thoroughly prepared for it. In a
way this speaks well for their Intelli
gence, but It hardly bears out the claim
that they are a people who turn their
thoughts to fighting only under compul
sion. o '
A Pitiful Defense Disproved.
Chicago Tribune.
General Davis telegraphs from Puerto
Rico that the stocks of sugar and tobacco
now on hand are owned by the producers.
That disposes of the charge made by beet-
sugar men and Connecticut tobacco-grow
ers that the sugar trust and tobacco trust
own the commodities in question, and are
In favor of free trade with Puerto Rico,
so they may Import their property duty
free, and thus make large profits thereby.
Many of the Senators and Representatives
who are opposing free trade between Puer
to Rico and the United States have argued
with great earnestness on numerous occa
sions that tariff duties are not paid by
the domestic consumer, but by the foreign .
producer that they are the price be pays
to gain admission to the American mar
ket. Congressmen who believe the for
eigner pays the duty might have no com
punctions of conscience when the duty
falls on a sugar or tobacco trust, but it
must go against the grain for them to
Impose duties which will have to be paid
by the Puerto Rican producers, who are
so poor that the general Government Is
still feeding thousands of them. Mr. Ox-
nard must have much influence in Con
gress to induce its members to deal thus
harshly with the suffering Puerto Ricana,
who have been waiting patiently for a
year and a half for untaxed commercial
Intercourse with the United States. The
Puerto Rlcans are, as Senator Foraker
said the other day, "in distress, in pov
erty. In squalor, hundreds of thousands
of them." Then why does he Insist that
they shall surrender part of the value of
the products to get an American market
for them?
Why Ask for Bounties?
New York World.
The Cramps have just built a cruiser
for Russia. They got the contract by the
simple procesa of underbidding the ship
builders of other countries. They got
the contract In precisely the same way
that an American bridge builder got the
contract for the Atbara bridge; in pre
cisely the same way that American loco
motive builders have got contracts for lo
comotives for use on British railways
namely, by ability to do the work mora
cheaply, more quickly and more satlsfac
torlly than anybody else could do it.
But If our ship-builders have brought
their work to this state of superiority if
they can build ships more cheaply than
Englishmen or Frenchmen or Germans can
why should they insist upon the reten
tion of our antiquated and crippling navi
gation laws? Why should they ask for
bounties?
i a
How Should We Have Taken It?
Boston Herald.
President McKinley would be very glad
to further a pacification In South Africa
so far as the diplomatic proprieties per
mit. This, however, la not very far, for
on such a delicate question diplomacy
moves among eggshells. He will not
push his action beyond the line laid down
by Impartial neutrality. During our late
war with Spain the Administration would
have resented an attempt on the part of
any power to trench upon the boundaries
of diplomatic neutrality, with the view of
terminating hostilities, and, so far as
Great Britain was concerned, we had from
her only friendly assistance to keep other
powers from interfering.
o '
Close FlRhtlnff Still Wins.
St. Louis Globe-Democrat.
Nothing has occurred in the South Afri
can conflict to Indicate that arms of
longer range have tended to increase casu
alty lists. If Judgment were made up now
a contrary view would have to be accepted-
The new rifles add a novel element
to the defense and that is Invisibility.
Lyddite is offensive to the nose and the
lungs, but Cronje yielded to the advance
of riflemen, not to the new-fangled shells
whose concussion alone was supposed to be
fatal. Rifles of greater range have In
creased the caution of armies, not their
casualties.
a o
Not Genuine Khaki Cloth.
New York Commercial.
Khaki cloth, as we know It In this coun
try. Is not khaki cloth. This Is something
of a paradox, but It Is true. It Is per
fectly proper to say our soldiers are
dressed In khaki cloth, because custom has
naturalized the word, which originally
meant a textile plant grown In the East
Indies. It has some of the characteristics
of flax, producing a fabric of a brownish
color. A material In Imitation of khaki
cloth Is made, from cotton.
o
The Secretary of 'War's Views.
The highest considerations of justice and
good faith demand that we should not dis
appoint the confident expectation of shar
ing in our prosperity with which the peo
ple of Puerto Rico so gladly transferred
j their allegiance to the United States, and4
we should treat the interests of this peo
ple as our own, and I wish most strongly
to urge that the customs duties between
Puerto Rico and the United States be re
moved. Secretary of War Root In his an
nual report.
o
GOVERNOR TAYLOR OUSTED.
Final Consnmmntlon of the
Con-
splracy In Kentnclcy-
Phlladelphla Times, Ind. Dem.
That Colonel Taylor, the Republican
candidate for Governor of Kentucky, was
elected to that office by the people of the
state Is hardly disputed by even his most
violent opponents. The Goebel election
law placed the whole political power of
the state In the hands of Taylor's po
litical enemies, and they have wielded It
to the uttermost.
It has been, a costly crime for those
who planned and executed It, as Senator
Goebel. the author of the Infamous elec
tion law, was assassinated just when he
was about to reap the fruits of his fraud;
and now the Legislature, chosen by the
same criminal methods, has formally de
clared that Taylor Is not entitled to the of
fice, and that declaration has been made
In strict conformity with law.
Taylor carried the case to the courts
which are not politically friendly to him.
and the lower court has decided against
him, and the higher tribunal, to which it
may be appealed, is reasonably certain to
confirm the decision. The judicial decision
Is clearly In accord with the ruling of our
highest and best judicial tribunals, as the
courts cannot set aside a legitimate act of
the Legislature performed in obedience to
the law.
There Is nothing left for Governor Tay
lor but to give" up the office to which he
was elected, to the political usurpers who
have displaced him with all the ceremonies
of the law, and he will commit a very
grave error If he shall attempt further
resistance to the Democratic Governor,
who, while without any moral right to the
position, is fully fortified by the concur
rent legislative and judicial judgment of
the state. We sincerely hope that Gov
ernor Taylor will at once give up the un
equal and now unlawful contest. He has
fought his battle manfully, and fraud has
triumphed after he has exhausted all legi
timate sources to defeat It.
o
The Cases Are Parallel.
Philadelphia Record.
Senator Simon, of Oregon, has very re
cently exposed In Senator Carter a con
necting link between Clark of Montana
and Quay, of Pennsylvania. While Clark
wishes to keep by hook or crook the seat
Which he obtained by wholesale corrup
tion. Quay seeks to get by aid of Clark's
vote the seat for which the Legislature
of Pennsylvania has rejected him. It
would be difficult to determine, on grounds
of political ethics, which Is the worse case,
that of Clark or of Quay. If Mr. Quay
should be admitted, asked Senator Simon.
with great pertinence, what compensation
could the Senate make to Mr. Corbett,
who was rejected, though he had by no
means as weak a claim to a seat as that
of Quay?
This Is a question that appeals strongly
to the equity and honorable feelings of
Senators. Senator Simon was undeniably
right when he said that Mr. Quay ought
to be estopped from claiming admission
to a seat becaure he had voted against the
admission of Corbett. If Mr. Quay be so
wanting In a sense of propriety as to push
for himself a claim which he would not
allow when made by another It Is for
the Senate to convince him of his false
position. As the Senate Is the highest
political body In the country it should not
fall to set the highest examples of politi
cal proprjety and decorum.
4 3
"A Matchless Titan."
This phrase Is used by Professor Trent
In an article In the International Monthly
on Balzac. He says Balzac was "a match
less Titan" and not "an Olympian," like
Homer, Dante, Shakespeare, Milton. Of
Balzac's letters he says:
They are not splrltuil documents like the
Browning letters, or documents dealing with
the amenities of friendship and social life like
the Steveneon letters; and It may be doubted
whether. In translation, rhey would appeal to
one-tenth of the reader that have recently
been fascinated with these two epistolary col
lections. Tet they set before us a far greater
man than either Browning or Stevenson, and
their valuo will Increase with the yearn.
Browning was a great man, but what be tells
Elizabeth Barrett about his literary work
seems almost trivial when we compare it with
what Balzac tells Mme. Hanska of his. Stev
ontn was a marvel of energy, considering all
things, but when he writes about his work, he
does not Impress us as does Balzac. The lat
ter has not Browning's spiritual insight and
depth; he has not Stevenson's charm; but he
dwarfs them both by his Tltanlo energy and
power. He has more sovereign force and am
bition than any other man of lettera of this
century; Indeed, at times his Titanic qualities
do not suggest the man of thought at ail,
rather the man of action, and, in particular,
one supreme man of action Napoleon.
e !
The Republican Press.
The Administration has not a friend
for Its Puerto Rlcan policy among the
leading Republican papers of Chicago. The
Times-Herald, the Tribune and the Inter
Ocean are vying with each other In fight
ing that policy and In predicting serious
political consequences If a new national
Issue be furnished by the passage of tha
tariff clause of the bill.
To the Senate.
Chicago Times-Herald, Rep.
The United States Serrate is Republican.
It does not need the voto of Quay for any
party measure. If It deliberately violates
law and defies the popular will by seating
Quay the people will hold the Republican
party responsible for such violation of Na
tional decency.
o '
Senator Davis.
What Is the reason that this tariff rate,
anomalous, unheard of, unprecedented and
temporary, should be applied to Puerto
Rico while the other day a bill was passed
in the other House appropriating 52,000.000
for Puerto Rico from the Treasury. Sen
ator Cushman K. Davis.
e
Speak Up, Everybody.
Louisville Courier-Journal.
So Debs. too. has been nominated by
something or other for President. If there
is anybody who has not received one of
these nominations yet, let him come for
ward. There are still a few left.
4 e
General Miles Promise to Puerto Rico
Puerto Rico under the American flag will.
enjoy the same privileges and the same
Immunities as the citizens of the United
States and territories of the Union. From
General Miles' proclamation on invading
the Island.
o
Scnntor Hoar.
A duty on exports Is forbidden by the
Constitution, and the proposed duty of 15
per cent on goods from the United States
and Puerto Rico would be a violation of
that prohibition. Senator George Frisbie
Hoar.
o
Br-Senator Edmunds Speaks.
I believe that the Puerto Rican tariff bill
Is clearly unconstitutional and iolate3
all our agreements with and pledges to
the Puerto Rlcans. If I were in the Sen
ate I should certainly vote against it. Ex
Senator Edmunds.
o
"Under One Flag."
Our flag does not mean one thing hers
and another thing in Cuba or Puerto Rico.
President McKinley to M.000 Methodists
at Ocean Grove on August 25, 1S99.
a
Writlna- Will Undo a Man.
Chicago Journal.
Mr. McKinley still believes In our plain
duty, but he wishes he hadn't put It In the
message.
3 0
Ex-Speaker Reed.
The attempt to make three-quarter citi
zens out of the Puerto Rlcans Is certainly
orlglnal.-Ex-Speaker Reed. c
NOTE AND COMMENT.
It begins to look as If Pettigrew had
talked himself out of the Senate.
Bryan never lacks for wind, but of what
avail is wind to a sinking ship?
In a few weeks now, pedestrians will
be able to resume the use of sidewalks.
The Topeka Capital has been, of course,
supporting tho church-social democracy.
By striking, the local carpenters are by
no means likely to hit tho nail on tha
head.
The theory of the Indestructibility of
matter gets a pretty hard rub In the
steam laundry.
We are getting our Spring medicine in
allopathic doses, and. we can stand a good
deal more of the same kind.
Uttle Jack Horner eat in a corner
Thumping a. Christmas pie.
But the Harveylzed crust he in vain tried to
bust.
And he gave up the Job with a elgh.
A teacher In the Philadelphia Girls' Nor
mal School tells a story of a girl of humble
parentage who gave her name as Bridget
when she was flrat enrolled. During her
flret year Bridget changed to Bridgetta.
During her second year the first syllable
was dropped and she became Etta. That
developed into Margaretta, and when she
received her diploma her name was Mar
guerite. From Bridget to Marguerite
seems a far cry. but they do such things
at the Normal School.
A person who had a rccm on Washing
ton) street under loase and was not us
lns It sublet It to a local club of Dem
ocratic politicians for a month for $20.
When they vacated the room, it cost $30
to get it cleaned out and put in decent
condition. The victim made no complaint,
but savs he would pay $30 more to know
how the club managed to get the room
In such a condition In so short a time.
Some member of that club possessed of tho
desired! Information can sell It for a good
price.
They are telling a story In Chicago about
an advance agent for the Thomas Orches
tra who recently went to New Orleans to
book dates for concerts'. He was told,
however, that it would be well for him first
to talk the matter over with a wealthy
woman who Is a leader In the musical
circles of the city. So he called at her
residence, a great, old-fashioned brick
mansion surrounded bya high brick wall.
The gate was locked, and a ring brought
out an old negro, who took the caller's
card, on which was printed the legend,
"Representing the Thomas Orchestra."
Presently a young woman came to tho
door, holding the card In her hand. Sho
did not seem to understand the object of
the call. The agent attempted to explain.
but was cut short by the young woman,
who said: "I don't think we want any mu
sic today."
T. Brook White, in a communication
published In The Sunday Oregonlan. urg
ing bicyclists to select as their candidates
from among the nominees for all city and
county offices, habitual riders only, says:
"Rudyard Kipling said of the streets of
Portland that they would disgrace an Irish
village." Mr. Kipling said no such thing.
What he did say In his account of a trip
to the Clackamas, was: ''Half a mile from
this city of 50,000 souls we struck (and
this must be taken literally) a plank road
that would have been a disgrace to an
Irish village." If Mr. White's idea that
electing bicycle riders only to office would
be the means of providing a place for
wheels on the streets other than side
walks, were likely to prove correct, every
body would favor It, but probably he Is
as far from correct In this as in quoting
Kipling. If the Council, now that flno
weather has come and the streets are
dry, would put a stop to bicycles being
ridden on the sidewalks, it would earn
the gratitude of a suffering and much-iraposed-upon
public
Mr. Justice Grantham, of England, cele
brated by an odd judicial act the an
nouncement of the relief of Klmberley.
Ho was presiding in Liverpool at the trial
of a man charged with assaulting and
killing his brother-in-law. It seems that
in a quarrel over Splonkop, the prisoner
struck his brother-in-law with a poker
so that he died a week later. The pris
oner expressed "great contrition," and
pleaded guilty, whereupon Justice Grant
ham said: "The war was an all-absorbing
topic, and as very satisfactory news
had been received that day as to the re-
lief of klmberley, he thought justice
would be met by giving the prisoner tho
benefit of the good tidings." The prisoner
was thereupon discharged. A similar caao
was tried in 1SS4. before Chief Justice Pier
pont, of the Vermont Supreme Conrt. A
discharged Union soldier was violently
assaulted by a deserter from the English
Army in Canada, and shot his assailant
to escape being thrown off a high piazza.
It was proved on the trial that tho Eng
lishman had provoked the quarrel by curs
ing the American flag, reviling Lincoln
and denouncing the Union Army. Judge
Pierpont. In his charge, told the jury that
In a time of war, when patriotism natu
rally became passionate In Its intensity
of feeling, an ex-Union soldier would nat
urally be provoked beyond restraint by
the offensive language used by his an
tagonist concerning the flag, the Presi
dent and the Army, and that the Jury
had a right to consider the extreme provo
cation to anger the prisoner had received
before he was assaulted. The Jury
promptly acquitted the prisoner.
o
The Rlpcnlngr
W. M. Gamble In Atlantic
O vast, unwildly land of ours
Like some huge Titan boy thou art.
Whose young blood surges througH his heart
In a crude strife of powers.
Until come tingling moment when
One co" wrings all true souls, and then
Thou standest In the strength of wrath and
tears
Thou gatherest all thyself to tower above thy
peers I
Thee, new-born far beyond the main.
God cradled in a new-found clime
That wistful Europe's dreams sublime
Might not eeem all In vain;
Hope, reawakenlrg at thy birth.
Thrilled the droopt oonssters of the earth
To brief ecstatic Joy. Ere long In thee
Shall they behold the pledge of one Humanity?
The nations, ay, the natJon3 wait.
Thy ripening. Shall they lift their eyea
To see thee knit thy thews and rise,
Single, and whole, and great?
Not sooner for the bugle-call.
Not sooner for the sound of all
The cannonades that roar beneath the eun.
Knowledge and Love and Toll shall slowly
make thee one.
What oong hall hall yon far-off morn?
Must hope be sung In sweet sad walla
By Europe'n rich-voiced nightingales.
Bleeding against a thorn?
Come, new-world Lark I Come, future seer
In thy strong chanting men shall hear
Love dominant, through the triumph hymn
of Life,
While long-retreating drums beat the dead
march of strife.