THE MORNING OKEGONIAN, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 7, 1900.
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XORTLAXD, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 7
OUR OWN COLONIAL HISTORY.
Taxation of our new "colonial" pos-
i sessions brings under comparison and
i review the causes of the revolt in
America against the system of taxation
employed by the British Ministry in
our own colonial days. It was not the
amount of this taxation that produced
! the trouble, but the innovation it intro
duced, with infringement of rights to
which the colonists had always been
accustomed, and which they held Inde
feasible. Besides, It was apparent to
them that they were to be treated as
vassals and sacrificed to the demands
cf the parent state. The fact is, a
constitutional change had been going
on in England for a century or more,
with which the colonies had not kept
j pace, and the English theory of colonial
Tights had become very different from
that which had been implanted in
.America, Needless to say. however.
Great Britain does not pursue that
theory now. She makes proper distlnc-
! tion between the theoretical right to do
a thing and the policy of doing it.
This lesson in the historical prog
ress of the constitution of a nation Is
brought out with great clearness by
.Hon. Hannis Taylor in the introduc
tion to his volumes on "The Origin
and Growth of the English Constitu
tion." His introduction is an essay on
the English origin of the Republic of
the United States. For such as may
not recall Mr. Taylor without inquiry.
it may be as well to say that he is a
citizen of Alabama, and was Minister
of the United States to Spain during
President Cleveland's second term. His
book on the English Constitution is an
original and able production.
The English colonies In America had
been established through royal char-
lern ind thi arl c-o fom . dlract
legi'latlve control to which any of the
icrionies were subjected, in the form of
ordinances or Instructions from their
"government, emanated from the or
daining power of the King In council.
Tr-ci1- ..Ignfp flrvf d frtin ii"dr cTurtors,
wuicxi, as between themselves and the
crown, were Irrevocable contracts; and
the validity of the acts of the colonial
assemblies depended not upon the ap
proval of the English Parliament, but
upon that of the Governor, who stood
as the direct representative of the
jlCing. So, as Mr. Taylor develops it
with a clearness and force we have not
seen elsewhere, the crown had every
thing to do with the organization and
direction of the political systems of the
colonies; the Parliament practically
nothing. The crown, then, was regard
ed by the colonies as the only tie that
bound them to the mother country; to
each one of them the King stood In the
direct relation of chief executive: to
him alone duties were due,and the only
proper mediums of communication be
tween the crown and the colonies
were the royal Governors and the
colonial Parliaments. In their local
Legislatures the colonists had learned
how to tax themselves and how to reg
ulate their home affairs through laws
of their own making. But through a
long course of political changes in
England the omnipotence of Parliament
had been practically established; and,
losing sight of the great change that
Had been effected In the English sys
tem since the work of colonization be
gan, the colonists adhered to the earlier
conception, which regarded the home
assembly as the legislative organ, both
lor themselves and for the mother
country, and stoutly protested against
Parliamentary taxation as a tyrannous
innovation. Hence they held that Par
liament had no right to invade the jur
isdiction of their colonial assemblies
In order to legislate directly upon
their internal concerns. Moreover, the
acts of Parliament for taxation of
America came forth In such manner
and form as to cause the colonists to
believe that they were to be exploited
tor the benefit of the mother country;
md this, in addition to the innovation
and the invasion of their ancient rlchts.
-was more than they could abide.
Finally, therefore, as Mr. Taylor states
It, "out of the conflict which arose be
tween the English and Colonial theo
ries as to the practical omnipotence of
the Imperial Parliament over self-governing
communities beyond the seas,
grew the war of the Revolution and
loss of the colonies to the English
crown."
This explains with perfect clearness
why the ministry and the colonies so
completely misunderstood each other.
Their points of view were wholly dif
ferent. The colonists stood on a theory
that constitutional changes in England
had superseded; the English Ministers
taking no account of the fact that the
colonists had not participated In this
change, or in the events that attended
It, treated colonial opposition as mere
rebellion. The lesson here for all coun
tries that undertake the government of
outlying dependencies is "writ large."
The indispensable basis is knowledge
of conditions, history, habits, usages,
antecedents and general character of
those who are to hold the colonial re
lation. Above all, the appearance or
suggestion of measures which would
give any color to the idea that the col
ony Is an estate to be worked for the
benefit of the sovereign country, is to
be avoided. Here is the evil of the pro
posed legislation for Puerto Rico leg
islation which is more objectionable
than anything that appears in It, be
cause It Is Intended also as a prece
dent for the Philippine Islands.
DEPOSIT OF TREASURY FUXDS.
The Forum consistently sustains, in
its March number, the role of defender
to the McKlnley Administration. The
specific task this month falls to the
Director of the Mint, Mr. George E.
Roberts, who acquits himself well of
an assignment to vindicate Secretary
Gage's deposit of treasury funds in
New York banks. The article Is a val
uable one not so much for what Mr.
Roberts says as for what he quotes, and
the voluminous extracts that make up
the bulk of his paper form an Instruct
ive exhibit In the theory and practice
of government finance as expressed in
the Subtreasury.
No very thorough financial education
Is necessary to understand that unlim
ited accumulation of Government funds
In various forms of currency will tend
to contraction of the circulation and
threaten if It does not precipitate grave
commercial disaster. This was fore
seen by Daniel Webster as early as
1840, when, in discussing the proposed
Subtreasury, offered as a substitute for
the United States Bank President Jack
son destroyed, he said:
The very first provision of the bill Is in keep
ing with Its general objects and the general
character. It abandons all the sentiments of
civilised mankind on the subject of credit and
confidence, and carries us back to the Dark
Ages. The first that we hear Is of safes and
vaults and cells and cloisters. From an intel
lectual it goes back to a. physical age. From
commerce and credit it returns to hoarding and
hiding; from confidence and trust It retreats to
bolts and bars, to locks with double keys, and
to pains and penalties for touching hidden treas
ure. It is a law for tho times of the feudal
pystem, or a law for the heads and governors of
the piratical states of Barbary. It is a measure
fit for tho times when there is no security In
law, no value In commerce, no active Industry
among mankind. Here it is altogether out of
time and out of place.
What Mr. Webster foresaw, of
course, was that whenever circum
stances so combined as to accumulate
largo sums in the Subtreasury, thus
withdrawn from circulation, the cur
rency supply of the country would be
Impaired and the only way the banks
could raise money would be to force
payment of loans with consequent in
convenience to business and impair
ment of confidence. This, in fact, hap
pened; and it was given to Mr. Web
ster himself, eight years later, to de
pict the fulfillment of his prophecy,
which he did in these words:
I find that on August 25 last the commercial
banks in tho City of New York had In their
vaults ?3.800,000 in coin. That was the basis
upon which they made their issues for the ac
commodation of the mercantile world. The
Subtreaeury had at that time in Its vaults, In
tho eame city. $1,400,000. In the course of
events, within one month, that relation was
greatly changed, for on September 29 the banks
had but ?4.G00,O00, while the Subtreasury had
increased its amount to $2,400,000. Thus, In a
few days more than a month, the banks parted
with 1,200.000 of specie, and the Subtreasury
obtained the additional sum ofl.OOO.OOO. Tills
change In the relation between the amounts of
money in these respective depositories a once
created a great scarcity of money. All prac
tical men understand this. If a, bank loses a
certain quantity of specie it must curtail Its
discounts, not to the same extent, but to three
or four times that extent. This very operation,
then, led to the necessary contraction of $3,500.
000 or $4,000,000 in the commercial business of
the City of New York.
This li precisely the undesirable sit
uation that has prevailed in the United
Scates for months past, and that would
have been disastrous had not Secretary
Gage availed himself of authority
granted in 1S61 and more fully in 1864.
Secretaries Sherman, Folder, Falrchlld
and Wlndom, under whose administra
tion a, curplro f:se in the Treasury,
had this same difficulty to contend
with, met it in the same way, and en
countered the same fierce criticism.
The remedy for the difficulty Is con
ceived by Mr. Roberts, and by currency
reformers generally, to be the free de
posit of Government funds In banks,
where its deposits and checks will come
and go just as those of business firms
come and go, without disturbing the
currency supply of the country. This
would Involve substitution of a new
plan for the Subtreasury system, or,
failing in that, at any rate a recogni
tion that the policy of our Secretaries
is sound and best, and desirable of Its
largest possible extension under the
present law.
The Oregonlan has taken no part In
the heated controversy that has raged
over the administration of the Sub
treasury by Secretary Gage; and It
doeB not now purpose to do so. It has
full sympathy with the reformers who
urge abolishment of the Subtreasury
system, and no sympathy whatever
with the demagogic assailants of the
Administration. But It is not per
suaded that the time for a revolution
In this matter has come, and It Is con
fident that the popular aversion to In
timate relations between the Treasury
and the banks Is not to be dismissed
as a relic of the Dark Ages. The ap
peal of the demagogues is base, but
the instinct to which they appeal is
sound. This Is that favors between
banks and Government should be re
ligiously avoided. It is a case where
wo should steer clear of the very ap
pearance of evil. It Is better that such
a popular instinct as this should be
respected, rather than overridden for
the sake of consistency In currency
theory. And it is also true that if rev
enues are skillfully contrived to needs,
inordinate surpluses will seldom arise,
and when they do, accumulations can
be used in payment of Treasury obli
gations. NO SERIOUS LOSS OF PRESTIGE.
The pro-Boer journals pretend to be
lieve that Great Britain "has lost pres
tige as no power has lost It since
France was overwhelmed at Sedan."
This exaggerated view of the situation
1b absurd. The loss of Sedan not only
meant the loss of the French army of
100,000 men surrendered, but It meant
the loss of Bazalne's -army of 175,000
men shut up In Metz, hopeless of relief,
the ultimate surrender of Paris and the
utter humiliation of France. Sedan
cost France Alsace and Lorraine and
an enormous sum in war damages as
sessed and levied by the victor. But
reverses suffered by the British the
last four months at the hands of the
Boer army will not cost Great Britain
any serious loss of military prestige.
Great Britain has been through far
more humiliating experience at the
hands of her foes without any perma
nent loss of prestige. At the close of
our American Revolution Great Britain
had apparently suffered a serious loss
of military and political prestige, but
ten years after Yorktown Great Brit
ain was the most formidable power In
Europe, measured by her navy and the
size of her army chest, and from
Waterloo to the present date Great
Britain has suffered no permanent loss
of prestige; but has even Increased It.
In the meantime, she has suffered
I greater losses and deeper humiliation
than have been inflicted upon her by
the Boers. In 1839 an English army of
30,000 men retreating- In the winter from
Cabui to the Indian frontier was ut-
rterly destroyed by the enemy in the
mountain defiles. It Is as absurd to
speak of the repulse of the British un
der Buller and Methuen as inflicting
a serious loss of military prestige upon
Great Britain, as It would have been to
describe Abercromble's disastrous re
pulse by a few thousand French and
Indians at Tlconderoga and Braddock's
defeat as involving a serious loss of
England's military prestige. The Brit
ish regulars defealed in the "Old
French War" were splendid troops that
j had distinguished themselves at Min-
den, and yet they did not fare any
better assaulting breastworks defended
by French and Indians than Methuen
did at Modder River or Buller at Co
lenso. So far from England's suffering any
loss of prestige, there is not an edu
cated soldier in the armies of France.
Germany or Russia who does not know
that no Infantry In Europe is superior
to the English infantry in courage,
steadiness and dash. There Is no. rea
son to believe that any power of Con
tinental Europe, with the same number
of men, could have put up as gallant a
I fight against the Boer lntrenchments
as Qia tne troops or. Aietnuen ana sui-
,ler. The English lacked nothing of
stoutsoldiership; they lacked a General
for nearly four months, and now they
have a General, who is the ablest com
mander England has furnished to his
tory since Wellington. Great Britain is
a nation of brave men, and her soldiers
have always been of superior fighting
quality, but since Cromwell, Great
Britain has had but two great military
commanders of the first rank, viz..
Marlborough and Wellington. Since
Wellington's day, Great Britain has
produced no General cf his scientific
quality and genius as a tactician and a
strategist. It is not too much to say
that Lord Roberts is of the Wellington
quality of military talents, and under
him there la no danger that Great
Britain will not quickly recover any
military prestige she may have lost.
Yes, and increase it She has endured
her transient humiliation and suffer
ing with calmness, resolution and con
stancy; she has shown great moral and
spiritual endurance, as well as mental
energy and executive force.
TUB "DOOM." OP THE SAILER.
The doom of the sailing vessel, which
has been so often pronounced since
England commenced selling her fleet
of sailers and Investing In steam, Is ap
parently yet some distance in the fu
ture. The charter of the British bark
Glenard for the round trip Antwerp to
Puget Sound and return, at 50 shillings
would have been considered good
business In the palmiest days of the
sailer. This particular case, as men
tioned In yesterday's Oregonlan, Is for
distant business, and for near-by busi
ness the position of the sailing vessels
Is even stronger. Yesterday there was
not a single disengaged sailing vessel
suitable for grain loading at any port
on the Pacific Coast, between Mexico
and Alaska, and at every port along
that 2000 miles of. coast line freights
were ruling higher than for years.
The tramp steamer, that we have
been taught to regard as the "bogie
man or the sea, and that was event
ually to frighten all of the sailers from
the ocean, is not In evidence as a
round-the-Horn trader this year, and
its absence is not due to the fact that
rates are not sufficiently high to be
attractive. Some excuse has been made
for the non-appearance of the steam
freighters this year, on account of the
demands made by both the American
and British Governments for transport
purposes, but this does not fully explain
the absence of the tramp. Something
like 2,000,000 tons of steam vessels were
added to the world's supply since Port
land was using tramp steamers as
freight regulators, two years ago. and
as the demands of war have thus far
only taken up a little over 1,000,000 tons
of shipping, there Is still a big surplus
available If It were wanted. Rates are
high, to be sure. In other parts- of the
world, but Pacific Coast grain men are
unable to use steamers at the present
time. The foreign market Is dull and
depressed so much of the time that
even small, handy-sized sailing vessels,
on which the wheat can be warehoused
free for from four to six months, in the
voyage around the Horn, are very diffi
cult to sell. A steamer large enough
to be profitable in the round-the-Horn
grain trade must carry at least 5000
tons of wheat, and as there are but
comparatively few ports in the Old
World where 5000-ton cargoes can be
disposed of to advantage, they are not
wanted at all at the present time.
Steamships came Into the Pacific
Coast grain trade two years ago be
cause the French crop was almost a
total failure, and wheat wa3 needed in
that country in large quantities, and as
quickly as it was possible to get it
there. Until such circumstances again
prevail, we shall be obliged to depend
on the sailer. It Is a matter of doubt
In the minds of many who have made
the question a study whether the com
pletion of a canal across Central Amer
ica will ever be the means of diverting
much of the wheat from the round-the-Horn
route. Under the present system
of transportation, the heavy offerings
of wheat which are always in evidence
Immediately after harvest are rushed
by steamer to Europe from the Atlan
tic Coast and Gulf ports, filling the
immediate needs of the foreigners, and
frequently reaching proportions which
cause weakness. It is three or four
months after the first American wheat
reaches Europe from the Gulf ports be
fore any of the slow-moving sailers
from the Pacific Coast get round to
Queenstown or Falmouth for orders,
with new-crop wheat, and by .that time
the first rush of the new-crop offerings
is over, and there is a. good market for
Pacific Coast wheat, which would sure
ly have suffered from competition had
It been rushed by steam through the
canal, and reached the market at prac
tically the same time as wheat from
the Middle West and South. Steam
may drive the sailing vessel from a few
short routes where it formerly thrived,
but for long distances,- over which
large quantities of freight must be car
ried, there is no sign that the sailing
ship will ever be dislodged.
The sugar and tobacco trusts, having
got what they wanted in the blll to
compel the Puerto Ricans to pay duty
to get their products to market in the
United States, can view with much
composure, in fact with benevolent ap
probation, the proposition to take a few
millions from the public treasury to
aid those same distressed Puerto
Ricans. Why not take those millions
j from the public treasury and present
tho money directly to the sugar and
tobacco trusts, instead of going through
the expensive circumlocution of paying
it to the stricken islanders in order
that they may pay it back in duties
imposed for the beneflVof the trusts?
Of course, these trusts are aiming at
the Philippines, and possibly Cuba,
when they hit little, distressed Puerto
Rico in this instance; but this tariff Is
for their benefit entirely. And all this
with the sanction of a President who
wrote three months ago that "our plain
duty Is to abolish all customs tariffs
between the United States and Puerto
Rico"!
The very complete report of the busi
ness of the Albany creamery, presented
yesterday morning,, leaves hardly a
word to be said in favor of that indus
try for Oregon. Not only Is the profit
of the creamery business clearly
shown, but it Is with equal clearness
shown that in Oregon the profits are
materially larger than In Minnesota,
though In Oregon It is a new business
and in Minnesota it has become highly
developed and nicely organized through
years of experience. It Is not to be
said that conditions are exceptionally
favorable In Linn County, for the re
ports from creameries In Tillamook and
Clatsop Counties for the year 1899 show
even better returns for butter fat,
though those reports do not go Into the
subject to such a degree of detail. In
the development of the creamery busi
ness lies promise of great prosperity
for Oregon agriculture, greater 'than It
has yet known.
A Linn County Grange undertakes to
say that the adverse report of gov
ernment experts on the proposed Im
provement of Taquina Bay was due to
Portland Influence. This Is a serious
charge to make, and one that should J
not be made without evidence at hand
to support it. The Oregonlan hereby
tenders Its columns to the Linn County
Grange for publication of any proof it
has of the truth of its assertion. If
the assertion Is true, let us have the
facts. If it Is untrue, let Its authors,
by failure to prove It, confess their
error. Come, gentlemen, your evi
dence! It is astonishing that people who are
holding meetings here and there in our
country to urge the Government of the
United States to offer mediation In
South Africa cannot see that such offer
If made would surely be repulsed, or
at least declined. Great Britain is In
such position that she feels under ab
solute necessity of seeing this contest
through. And she will see it through;
No mediation will be accepted, and any
attempt at intervention would mean
war. Have we not business enough of
our own. And isn't It serious enough?
Senator Carter, of Montana, says he
shall vote to seat Quay, because Quay
has been persecuted, was Indicted and
tried, and completely acquitted. Mr.
Carter omitted, however, to say that
Mr. Quay pleaded the statute of limi
tations before the jury and was ac
quitted on that plea, under the Instruc
tion of the court. Evidently Mr. Quay
Is a politician to Mr. Carter's liking;
for Carter was one of the most ven
omous of the opponents of Mr. Corbett,
"The Gold Standard In Japan," by
S. Uchlda, Japanese Consul at New
York, Is the latest Issue of "Sound
Currency," sold at 5 cents a copy by
the Sound Currency Committee, 52
William street. New York City. The
pamphlet is one that should be In the
hands of every one Interested In the
money question. Reference was made
to the subject-matter of the document
in our editorial columns yesterday.
Because the paper trust has put up
the price of printing paper to an un
conscionable figure, Representative De
Vrles, of California, has Introduced a
bill to repeal the duty on printing pa
per and the material of which it Is
made. It is very well; but there are
about forty more big trusts that have
help through protective tariff and
should be dealt with in the same way.
Mr. Simon's reply In the Senate yes
terday to Mr. Carter, of Montana, was
highly effective. Our special report
covers all the leading features of Mr.
Simon's speech. Nothing that has been
spoken In the Senate from Oregon for
years has received so much attention,
here or elsewhere, as this speech will
obtain.
The Oregonlan wishes the two mem
bers of the House from Oregon had
been In that list of Republicans who
voted against the Puerto Rico bill.
And It thinks this wish Is general
throughout Oregon. No discrimination
should be made in legislation against
any population covered by the flag of
the United States.
Isn't Senator "Billy" Mason's resig
nation considerably overdue? He ought
to be satisfied by this time that Con
gress will not condemn the policy of
National expansion. Possibly he has
concluded to forgive Congress and hold
on to his office.
Bad Faith and Bad Politics.
Chicago Inter Ocean.
The Republicans of the House have
gone on record In favor of a separate
tariff for. Puerto Rico. One hundred and
sixty-eight of them voted for the bill, and
six of them against It.
Just what motives Influenced the 1GS it
Is not now necessary to state. Suffice It
to say that. In voting as they did, these
men defied the common sentiment of their
party. For once an Insignificant minor
ity of six members had behind It the al
most unanimous support of the Republi
cans who made William McKlnley Pres
ident. All honor, then, to William Lori
mer of Illinois. C. E. Llttlefield of Maine,
E. D. Crumpacker of Indiana. S. W. Mc
Call of Massachusetts, J. P. Heatwole and
L Fletcher of Minnesota, who, to the last,
stood by their convictions and demanded
constitutional justice for Puerto Rico.
This is a time when sound statesman
ship Is the best politics. It Is no time
for shifty buncombe. Any man who, fall
ing to realize this, attempts to solve the
present problem of expansion by cam
paign trickery. Is not fit to be even a door
keeper in a house of national legislation.
s
How the Arrangement Was Made.
Boston Herald.
February has but 2S days this year, not
withstanding tho fact that the year 1900 is
divisible by 4. Under the ordinary rule,
this would be a leap year, and the month
should have 29 days. The explanation Is
somewhat familiar, but It Is worth re
peating. When Pope Gregory XIII re
formed the Julian calendar, he found that
tho legal year was 10 days behind the solar
year, so he ordered that tho day after
October 3, 15S2, should be October 14. And
to prevent the lesal year getting so far
behind the solar year again, he ordered.
further, that thereafter the centurlal years
Jjwhich could not bo divided by 400 akould
not be leap years. That la, wo borrow
from the future 11 minutes each year for
69 years, and rather more than pay them
back In three centurlal years by having
no leap years, and on the fourth centurlal
year even matters up again by having
a leap year. The borrowing and paying
back, under Pope Gregory's rule, are so
well balanced that there Is an error of one
day In 3223 years; when that period has
elapsed, the legal year will be one day
behind the solar year.
a
LEGAL BARS TO LOQUACITY".
The Limits In. Various States to the
Length of Legislative Sessions.
New York Sun.
What the flv&-minute rule, restricting to
that period the speech of a member of a
deliberative body. Is to parliamentary pro
cedure tho session limit established by
law is to statesmen empowered to adopt
"statutes," "resolves" or 'ordinances," as
they are variously called In the different
states. In a few states New Tork. New
Jersey and Massachusetts which have
not adopted tho biennial system, there Is
no limit fixed for the sessions of the Leg
islature, and as a consequence legislators
meeting In January may protract their de
liberations until July or August, with no
visible benefit to the state and at heavy
expense to tho Individual members, who
receive a staled sum each year $1500 In
New York. $750 In Massachusetts, "and $500
In New Jersey.
In most of tho states, however, a differ
ent plan has been adopted. Legislators
are paid, not by the year, but by various
sums, from $3 a day In Oregon and Kan
sas and among the states having bien
nial legislative sessions, to $8 a day paid
in California. Some of tho smallest states
have the largest Legislatures, and this
Item of expense, therefore, would, if un
restricted, become a considerable burden.
Tho South Carolina Legislature, for In
stance, Is made up of 163 members, whose
pay Is fixed by law at H a day. This Is
$500 a day In salaries alone. Irrespective
of other Items of expense for clerks, mes
sengers, stationery and other expenditures
Incident to sessions of tho Legislature.
The law of South Carolina limits the ses
slon of the statesmen at Columbia to )
days, which foots up $2t5,4GO for salaries
collectively during that period, but a ses
sion of 90 days, which is about the rule In
New York, would bring up the total to
nearly $50,000. a difference of $33,000. which
In a small and frugally managed state like
South Carolina Is an item of considerable
difference.
The Vermont Legislature Is composed of
276 members, and should Its sessions bo
prolonged unduly, the cost to the people
of that economically administered com
monwealth would be heavy. In New Eng
land generally It is not the custom to limit
legislative sessions by statutory enact
ment, but rather by what Is known as
unwritten raw, the law of frugality In
public expenditure, to which legislators.
In a matter relating to their own pay, aro
held rigidly to account. Massachusetts
has no such limit; neither has New Hamp
shire, Maine, Connecticut or "Vermont, but
Rhode Island has established one, and
without it tho expense of legislative ses
sions would be an onerous one (there are
110 members) If Rhode Island paid liber
ally for the services of statesmen which
it does not.
Pennsylvania has no limit on the session
of Its Legislature; neither has Ohio. The
former state compensates Its legislators
at the same rate as New York pays $1500
a year; Ohio pays only $000. Kentucky
limits the legislative session at Frankfort
to CO days; the limit in Tennessee is 25.
There Is no limit In Texas, but In Ar
kansas, where the fund for political elo
quence Is decidedly less, there Is a limit
of CO days. California, Colorado, Mary
land, Minnesota and Virginia are the five
states which fix DO days as the limit, and
as all flvo are states the Legislatures of
which meet biennially, a session of 90 days
Is equivalent to 43 days a year.
West Virginia has a limitation of 45
days, but 45 biennially. Delaware. Flor
ida, Georgia, Louisiana, Montana, Nebras
ka, Nevada, South Dakota, Utah and
Washington have CO-day limits. Missouri
has 70. Alabama has 50. There Is no limit
In Wisconsin. Wyoming's limit Is 40 days,
at the rate of $5 a day for Its legislators,
who are only 57 In number. Long sessions
usually mean many laws. Short sessions
are business-like, and, in the public inter
est, brief.
o
COWARDLY S3LVLLXESS.
The Action of the House on
the
Puerto Rlcan Business.
Louisville Courier-Journal.
Nothing smaller was ever fathered by a
great political party than the Puerto Rlcan
bill, passed by the House of Representa
tives yesterday.
Puerto Rico, by force of arms, has been
taken from Spain and Incorporated In the
territory of the United States, but the
lower branch of the Congress of the
United States says that It shall not have
the protection of the Constitution of the
United States, and that Its products must
be discriminated against by levying upon
them a tariff tax.
A few weeks ago tho President and the
chairman of the ways and means commit
tee said that free trade was the only
policy which should be adopted with ref
erence to the products of Puerto Rico, and
a bill accordingly was drawn up by the
committee chairman. But some Connecti
cut tobacco growers heard of this and
raised an objection. Tho result was that
Instead of free trade a tariff of 25 per
cent of the Dlngley rates was proposed
for Puerto Rico. So vigorously was this
opposed by some of the Republican Con
gressmen that in order to pass the bill the
tariff rate of 25 per cent was scaled to 15
per cent, and the life of the tariff wa3
limited to two years.
Thus the Republicans of the House say
to Puerto Rico: "We take you, whether
you will or not. Into tho United Slates; we
deprive you of your former trade ar
rangements; we deny you the right to
mako your own trade arrangements, and
we place a penalty upon any trade which
you may wish to carry on with the United
States."
And as these great statesmen could not
pass a permanent 25 per cent tariff law,
they compromised on a 13 per cent rate
for two years!
The smallness of the whole proceeding
Is appropriately capped by the section of
the act declaring that It is "intended to
meet a pressing present need for revenue
for the Island of Puerto Rico."
That Is as petty a He as was ever sanc
tioned by a vote In Congress. The act
Is Intended for no such purpose. It Is In
tended to placate a few people In the
United States who fear tnat to allow
Puerto Rico to trade freely In the United
States, of which It Is a part, might take
a few dollars from their own profits.
c
Depew's Brond Vierrs.
New York Times.
The fears dally expressed by Senators of dis
astrous consequences to ourselves from the pro
ductions and Industries of these islands hae
no Justification In the long experience of other
nations. Great Britain has found her best mar
kets in her colonies and no invasion of her in
dustries from them. Tne came Is true of th
crowded.1 highly organized and sensitive Indus
trial Interests of Holland. The people of the
temperate zones govern all tropical countries
outside the Americas. The northern races are
the migrators, the colonizers, the rulers, and
the organizers of the productive energies of the
world. There Is a, closeness and contact be
tween all parts of the lands and peoples which
are under one general government.
Though Great Britain has no greater commer
cial advantages with her colonies than other
and competing countries, yet she furnishes 43
per cent of their imports, and If analyzed to as
to select only tho articles she produces the pro
portion would be greater. The rapid develop
ment of wants and ability to gratify them cre
ated by civilization and stable government wlU
enormously Increase the consumption and pur
chasing power of the inhabitants of our Island
possessions. Senator Depew's speech.
It ougnt to be plain even to that class
of beings whom "Matt" Carpenter de-
j scribed a "bob-tall clam Yankees,' even
to the bob-tail clam. Yankees from the
ttf&acco-growlng ireglens of Connecticut,
that If the new possessions are to be
made worth poaiiessing they must be
come so by Industrial and commercial de
velopment. We cannot build them up by
forbidding them to trade with us and with
the other nations of the earth. Spanish
rulo was more liberal than that,
o
Brief Essay on Mobility.
Baltimore Sun.
President McKlnley's extraordinary
"mobility of character," as a friendly
Oregon newspaper recently described his
ability to accommodate himself to circum
stances, may enable him to sign a bill
directly In conflict with his recommenda
tions to Congress. His "mobility" may,
indeed, be so great that, after 'havings
urged freo trade with Puerto Rico, he pos
sibly Insisted, as reported, upon the Im
position of duties as a party necessity,
under threat of "punishing" Republican
members of Congress who withheld their
approval from the measure. A President
with less "mobility" and more Individu
ality and determination would not hesitate
to veto such an unjustifiable measure.
If not for constitutional reasons, at least
upon the ground of humanity. Is It pos
sible Mr. McKlnley's "mobility" Is such
that. In order to maintain "harmony" In
his party, he will swallow his own con
victions and heap burdens upon a starving
people?
o
Not Acceptable.
New York Herald.
If there were to be a tariff It Is ob
vious that the people could bear It after
two years better than at this time of pros
tration. All pretense of adherence to prin
ciple Is abandoned in this proposition. It
la obviously designed, first, to establish
a precedent, and, second, to placate the
Connecticut tobacco-growers, and their
high protectionist allies In view of the
approaching campaign. High-minded Re
publicans who place principles above par
ty and humanity above, political expedi
ency will refuse to accept any such com
promise with conscience, and with the aid
of Democratic votes should defeat the
bill, and do justice to the Islanders now
held In the bonds of hunger 'under tho
flag of those they greeted as deliverers.
-o
It Wins Admiration.
New York Sun.
Such Is a hasty but fair summary of
the opinions Mr. Olney advances In his
article In the Atlantic Monthly for March.
We aro sure that no one can read It,
no matter whether he agrees with Mr.
Olney or not at every point, without In
creased admiration for the energetic Intel
lect and character of this Interesting
statesman, patriot and expansionist.
o
May Soon Unvc Revolt on Oar Hnnda.
Indianapolis Journal.
The way to make the people prosperous,
happy and loyal to tho United States Gov
ernment Is to untie their hands and give
them free access to our markets. Their
revenue wlU Increase fast enough and
taxes will be paid willingly, whereas, If
we adopt a sordid instead of a just policy
we may soon have another revolt on our
hands.
Morals, Xntionul Honor and Decency.
New Haven Register.
There Is no politics Involved In the reso
lution declaring Puerto Rico entitled to
the political rights and trade privileges of
a territorial form of government. It Is a
question exclusively of public morals, na
tional honor and common decency. It
depends upon Congress whether it shall
later become a political Issue.
Barrine: Sure Winners.
Cleveland Plain Dealer.
"How Is Jack coming on with his grand
International footracing tournament?"
"First-rate now. You see, ho soon found
that ho'd have to alter his prospectus so
it would read, 'Open to all the world
except Filipinos!' After that ho had no
trouble In getting all the entries he could
handle."
a
Just the Man.
Harlem Life.
Mrs. Belgrave (on the Bermuda boat)
Are you one of the stewards?.
Bill Rollng No, marm. I'm cap'n of th'
top.
Mrs. Belgrave How nice! Bring It and
spin It for little Chauncey, won't you?
He's almost bored to death.
Above Party Interest.
New York World.
Upon party grounds, the Democrats
could wish for nothing better than the
imposition of a trust tariff upon the suf
fering and helpless Puerto Ricans. But as
defenders of the Constitution and friends
of freedom they should stand solidly
against this outrage,
a p
The Wrong Side of the Question.
Chicago Inter Ocean.
Puerto Rico belongs to the United States,
and It Is so vastly Important "to our Na
tional future that It should be treated as
part of tho United States that no Con
gressman can afford to publicly record his
voto on the wrong 6lde of this great
American question.
i c
Cannot Be Compromised.
- Philadelphia Ledger.
The Republicans who have opposed this
indefensible measure for principle's sake
cannot advocate It In Its new form. It 's
still un-Republlcan, unconstitutional and
un-American. They cannot agree to any
compromlso which Involves a sacrifice of
honor and justice.
6 p
It Would Be a National Shame.
Keokuk (la.) Gate City.
This" Government Is etrong enough to do
what it will with the Puerto Ricans. They
are helpless In our hands, but to refuse
them the benoflts of this Government, to
deprive them of their own Independence,
and yet refuse to let them have ours, Is a
National shame.
i 8t B
Appreciated Ancestor.
Cleveland Plain Dealer.
"You come of an old family, BIgsby, and
I suppose you have a great deal of respect
for your ancestors?"
"Yes, Indeed. One ot my grandfathers
left me fifty thousand."
o
"L'Angclas" and "La Terre."
Richard Mcnckton MUnes (Lord Houghton).
Against the sunset glow they stand.
Two humblest tollers of the land.
Rugged of speech and rough of hand.
Bowed down by tillage;
No grace of garb or circumstance
Invests them with a high romance.
Ten thousand such through fruitful France,
'In field and village.
The day's slow path from dawn to west
Has left them, soll-bestalaed. distrest.
No thought beyond the nightly rest
New toll tomorrow;
Till solemnly the "Ave" bell
Rings out the sun's departing knell.
Borne by the breeze's rhythmic swell
O'er swath and furrow.
O lowly pair! you dream it not,
Tet on your hard, unlovely lot
That evening gleam of light has shot
A glorious presage;
For prophets oft have yearned, and kings
Have yearned In vain to know the things
"Which to your simple spirits brings
That curfew message.
Turn to the written page, and read
In other strain the peasant's creed,
"With sa.tyr love and vampire greed
How hearts are tainted.
Bead to the end unmoved who can.
Read how the primal curse on man
May shape a fouler Caliban
Than poot painted.
And this Is Nature! Be it so:
It needs a master's hand to show
How through the man the brute may grow
By hell's own leaven;
We blame you not; enough for us
Those two lone figures bending thus,
For whom thai far-off Angtlus
Speaks hope and b;avi.
NOTE AND COMMENT. H,
Kentucklan3 are arming as actively as'
If they had just held a peace conference.
All who sow the wind do not reap the
whirlwind. Bryan will undoubtedly reap t
a frost.
Perhaps the Senate will allow Clark, as
a badge of his wealth, to write X beforo
his title,
Joubert needs a hair-cut so badly that
he will probably be gratified to learn that
he Is next.
It Is not to bo wondered at that the
gontlemen from Montana are spoken of
as silver Senators.
They are having a white March In tha
East, and yet no one has accused it of
coming In like a lamb.
Brlgham H. Roberts has three wives,
but It Is to his credit that none ot them
are of the post mortem variety.
If the Yaquis will ask and heed the ad
vice of Agulnaldo. It Is not likely that
they will invade Undo Sam's territory.'
A press dispatch say3 that the Boera
front covers IS miles. What a race of
commercial travelers they will make whea
they aro conquered!
People who live on the New England
Coast like to use ocean driftwood as fuel
In an open fireplace. It Is Impregnated
with copper and ocean salts, and when
burned gives out the most brilliant-colored
flames. It is asserted that a New
Bedford dealer has orders for tho wood
zrom all parts of tho country, and even
from Europe, and ships hundreds of bar
rels of It yearly. Various attempts have
been made, to imitate this wood by arti
ficial process, but without success. Long
submersion in the sea water is necessary
to produco the brilliant flames.
A commercial traveler In tho agricul
tural Implement line, who has just made a
tour of tho Willamette Valley, reports
the farmers generally as very much dis
couraged. They can get only a low price
for their wheat, and complain that the
prlco of about everything they have to
buy, notably harvesting machinery and
agricultural Implements of all kinds, la
unreasonably high. They attribute the
high prices to tho trusts and the protect
ive tariff, which work together for the
benefit of manufacturer and the ruin
of the farmer, who gets r.o protection, and
when they have a chance their votes will
express their Ideas on this combination.
Major Ford H. Rogers, of Detroit, says
that the late General Clinton B. Fisk
was once addresslnr a Sunday school
convention. One of the speaker
had reminded tho children that It was
Washington's birthday. "Children," said
General Fisk, "you all know that Wash
ington was a general. Perhaps you know
that I am also a general. Now, can any
one tell what was the difference between
General Washington and myself?" "I
know, sir," piped a small boy In the back
part of the room. "Well, what was tho
difference?" said General Fisk, smiling
at the lad's eagen;S3. ''George Wash
ington couldn't tell a lie, sir," cried the
boy In exultant tones. Shouts of laughter
followed, in which the General joined
heartily.
The New York Commercial denounces
what it calls "the arrogance" with which
the Bell Telephone Company "treats every
suggestion that a reduction of rates is In
order." Instances are cited of low rate3
In small cities where the business Is much
less profitable than It is In New York. In
Jacksonville, Fla., a company serves 7SG
patrons, the charge for business-houses
being, only $20, while for dwellings it is
but $20. This is because of competition.
Four years ago the rates were $6S and $43,
but there was then only one company In
Jacksonville. "Here in New York." it Is
added, "It could not only hold its present
patronage, but could secure hundreds ot
additional subscribers by simply accepting
the inevitable. Does the Bell Telephone
Company believe that It can act as inde
pendently today as It did when all its
patents were new and it enjoyed a mo
nopoly hedged about by law?"
Wheelmen who reside on the west side
of tho river have observed with some con
cern that all of tho bicycle-tax money In
the hands of the County Commissioners
has been expended In tho construction of
paths on the East Side. While admitting
that the face of nature on that side of tho
river lo better adapted to wheeling than
that on the West Side, they point out that
tho St. Helens road offers one of the most
beautiful and available sites for a bicycle
path around Portland, and they are anx
ious that the commissioners do not over
look It this year. The road haa been nowly
graded, and is In excellent condition for
a path, whllo its course along the river fur
nishes It with a 6tock of scenic beauties
which are found on no other road in tho
vicinity of Portland. The ride to Llnnton,
thence across the river by rowboat-ferry
and home via St. Johns Is one of tho
most pleasant Imaginable, but cannot bo
enjoyed except when tho roads are in tha
pink of condition, which is about threo
weeks in the year. With a path down tho
St. Helens road. It would be possible to
mako this trip whenever a fine day Is
sandwiched in among the showers, and
without regard to the oust that follows
every three days of fine weather. It Is to
bo hoped that the Commissioners may bear
this route in mind this summer and de
voto to It a part of the money contributed
by wheelmen, more of whom reside on
the West Side than acrocfl the river.
Tho Washington correspondent of tho
New York Tribune writes that "Private"
John Allen, of Mississippi, Is no longer
the funny man of the House of Repre
sentatives. The speeches he has made at
this Eesslon of Congress have contained no
humor, but have been as serious as a book
of statistics. Not very long ago Mr. Allen
was a candidate for the United States Sen
ate He made a brilliant canvass of his
state and for four months delighted
throngs of Mtosisslpplans with his genial
humor and nimble wit. But when the
time came for the people of Mississippi to
make known their wishes In regard to the
Senatorship they selected a man not ad
dicted to humor. Defeat was a great dis
appointment to Mr. Allen, and, bearing In
mind the experience of the once famous
Proctor Knott, it Is said he has determined
to keep a curb upon Ms wit and to speak
most seriously when he feels meat humor
ous. A funny speech which attracted at
tention throughout the country is reputed
to have been the undoing of Proctor Knott.
Ever since he delivered his panegyric upon
Duluth 25 years ago, he has been strug
gling with political adversity. It Is a pity
that eo genial and genuine a humorist as
"Private" John Allen should be trans
fermed Into a "serious person." Wit and
Tiumor should not disqualify a man for
high station. A statesman can be useful
and respected, and still crack joke3 on oc-.
caslon. Abraham Lincoln wao not always
serious and Zebulon B. Vance wa3 "ex
cruciatingly funny" when the spirit moved
Ihim,